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HALIFAX, JV. ft FRIDAY, JUjYE 4, 1824.
POX. J.
THE "FREE PRESS,"
By George Howard,
Is published every Friday, at
THREE DOLLARS per year,
consisting of 52 numbers, and in the
same proportion for a shorter pe
riod. Subscribers at liberty to dis
continue at any time, on paying ar
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'cuts per square, or less, for the
first insertion, and twenty-five cents
rach continuance.
Letters addressed to the Editor
7CM st b e fi o st ji a id.
COMMUXICA TIOXS.
To the Editor of the FreePress.
Sir,: I discover in your last
(Sth) paper an attack upon Mr.
CRAWFORD, under the signa
ture of "Numa."- Will you
be so good as to publish the
piece, in the enclosed paper,
(National Intelligencer, Dec.
23, 1S23,) in reply to the Rhode
Island American. I think it
goes fully to shew the claims of
Mr. Crawford to the .Presi
dency. Mr. Crawford may be, and no
doubt is, possessed of some quali
ties, natural and acquired, which
would be capable of beneficial ex
ertion, in the exalted station for
which he is a competitor. The
same admission may be made as to
thousand of our citizens, who in the
most fantastic dreams of ambition,
never yet aspired to the Chief Ma
gistracy of the United States. A
man truly worthy of the first office
in the gift of the American people,
should possess some positive re
commendation to their favor. What
are the pretensions of Mr. Craw
ford? He has been long before his
countrymen, and has reached that
period of life, when, according to
prevalent notions, a man is suppo
sed to possess the most ripened and
energetic powers. In what display
of senatorial eloquence or wisdom,
in what trial of diplomatic learning
and skill, in what official record of
financial ability, are the American
people to look for the proof of those
powerful . and versatile talents,
which Mr. C. is alleged by his par
tizans to possess? He has dischar
ged various offices, and he now oc
cupies an elevated post in the go
vernment. This, we grant, is a
proof that he is not without talents
but does it establish his claims to
the Presidency? Is elevation al
ways the reward of talents and vir
tues, unsupported by adventitious
and other circumstances, of the in
fluence of which in deciding the
destinies of political men, Vc are
daily presented with the most mor
tifying examples? Notwithstand
ing Mr. Crawford has been so long
"n'thc stage of action, with oppor
tunities of exhibiting himself to ad
jutage in the various walks of a
Statesman, the interrogatory is still
current in every section of the Re
public, What has he either said or
done, to entitle him to the illustri
ous honor which is now claimed for
him at the hands of his country-;
rtiCn? Rhode-Island American.
There is so much injustice
clone to the character of Mr.
Crawford, by articles like the
above, the substance of which,
in different shapes, has of late
frequently met our eyes, that
vvc should be wanting, even in
common candor, were we long
er to remain silent observers of
it. We are the less reluctant
to break silence upon it, seeing
that Mr. Crawford continues to
be the mark at which the friends
of the other candidates for the
Presidency have drawn their
sharpest arrows, and that he is
the only candidate for the Pre
sidency whose various merits
have not been portrayed to the
world in all the attractive hues
of fancy, as well as the more
sober and subdued tints of truth.
Far be it from us to depreciate
the real merits and acknowled
ged qualifications of either: of
the other candidates lor the
highest office in the govern
ment, or to question their claims
to public favor. One only of
them can gam tnc prize; out n
is honor enough for any man to
be publicly regarded as a fair
candidate for the highest mark
of confidence that ten millions
of freemen can give. Of that
honor, we rejoice that so many
among us are considered wor
thy. It is our opinion, that no man
ought to be placed at the head
of this nation, to elevate whom
it is necessary to depress or de
grade other competitors. It is
for this reason, and because we
consider the reputation of our
great men as public property,
that we avoid any thing that
shall have even the appearance
of derogating from it.
'What," says the article be
fore us, "are the pretensions of
Mr. Crawford?" This inquiry,
wherever made, argues an igno
rance, on the part of the querist,
of the incidents of the most in
teresting period of the history
of his country. Nor is this sur
prising, when we look at the
youthful age of some of those
who most pertinaciously repeat
this note, and at the fact that
others of them have arrived in
our country too recently to be
expected to know much of its
political history, or of the merits
of our public men. In making
this remark, of course we con
sider queries of this description
not as indirect expressions of
falsehood, but as the expres
sions of an honest desire for the
information which they ask for.
With as much directness and
accuracy as a rapid pen and an
indifferent memory will allow,
we will endeavor to impart it to
them.
From the first entry of Wil
liam H. Crawford into pub
lic life, we have been near and
close observers of his public ca
reer; and for some twelve years
past we have considered him as
a man marked out by Nature for
eminence among a free people.
Scarcely had he set his foot
in the Senate of the United
States, in December, 1807, be
ing his first appearance in the
General Government, when he
distinguished himself by the ac
tive and manly part which he
took in its deliberations by
"Senatorial eloquence" and Se
natorial "wisdom" too. The
display of these gifts, with the
qualities of stern integrity and
fearless independence which are
prevailing ingredients in his
character, commanded the re
spect and conciliated the confi
dence of the august body of
which he was a member. It
was not a single flowery speech,
a popular proposition, or a blind
devotion to party, but a succes
sion of evidences of the strength
of his mind, the solidity of his
judgment, and the propriety of
his personal deportment, that se
cured for him a character, which
no man who was then in the
councils of his country, or had
an opportunity of watching
them, will pretend to deny. If
Suhfiressio veri est exfiressio
falsi, as a venerable member of the
last Dongress was wont to say.
these traits of him have faded
in the memory of some, or are
new to others, it is because for
the last nine or ten years (a
third of the usual term of the
life of man) he has been seclu
ded from the view of his fellow
citizens in the chambers of the
Executive offices, where he has
labored in the public service
with unostentatious zeal and un
tiring assiduity. Of the esteem
in which he was held by his
compeers in the Senate of the
United States, a decisive evi
dence was afforded by his being
selected to preside over the Se
nate in the year of the war, a
few months before its declara
tion, when the Vice-President,
as is usual before the close of
every session, had retired for
the purpose of allowing a tem
porary President to be chosen.
This is an honor never incon
siderately or lightly bestowed.
It never has been bestowed, we
believe, except in the case of
Mr. Crawford, on a man as
young as he then was, and the
selection was an incontestible
tribute to unquestioned merit.
As far as the mere honor goes,
the chair of President of the
Senate, and that of Speaker of
the House of Representatives,
are almost as enviable stations
as that of President of the Uni
ted States. To be held in high
esteem by those who are thenr-
seives most esteemeu among
the people, is an object worthy
ot the ambition of a Republican.
We shall not now burthen
our columns with quotations
irom the Speeches of Mr.
Crawford at this period of his
life. His reputation does not
rest upon the turn of a period,
or a figure of speech, nor can it
lall by one. It soars above
such tests. But, if those who
are curious in these matters will
consult the files of the National
Intelligencer from 1808 to 1812,
inclusive, they may find some
of his Speeches reported which
did great honor to him at that
time, and may be read with
pleasure and improvement now,
as examples at once of deep re
flection, vigorous thought, and
spirit-stirring eloquence.
Mr. C. was in Congress at the
critical and momentous periods
of the embargo and the war of
1812. His enemies have ob
jected to him that he was oppo
sed to the hrst, and was not a
mong the most hasty to embark
in the latter, firmness, not
rashness, is the distinguishing
cnaractenstics oi iUr, Urawtord.
Although he voted against the
Embargo, because he thought
me necessary time tor delibera
tion upon it was was refused,
yet, when the Embargo was
laid, he gave it his most efficient
aid. Wc wrell remember the
indignant strain in which he de
nounced its violators, and the
energy with which he supported
the measures for its enforce
ment. Of the war he was one
of the firmest supporters. He
completely identified himself
with the cause of his country,
by his zeal and enthusiasm in
The greatest share of the con
scientious opposition to Mr. Craw
ford, at this day, is attributable to
a hasty phrase at the close of a Re
port, made by him to Congress, on
the subject of the condition of the
Indians, which has been twisted, by
hypercritics, into every meaning
but that which was iniended.
its behalf; Of this, were such
matter tit tor the newspapers, we
recollect at this moment several
proofs, being incidents not in
the Halls of Congress, but in the
private walks of life, where en
thusiasm has greater play than
in grave legislative assemblies.
It was about this time that, on
the Department of War becom
ing vacant by the resignation of
Mr. Eustis, the situation of Se
cretary of War was offered to
Mr. Crawford by the President.
This offer Mr. C. declined to
accept, on the ground that the
business of that office in time of
war required an acquaintance
with military affairs which he
did not possess, and he could
not consent to jeopardize the
public safety by taking upon
himself the discharge of duties
for which he felt that he was
not qualified. Being, as we
heard in the time of these occur
rences, further urged, be pe
remptorily declined the office,
on the same ground, adding,
however, that, to shew his at
tachment to the public cause,
and to the administration of Mr.
Madison, there was no other du
ty to which he could be called,"
that he was not called to under
take, where his services should
be thought useful. Shortly af
terwards, the mission to France
became vacant, by the death of
that revolutionary whig and
consistent patriot Joel Barlow.
It was necessary, at that crisis,
to send to Europe some citizen,
eminent in the national councils,
who would truly, faithfully, and
undauntedly represent the Ame
rican character and interests in
France, then the theatre of great
events. This trust Mr. Madi
son, devolved on Mr. Crawford,
who, after what had passed,
could not, if he would, have de
clined the acceptance of this se
cond appeal from that virtuous
and upright man. A more dis
tinguished proof could hardly
be afforded of the estimation in
which Mr. C. was held by the
first men and the purest politi
cians of the country, at that day,
than these repeated marks of
the confidence in him with
which his public course had in
spired Mr. Madison.5
In the spring of 1813, if we
are right, Mr. Crawford, sepa
rating himself from his family
and domestic concerns, and en
countering the risk of capture
by the enemy, passed over to
Paris, and there remained in the
capacity of Minister of the Uni
ted States, until after the termi
nation of the war and the resto
ration of the Bourbons, when he
returned to his country, bring
ing with him, as we have read,
the respect and esteem of all
who knew him there, but parti
cularly of La Fayette, the al
most only remaining republican
of France.
Never having enjoyed the ad
vantage of intimacy with Mr.
Crawford- our knowledge ot
him being chiefly confined to
his public course we cannot
say what were his views in re
signing his foreisrn mission. If
his objeet was, as we believe it
to have been, besides re-uniting
himself to his family, to return
to the profession, the pursuit of
which had been interrupted, to
the injury of his private fortune,
by his public engagements, he
was diverted from it by an invi-
tation from 3Vlr. Madison to
ter his cabinet, as the successor
en-
ot Mr. Dallas, in the Depart
ment of War. Of his condnrt
in this station we never hea,rd
any thing but what was to his
credit. He was the author of
many measures for reforming
me anuses wnicn in ume oi war
had crept into the military ser
vice, and for giving efficiency
and character to the Army,
which had then just been redu
ced to a peace establishment.
The promptitude and decision
of his character here found am
ple scope.
In the next year, Mr. Madi
son, having his confidence in
Mr. Crawford increased by a
nearer view of him, appointed
him to the Treasury Depart
ment, when that office became
vacant. For presiding over this
Department, Mr. Crawford was
particularly qualified by his
strict notions of right, and his
tenacity in adhering to them.
If he has a fault as a public
man, it is, perhaps, the carrying
these principles too far. It was
by his agency, principally, with
the co-operation of Mr. Monroe
and the other cabinet officers,
that the Accounting Offices were
re-modelled, to give them that
efficiency which they now pos
sess. The office of Secretary of
the Treasury, in a settled go
vernment, in time of peace, af
fords little opportunity for dis
play. Not like the field which
is opened by the establishment
of a new and untried system of
government, in which a Hamil
ton gathered renown, or that of
national embarrassment and
temporary insolvency, where a
Dallas earned the admiration of
all who knew his situation, and
saw his almost incredible exer
tion of talent and industry the
administration of the Treasury
in time of peace is necessarily
almost entirely barren of inci
dent and attraction: it presents
a dry routine of duties, which,
however necessary to be per
formed, do not, when best exe
cuted, afford eclat, or elicit po
pular applause. A few reports,
however, on general subjects,
Mr. C. has had an opportunity
of making since he has been in
the Treasury Department, and
those reports, as well as such of
his official letters as we have
seen, are characterized by the
same strength of mind and ori
ginality of thought which are to
be found in his reported Speech
es in Congress.
When we say that Mr. Craw
ford was, in 1816, the only per
son thought worthy to compete
with Mr. Monroe as a candidate
for the Presidency; that, tho
We have not dwelt upon the
magnanimity displayed by Mr.
Crawford at that time, in with
drawing from competition with the
last of the Revolutionary Worthies,
but cannot help quoting from our
files, to refresh the memo nfnnr
readers, the language of Mr. C. on
that occasion, as statrd hv th Imp
lamented Mr. Bibb, thro' the me
dium of the National Intelli fencer:
"In consequence of repeated in
quiries whether Mr. Crawford was
to be considered among the compe
titors, accompanied with a desire
that his views should be ascertain
ed, I communicated to him win;
had passed. He replied, without
reserve, that he did not consider
himself anions- the number of tAnxr
from whom the selection ought to
oe maae, anu mat uc was unwilling
to be held up as a competitor for
that office.