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Free press. (Halifax, N.C.) 1824-1830, July 02, 1824, Image 1

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crKN) fOTCS TTT(3r3 HALIFAX, JV. C. FRIDAY, JULY 2, 1324. F0. J. THE "FREE PRESS," By George Howard, Is published every Friday, at THREE IJULliAKo per year, consisting of 52 numbers, and m the .imc proportion for a shorter pe riod. Subscribers at liberty to dis continue at any time, on paying ar rearages. Advertisements inserted at fifty cents per square, jor less, for the iirst insertion, and twenty-five cents oach continuance. Letters addressed to the Editor zvxsXbz post paid.- COMMUNICATIONS 3'OR THE FREE TRUSS. "Hear now my reasonings," To detect and oppose bad men or bad measures, Mr. Edi tor, is laudable; it is the duty as well as the interest of every in dividual that has it in his power. Hut it is as much incumbent on the members of society to unite in supporting good men and o-ood measures, when they are attacked by writers, who con found right and wrong, good and evil, and promiscuously de cry and misrepresent every ac tion or sentiment which is not on a level with their capacities. Under this impression I would, sir, with your permission, ad dress a few words to my fellow-citizens, on the following remarksjwhich appeared in your paper of the 18th (ult.) under the signature of Calimachus. After "asserting" that Mr. CRAWFORD has "been more consistent m uuuuwi uucui j i- 1:- 1 r, . i:,i4 fnu office of President," he with-? draws a previous exception 0fau iue IUL . LU" Gen. JACKSON, on account nice" "for the comprehension" i I rvf !-- nnnmp of a recent discovery of his real sentiments, and concludes as follows: "And what was so much dread ed by the honest Republicans of '93, :.s coming thicK upon us; anu we v,n nf loct finrl ourselves but a I contemptible atom in the huge mass. ...f a consolidated government. Is I a man who advocates principles of such a tendency a tit person to De President of the United States? (Jen. Jackson does!!!" That this, fellow-citizens, is another evidence of the melan-; choly fact, that no expression! can be so perfect but it is capa ble of misrepresentation, will readily be admitted on a peru sal of "the following paragraph; from which, it is presumed, the above logical deductions were drawn: "Now is the time to exterminate that monster, called party spirit; By selecting characters most con spicuous for their probity, virtue, rapacity, and firmness, without any regard to party, you will go far to, "f not entirely, eradicate those feel ings which, on former occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way nf government; and perhaps have the pleasure and honor of uniting a people heretofore politically divi ded." Will Callimachus ask for proofs when "I assert" that the adoption of these principles were strongly urged by the il lustrious Washington: and that they have not only been advo cated but practised, in a greater or less degree, by each succeed ing administration since the formation of our government? Will he require proofs when "I assert" that republicans were appointed to office under the fe deral administration of John Aflims nnd that fprf.prn lints have held distinguished civil and military omces under the .republican administrations of Jeiterson, iviauison, ana Mon roe? Unquestionably not. Pie cannot have been such an inat tentive observer of recent e- vents, or so totally regardless of the history ot ins country as to doubt the fact. But let us proceed to an in vesication of the consistency of Mr. Crawford: and here I would remark, that in thus ana lyzing his nolitical career. I will Cl 1 7 equally avoid those assertions, that are so obnoxious to Lai limachus, and those arguments in which ho appears to be wholly enveloped; and confine myself solely to a statement of a few facts, which the friends of 3Vr. Crawford, with all their double interpretations and illu sory distinctions, have not been enabled to disguise irom the people. And which will exhi bit such proofs, such "damning proofs," of his inconsistency. that even the arguments of Callimachus shall not efface this foul blot on the political escut cheon ot JUr. U. In July 1798, under the ad ministration of John Adams, and after the passage of the Alien and bedition laws, Mr. Crawford stands convicted of having drafted and sanctioned an Address, expressing, "the most unlimited confidence m the firmness, justice, and wis dom of that administration." I do not "assert" that the Ad dress had direct reference to the Alien and Sedition laws, nor j to anv "particular nart ot his administration: ' there are the , In the session of 1S07-8, Mr. 'Crawford made his first appear- , 1 ! ft' ance in tne councils oi nis coun try, as Senator in Congress. During that session, Mr. Jeffcr- enn thpn Prpsidnnt nf thft TTni-' tej States, recommended to r, f1 , f J Lil -J- vnv A bargo, to save our immense mer cantile capital from French and British spoliation: Mr. Craw ford voted against this measure, in a small minority, with all the federalists. In IS09, when the "Republi cans" had determined to repeal the embargo, and pursue more active and energetic measures, we find Mr. Crawford again on the "opposite" side, voting a gainst the repeal of that act. In 1811, under the adminis tration of Mr. Madison, on the motion to renew the Charter of the United States' Bank, which was so obnoxious to the repub licans of that day, Mr. Craw ford voted with all the fede ralists. At a subsequent period, Mr. Madison transmitted a message to Congress, detailing the inju ries inflicted on us by Great Britain, and recommending measures suitable to the emer gency. Mr. Crawford charac terised this message as having all the ambiguity of a response from the Delphic Oracle; and solemnly admonished the Sen ate against preparation for war. At a later period, when,the war became obviously inevitable, Mr. C. opposed the creation of a navy, pronouncing it "worse than ridiculous to think of de fnnrh'nor our commerce by a Miavy." Fellow-citizens! I have con fined my remarks solely to the political consistency of. Mr. C. and have endeavored to illus rate it by an exhibition of some of his public acts and opinions. Facts are stubborn things; no art nor power can change their nature, and they will always prevail over the most plausible colorings. We have seen this "honest republican of '98," complimenting the federal ad ministration of John Adams; and this "coitsiste)it" republi can, opposing some of the prin cipal features in the republican adminstrations of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. I have not noticed Mr. Crawford's opposi tion to the administration of Mr. Monroe, presuming that no! "proofs" will be required on this head, since his friends have openly assumed the name of "Radicals,17 and hold him up as the great reformer of abuses. Will Callimachus still "assert" that Mr. Crawford has been more consistent in his political career than Gen. Jackson? If so, I humbly ask for "the proof! the proof!" If he can point to a single instance wherein Gen. J. acted with the federalists in opposition to a republican mea sure if he can produce an en tire sentence that directly ad vocates federal principles, or has a tendency to a consolida ted goverment if, fellow-citizens he can produce "proofs" of such dereliction, on the part of Gen. J. from those principles for which he fought in "times that tried men's souls," and which he has always professed to maintain, in the closet and in the field, I will acknowledge that; Callimachus has a better know- ledge of his political career than j he who now addresses you; and should he furnish "proofs" to counterbalance the aberrations of Mr. Crawford, I will cheer fully acquiesce in his opinion, and yield the palm of political consistency to Mr. C. Halifax. i FOR THE FREE TRESS. NO I. My Fellow-citizens: The time has come when it behooves every patriot of Ame rica to step forward in the de fence of the liberties of his coun try: a defence, however, not called for to be made on. the field of battle, to repel an exter nal foe; but to protect us from the clouds of ignorance and fa naticism, which seem to thicken and lower over our political ho rizon. It is to defend inno cence, virtue, and liberty itself, that our country calls upon us to step forward, and oppose the rapid strides which prejudice is making upon ignorance, and de sign upon prejudice. In carry ing on this opposition, it will become necessary to speak can didly, and to call things by their proper names; however poig nant and acrid it may be to the taste of some, or stinging to the conscience of others. Our maxim is, "that truth should prevail, tho' the heavens and the earth be shaken;" but even truth, by those who have an indisposi tion to receive it, is attended to with an adder's ear; and is per verted and ridiculed by others, whose designs, intrigues, and ignorance it exposes. That such should continue to shoot at it while there is an arrow in their quiver of detraction, is not oth erwise to be expected: but truth, immortal in its nature, will stand the durability of ages, though often obscured by the ephemeral triumphs of false hood, ignorance, superstition and error. Our country has hi therto been blessed with the tri umph of truth and liberty; un der the auspices of these, the land of, our fathers has flourish ed, and r we have been a happy people. But lo! our national policy is now changed! and we, who by the whole face of the earth have been acknowledged to be an agricultural people, have by an act of the last Con gress been declared to have been a manufa. turing one. A dis covery which has been made entirely by the sagacity of our new-fangled politicians, or would-be political soothsayers: for they do not pretend, that the sacrifice, which must be made by the farming and agricultural interest of the country, will at all result to the benefit of the present age; but that future ge nerations, who, (for aught we know) may never make their appearance upon the face of the earth, are to receive its immor tal blessings. It may be so; I am neither a necromancer, nor a fortune-teller; and therefore' I profess no learning: of future events. I should, however, have had more confidence in the result, had there not have been so much difference of opinion amongst the soothsayers themselves; as a great number of them seemed to have thought, that those bless ings would have been wrought in fifty years, while the greatest number were very confident that it wrould require a hundred; some, however, were in favor of a hundred and fifty years, and others more, which produced at first much division in the camps of the gifted gentry, and at once, seemed to have augured their final defeat. But, unfor tunately for this country, there was one point on which they all agreed, and around which they all rallied; (that is) "that future generations would ultimately be blessed by it." Whether the people will sup port these political soothsayers and their advocates, in carrying into effect such a measure, or consent to be legislated for as a manufacturing people, instead of an agricultural and a farming one, it is submitted to them to say. If so, let them go to the polls, and vote for him who is in favor of encouraging domestic manufactures, by making every farmer and agriculturist in the commonwealth pay its cost, without the prospect of an earth ly benefit one hundred years to come. And let not the rjeoole be deceived in discriminating those who advocated these poli tical soothsayers and their doc trines; for rely on it, he who votes directly, or indirectly, for any one who voted for that measure, is himself a supporter of that measure; and whether he does this intentionally or unin tentionally, it is the same thing in the end to the farmerhis interest sustains an injury, and he becomes a sufferer by the as sault. Having committed to the hands of the people those poli- "v u" j r -ieir au- yocates, I shall now proceed tr make some animadversions rm- on the character of an individu al, who is held up and support ed for the chief magistracy of this nation. Commenting upon the character of any individual, is at times disagreeable; but doubly so, when commenting upon the character of an indi vidual, who we must all con fess, has rendered many great and meritorious services to his country. It is a subject which I approach' with that decree of awe and solemnity, tht hp- comes the occasion; and should conceive myself totally umWi- fiable in even doing this, were it not the loud call, which my country makes on every patriot in the Republic to defend its honor and its liberty. Into the protection of whose hands the liberties of this coun try are lo be committed, is at this time the great question which agitates this nation to its centre; and upon which the peo -pie must soon , be -called to de cide. In making this decision, it becomes every man. who has a regard for his property or his Ireeuom, to ponder well in si lent meditation on the qualifica tions ot the different personages who are held ud as candidates to fill that distinguished and all- important trust; and to make known to his fellow-citizens, either in private or in public, the reasons by which he has been led to decide. As there is but one of the can didates by whose elevation I am apprehensive of any great or immediate danger resulting to the liberties of the nation. I feel it a duty incumbent on me, to state the reasons upon which, these apprehensions have been founded, which I shall do with brevity and candor: and in the first place will make this asser tion, that should the character of an individual afford evidence of violence or immorality, that there would be reason to appre hend danger by placing into the hands of its possessor, the liber ties of a nation,is a proposition to which all rational men will read ily subscribe. That Gen. JACK SON has, or does, possess such a character, his warmest friends cannot conscientiously deny: nor do I yield in point of friend ship for Gen. Jackson to any man in this nation. My rea sons for opposing his-'preten-sions to the Presidency, at this time, is not that I admire Gen. Jackson the less, but that I love the liberties of my country the more; but for that, and indeed, I should Jiave been amongst the last, to have drawn aside the vail, which concealed his de fects, and have made apparent those blots which must ever darken his escutcheon, and tar nish his brightest victories; for the exposition of these, he is in debted more to his pretended friends, who have imnrnnprltr draggedhim, (although wearied with years,) before the public; to answer. fear, some base and designing; purpose: and I am fearful, very fearful, that thev are endeavoring to force upon, tne Ueneral more weight than he can conveniently carrv: which, should he even be suc cessful, must ultimately compel him to sink beneath its ponder-

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