Page TWO
THE PILOT—Southern Pines, North Carolina
The Cheshire Cat Looks On, And Grins ...
Southern Pines
North Carolina
“In taking over The Pilot no changes are contemplated. We will try to keep this a good
paper. We will try to make a little money tor all concerned. Wherever there seems to be
an occasion to use our influence for the p iblic good we will try to do it. And we will
treat everybody alike.” — James Boyd, May 113, 1941.
RICHARDSON PREYER SHOULD BE THE DEMOCRATIC
NOMINEE FOR GOVERNOR. EDITORIAL, FRONT PAGE.
Taking The Bloom Off The Pool
For us, the bloom was somewhat taken
off the long-awaited opening of the new
municipal swimming pool in West South
ern Pines last week by discovery that
there is a 25-cents daily admission fee
for youngsters 14 years of age and under
and a 50-cents fee for anyone 15 and
above.
For any family, anywhere—especially
those with several children who want to
go swimming—such fees mount up to
a formidable item. In a generally low-
income area such as West Southern Pines,
the impact is multiplied. There must be
many children there who could swim
very seldom, if at all, under those cir
cumstances.
The high operating expenses of the
pool—the main reason for the fees—are
detailed in a news story in today’s Pilot.
It is customary at many municipal pools
elsewhere to impose fees, helping ease the
demands of the pool on the municipal
budget. Yet it does seem that the West
Southern Pines charges are far out of
line with the capabilities of the commun
ity it serves.
"We hope that the town manager and
the council will study this matter care
fully and find a way to eliminate or re
duce the fees, if not this year, at least in
future towin budgets. Perhaps, if the
town can’t immediately lower the charg
es, civic clubs, church groups and in
dividuals can set up a fund that would
enable children in families on public wel
fare or otherwise hard-pressed to use the
pool occasionally.
No municipal facility, built with bond
funds voted by the people of the whole
town, should become in any way exclus
ive. For our part, we’d rather pay our
small share of the pool’s expenses, as
apportioned out over the town’s taxpay
ers, than know, every day, that there is
yearning and heartache in West Southern
Pines—of children who want to use the
pool and of parents who haven’t the
money to give them for this purpose.
The Klan and Dan
'There are those who say that Dan K.
Moore can’t help it if the Grand Dragon
of the North Carolina Ku Klux Klan en
dorses him, but the “middle of the road”
gubernatorial candidate whose course has
taken such violent zig-zags still can’t
erase from the record the fact that it
was he who loosed the furies of race in
this campaign when, a week before the
first primary, he called Richardson Prey-
er the “NAACP and CORE sponsored
candidate”—-and again, two days after
he ran second to Preyer in the first pri
mary, when he hysterically attributed
“a major part of his (Preyer’s) entire vote
to the bloc Negro vote in North Car
olina.”
That’s the kind of talk that brought
the Ku Klux Klan to his side and en
couraged speakers at-Klan rallies to fan
hate for Richardson Preyer along with
the Catholics, Jews, Negroes and Com
munists who are their customary whip
ping boys.
Dan Moore may never directly have
asked for support from the Klan—but
he’s got it. And by introducing race into
the campaign, he did in fact invite that
support—in a way the Klan understands
best: through vicious innuendo and fo
menting of suspicion, by his ridiculous
post-primary allegations.
The Klan, basking in the illusion that
it is riding high because it is sharing a
corner of the spotlight in the guberna
torial campaign, (who cares what the
Grand Dragon thinks, any other time?)
got its comeuppance early this week
from Governor Sanford who calmly
pointed out the laws of 1953 which ring
the Klan around with as neat a set of
controls as could be devised.
“Taking the law into their hands, run
ning people away, burning crosses,
making threats, wearing hoods, are all
illegal practices and are not going to be
permitted,” stated the Governor. The
vast majority of North Carolinians stand
behind him and agree.
.And let Tar Heels not forget, as they
go to the polls Saturday, that the Klan
is going to vote for Dan Moore.
Since the North Carolina Symphony
was organized and started touring the
state, the orchestra has travelled the
amazing distance of 145,658 miles.
The whole thing got its start under the
late Lamar Stringfield’s highly talented
spirit, with the regular tours starting in
1946, under the direction of his successor.
Dr. Benjamin Swalin. Since that start, a
unique list of “records” has been achiev
ed. Think of these facts: During the 19
consecutive yearly tours, 2,428,521 chil
dren have attended 1,293 admission-free
concerts. For these educational programs
177 different works have been played by
the orchestra and studied by the children
with their teachers: Fifty-five songs, new
and old, have been learned and sung by
the children, many of whom have also
taken part in the actual music with their
small handmade instruments. Others
made delightful posters for the concerts,
illustrative of the music itself. Further
more, 45 young musicians of talent, under
18 years old, have been heard through the
auditions and many of them have played
or sung as solists with the orchestra.
It turns out that Governor Terry San
ford was the principal speaker in Detroit
Saturday at a gathering there of the
directors of a large unmber of the second
rank orchestras of the country. These
were on the level just below the large
symphonies of New York, San Francisco,
Music Is Good Publicity
Philadelphia etc. Dr. Swalin also attend
ed and, according to his description, it
was a lively, keenly interested crowd who
listened intently to the Governor’s words.
Governor Sanford checked over the
various musical projects which his ad
ministration has supported, and in some
cases started, but the one he talked about
most and seemed most proud of was the
N. C. Symphony. He had the facts at
his fingertips and there was much shak
ing of heads in astonishment as he told
about the extraordinary tours, with their
delightful children’s concerts, as well as
the fine programs presented in the eve
ning concerts for adults.
This is wonderful publicity for our
state. Some of the people who listened to
Governor Sanford may well have read
about the Madison County election scan
dal and wondered a bit about North
Carolina. The story of the Symphony, the
first orchestra subsidized by a state,
makes a refreshing contrast that will,
surely, be remembered long after Madi
son County and its all too spectacular
mess fades away. With people such as Go
vernor Sanford and Benjamin Swalin in
charge of things, the reputation of the
state from a cultural standpoint is in safe
hands.
It is a healthy and reassuring condition
when the development of the arts and
education keeps pace with progress in
the economic field.
Gov. Wallace: The Pretender
Try as hard as we can, we can’t make
sense of Gov. Wallace of Alabama and
others like him who insist on living in
a make-believe world, those who keep on
pretending:
—That there is no Civil Rights bill—
or, if it be admitted that it exists and
will become law, that they have no re
sponsibility in enforcing it.
—That the Democratic Party can be
all things to all men and that a minority
at wide variance with the platform and
policies of the Party—national and inter
national—can still be considered legiti
mate spokesmen for the Party.
—That the Negro’s drive for first-class
citizenship is a Mnd of passing fancy or
agitator’s brainstorm, rather than a major
social revolution rooted in the basic
principles of the nation and watched,
with profound consequences, by the
ADLAI STEVENSON LOOKS TOWARD FUTURE
Audacious Dream Of Dynamic Order
whole world.
—That “states rights” are not violated
when the federal government hands out
to states millions in welfare paymfents,
farm subsidies, flood control projects and
the like, but are violated when the fed
eral government acts on problems of
education, voting, job opportunity and
other civil rights.
Not the least of Gov. Wallace’s pretend
ings is that any service can be done to
the Democratic party or to the nation by
invading state after state—as he has just
come to North Carolina—^stirring up raci
al animosity and ignorant extremism and
prejudice, fanning false hopes that by
maneuvering his name onto the Novem
ber election ballots, he can control
enough electoral votes to let him pick
the next occupant of the White House—
on his terms.
Following are excerpts
from, the Dag Hammarskjold
Memorial Lecture delivered
at Princeton University in
March by Adlai E. Stevenson,
U. S. Ambassador to the
United Nations.
Mr. Stevenson, brother of
Mrs. Ernest L. Ives of South
ern Pines, has long been a
friend of the Sandhills and of
The Pilot.
. . . The world is a very differ
ent world from that which existed
when Dag Hammarskjold went
down to his death in that cruel
crash in Africa two and a half
years ago. We therefore will be
wise to tailor our thinking about
the role of the United Nations he
served so well, not to his world
of 1961 but to ours of 1964.
The differences are numerous,
and significant, considering that
ours is:
—A world which is no longer bi
polar but in which multiple cen
ters of power and influence have
come into being.
—A world which at long last is
approaching the end of the his
toric struggle for military superi
ority—by acquiring absolute mili
tary power.
—A world in which the myth of
monolithic blocs is giving way to
a bewildering diversity among
nations;
—A world in which realities are
eroding the once rigid political
dogmas.
—A world in which not only
imperialism but paternalism is
dying.
—A world in which old trading
systems, monetary systems, mar
ket systems, and other elements
of the conventional wisdom are
being challenged and changed.
—A world which at once makes
breath-taking new discoveries
and is crippled by ancient feuds
—which is both fabulously rich
and desperately poor—which is
making more progress than ever
before and seeing much of it
wiped out by an explosive popu
lation growth.
—And finally, a world in which
fundamental issues of human
rights—which have been hidden
in closets down the long corridor
of history—are out in the open
and high on the agenda of human
affairs. . .
Containment Policy
We can, as I say, be proud of
our performance under the Con
tainment policy. As unquestioned
leader of an alliance constantly
threatened by external military
pressure, we had to confront force
with force: until the tanks faced
each other, gun barrel to gun bar
rel, along Friedrichstrasse in Ber
lin—until the Korean invaders
had been thrown back across the
38th Parallel—^until the Navy
drew an armored noose around
Soviet missile sites in Cuba—and
until, at long last, Soviet leaders
became convinced that free men
will answer steel with steel. And
during this whole period the posi
tions and actions taken by our
government to contain aggression
had broad public understanding
and support.
In a sense the policy of Con
tainment was too easy to under
stand. It tended to reinforce a
simplistic view of a black-and-
white world peopled by Good
Guys and Bad Guys; it tended to
induce a fixation on military
borders to the exclusion of other
things; and it tended to hide deep
trends and radical changes which
even then were restructuring the
world.
A New Trend
And, of course, being a reaction
to Soviet communist aggressive
ness, Containment necessarily had
a negative and static ring, par
tially obscuring the positive and
progressive purposes of U. S. pol
icies: in support of the United Na
tions, of regional unity in Europe
and elsewhere, and of economic
and social growth throughout
most of the world where poverty
was a centuries-old way of life.
I would suggest that we have
begun to move beyond the policy
of containment; that the central
trend of our times is the emer
gence of what, for lack of a bet
ter label, might be called a policy
of Cease-Fire and Peaceful
Change. Furthermore, we may be
approaching something close to a
world consensus on such a policy.
No analogy is ever perfect, but .
if the policy of Containment
stands for “limited war,” then the
policy of Cease-Fire perhaps
stands for “limited peace.” I be
lieve this mutation is occurring
simply because the H-bomb has
made even “limited” war too dan
gerous.
Cease-Fire and Peaceful Change
may strike some as a curious way
to describe a period so jammed by
violence, by disorder, by quarrels
among the nations—an era so
lacking in law and order. But I do
not speak wistfully; I speak from
the record.
Special Mark
It is precisely the fact that so
much violence and so many quar
rels have not led to war that puts
a special mark on our times. . .
Finally, if we are going to get
the nuclear genii back in the bot
tle and keep it there, we shall
have to improve our techniques
for arriving at basic solutions to
problems which remain even
when a cease-fire is in effect.
I referred earlier to the point
that the doctrine of containment
was essentially a negative and
static concept —as it iiad to be
for its purpose. But a simple
cease-fire is static, too; it is a re
turn to the status quo ante. And
that is not good enough for a
world in which the only question
is whether change will be violent
OPENLY DIVIDED
“. . . Khreuhehev no longer
presides in undisputed control
over the world communist move
ment . . . Not only is it openly
divided', but several of the big
and nominally loyal parties are
advocating ‘polycenterism’ and
local autonomy ...”
-JOSEPH C. HARSCH
or peaceful. . . because change is
inevitable. ■ ,
The world has known periods
of relative peace and order be
fore. Always the order was assur
ed by a system designed to pre
serve the status quo. And this is
precisely why the system of order
broke down—because the status
quo is indefensible in the long
run.
To Manage Change
What the world needs is a dy
namic system of order—a system
capable of bringing about not just
a precarious halt to hostilities,
but a curative resolution of the
roots of hostility. This is to say
that a dynamic system of order
must be one which helps parties
to a dispute to break out of rigid
stalemates—to adapt to new times
—to manage and absorb needed
change.
As in the days of the Founding
Fathers, even the faintest possi
bility of achieving such an order
depends upon our steadfast faith.
In their day, too, democracy in an
age of monarchs and freedom in
an age of empire seemed the most
remote of pipe-dreams. Today,
too, the death of a world which
repeats at the international level
the solid achievements—of law
and welfare—of our domestic so
ciety must seem audacious to the
point of insanity, save for the
grim fact that survival itself is in
conceivable on any other terms.
The Challenge
And once again we in America
are challenged to hold fast to our
audacious dream. If we revert to
crude nationalism and separatism,
every present organ of interna
tional collaboration will collapse.
If we turn in upon ourselves, al
low Our self-styled patriots to en
tice us into the supposed security
of an impossible isolation, we
shall be back in the jungle of
rampart nationalisms and baleful
ambitions and irreconcilable con
flicts which twice in this century
have sent millions to their death,
and next time would send every
body.
I believe, therefore, that at this
time the only sane policy for
America lies in the patient, un
spectacular search for the inter
ests which unite the nations; for
institutions which transcend rival
national interests; for the inter
national instruments of law and
security; for the strengthening of
what we have already built in
side and outside the United Na
tions; for the elaboration of the
further needs and institutions of
a changing world for a stable so
ciety, If we in America do not
carry these burdens, no one else
will.
'Let Us Work'
We have called this land the
“last best hope” of man—but
“last” now has overtones of dis
aster which we would do well to
heed. With Churchill, I can say
that “I do not believe that God
has despaired of His children.”
But I would say also, in the
words of the Scriptures: “Let us
work while it is yet day.”
Their Money's Worth
The N. C. Symphony in its
travels about the state has to
put up with all sorts of situa
tions and conditions. The dif
ferent accoustics encountered
in the wide variety of concert
halls and gyms is one of their
most trying obstacles. On this
last trip they rejoiced to find
that one particular town had
finally gotten around to build
ing a new hall.
“But,” commented Mrs. Swalin,
at the recent annual meeting of
the society, “the people always
got their full money’s worth in
the old one. In fact, they heard
every tone twice.”
Bird Troubles On The Feeder
There is a population explosion
among the birds. For the first
time we can remember, parents
are bringing the young birds to
eat at the feeder. Three pairs and
their young are monopolizing the
table with its scattering of bird
seed. A pair of thrashers and
young; a pair of towhees and
young, and the titmouse family
group.
The latter are the best be
haved, arriving light as down,
picking up a seed, flitting off
again to eat it in private; maybe
their children are older and' that’s
why they are more orderly and
competent. It’s the bigger birds
who make the fuss.
Both pairs have two youngsters,
or else they only bring two at a
time. They make a real mess of
things. The parents rush about
followed close by the two awk
ward unattractive greedy chil
dren, who flutter their wings
madly at their parents and, at
the slightest pause, sit down and
open their mouths so wide they
could swallow a whale. They do
nearly swallow their parents’
heads as they thrust their long
beaks way down into the child’s
interior. All the while a disagree
able, greedy chirring accompan
ies the wing-fluttering. The chil
dren sit on top of the seeds,
I spill them off the table, get into
tantrums, push each other. They
are obviously spoiled children.
Every now and then the parents
get sick of the whole thing and
then—watch! The big birds turn,
dash to the edge of the table and
drop out of sight. The children
are aghast, they rush to the brink
and peer over desperately. Noth
ing. They crane out perilously to
look into the nearby shrubbery.
Nothing. Then they set up such
a screeching as you never imagin
ed. Poor babies, abandoned by
their cruel parents . . . “you just
wait: you’ll be sorry one of these
days, leaving us all alone this
way: . . . screeeech, screeeech . . !
Oh, there you are. Come back
again. Well now, let’s have some
more food. Mom and Dad.”
“Say please first” Dad says but
Mom says: “Oh you poor little
darlings; here’s a great big sun
flower seed for each one.”
On the Dotted Line
The employees of a plant were
trying to organize a system of
group insurance. Everybody came
in except one man. They argued
and argued with him, but no
soap. He couldn’t be budged.
They were stymied', it seemed;
application had to be 100 percent.
They went to the man again: still
he shook his head. At that, the
committee chairman lost his tem
per:
“Look here, you stupid idiot,”
he said, “if you don’t come in on
this scheme be dogged if I don’t
take you out and beat the living
daylights—”
“Okay, okay,” said the man.
“Give me the pen: I’ll sign.”
As he scrawled his name, the
chairman sighed. “'Why didn’t you
sign before, feller?”
“Cause,” said the man, “when
they told me to sign before no
body told me nuthin’ about it.”
THE PILOT
Published Every Thursday by
THE PILOT. Incorporated
Southern Pines. North Carolina
1941—JAMES BOYD—1944
Katharine Boyd Editor
C. Benedict Associate Editor
Dan S. Ray
C. G. Council
Bessie C. Smith
Mary Scott Newton
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Gen. Mgr.
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