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HALIFAX, JV. C. "FRIDAY JULY 23, 188
VOL I.
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THE "FREE PRESS,"
By George Hovard
Is published every Friday, a
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consisting of 52 numbers, and in the
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COMMUNICATIONS.
TOR THE FREE PRESS.
'It now remains
That we find out the cause of this
effect;
Or, rather say, the cause of this de
fect, For this effect defective comes by
cause." Hamlet.
Mr. Editor:
Great allowances are to be
made for the foibles and mis
takes of those who are the head
of our affairs, for they are no
more than men; and for the
miscarriages of their measures,
for they are conducted by per
sons subject to the like passions
and errors of judgment as other
mortals: but this indulgence
should never extend to a total
neglect or indifference of their
public conduct. Nor can the
people be more eager to investi
gate the conduct of their public
officers, than the truly upright
are to put themselves upon the
judgment of their country.
They, like gold out of the fire,
come more refined out of a fair
and nnuitable ennuirv. Men
that have nothing to fear, nor to
hide from public view, will al
ways advance their reputation
bv a faithful exhibition of their
actions before the
uardians of'
liberty. And they who, when j
called upon to answer tor their
conduct, take sanctuary under
any other protection than their
own innocence, can never be
acquitted of public censure.
I was led to these reflections,
rir, on perusing the Report of
the Committee of Investigation,
and the testimony and docu
ments, relative to the "Vindica
tive accusation," recently made
a-ainst WILLIAM H. CRAW
FORD, the Secretary of the
Treasury. It certainly must
be a source of great satisfaction
to the good people of the Uni
ted States." to sec their public
officers acquit themselves of im-
putations cast upon them; pro -
vided that their delence aocs
rot rest upon artificial evidence
made up of non-entities. Con
demning the practice of pre
judging any person, I would
have refrained from making ob
servations on this subject, until
it had a final decision, but for
the constant harping, by the
friends of Mr. C. on this "tri
umphant acquittal"
As there are several practices
brought into view by this Inves
tigation, which were not previ
ously known, and which I con
ceive to be entitled to the seri
ous consideration of every true
patriot, I will endeavor to
"separate the wheat' from the
chaff," that my fellow citizens
may "assign to each its due de
gree of value."
"The address contains two gene
ral charges against the Secretary;
one, of mismanaging the public
funds."
In suoport of this charge, it
appears that 1st. "Deposites ofi
public money (was) made or al
lowed by the Secretary in the
Banks of this District (of Co
lumbia,) at the instance and on
the solicitation of the Banks
themselves, and as an accom
modation to them," in direct
VIOLATION OF THE CONSTITU
TION; which provides that no
money shall be drawn out of the
Treasury but by an appropria
tion by law. And. further.
"that there is a probability of
" 7 ?
hnal loss" oi the money depo
sited in one of these Banks.
The Committee "was of opinion
that the practice itself was irre
gular and dangerous;" but, as
iia practice, of a like charac
ter, ivas stated to have been of
early existence and long con
tinuance," they could not con
demn the measure.
2d. "That, although the banks
of Tombeckbee and Edwards
ville were liable to account for
deposites (of public money) as
cash, it the construction which
the Committee gives to their
contracts be correct, yet that
both the Secretary and the
Banks expressed a different opi
nion as to the meaning of those
contracts, and that the Secreta
ry, in receiving 010,000 lrom
the one, and $20,000 (unavail
able funds) from the other, of
those banks, appears to have
acted according to what he sup
posed to be the rights of the
parlies."
d. "That the Secretary did
omit to communicate to Con
gress (in violation of an ex-
press
law) the reasons which
led him to direct the depositeof
public moneys in the three local
banks of Chiihcothe, Cincinna
ti, and Louisville, where the
Bank of the United States had
branches, but there is no reason
for supposing that any conceal
ment was intended, or that the
omission was occasioned by
design."
4th. "That the balance now
due from these (five of the wes
tern) banks is $440,820 G3; a
great portion of which may be
considered lost."
"The other (charge is) imputing
to the Secretary the suppression of
papers and documents, or failing to
communicate them, when they
ought to have been communicated,
in answer to resolutions of the Hou
ses of Congress."
This charge is unequivocally
admitted, for the Committee dis
tinctly state "that, in some in
stances, papers called for by re
solutions 0f the House have no
been
communicated with other
papers
sent 111 answer to such
calls, but these omissions have
happened from accident, or
from a belief that the papers
so omitted were immaterial or
not called for; and that there is
no evidence than any document
or information has been with
held from improper motives."
Fellow-citizens, I would not
be understood as having an in
tention to impugn the motives
of the honorable members of the
Committee of Investigation, to
doubt the correctness of their
conclusions, nor to question the
propriety of the course pursued
by the friends of Mr. Crawford,
in this affair, from its introduc
tion in the House of Represent
atives, until the present period.
Believing that every one who
has it in his power, and does not
endeavor to promote the wel
fare of his country, according to
his station, is in some degree an
swerable for its misfortunes, I
would merely direct your at
tention 1st to the charges;
2d. to the defence; 3d. to the
grounds on which this "triiim
pant acquittal" is bottomed.
Money, fellow-citizens, has
been emphatically styled the
sinew of war, and the bone and
marrow of corruption and in
trigue. What an immense field
is opened for the exercise of
these qualities by this power so
unlawfully assumed. A public
officer, at his own discretion,
can distribute the people's mo
ney among his friends, for their
accommodation, and when call
ed upon for thus violating the
Constitution of his country, is
justified by the example of his
predecessors. He can withhold
papers and documents, when
called upon by the Representa
tives of the people, and exone
rate himself by saying that they
were immaterial; and if, af
terwards, they should appear to
be material, that the omission
was occasioned by ac ident.
This may all be correct; but
there is not a subject in any
other civilized government in
existehce that would dare to act
thus on his own responsiblity.
And, forsooth, should a person
have the presumption to ques
tion the legality of these pro
ceedings, although he establish
es the principal facts, that the
Constitution and the laws of
the land have, in several instan
ces been violated, yet, for thus
doing what has heretofore been
considered a laudable and praise
worthy act, he is to be hunted
out of society.
We may boast of our liberty
and our laws, and of the ac
countability of our public offi
cers to the sovereign people;
but let us remember, fellow-citi
zens, that indolence and passive
ness are the forerunners of na-
tional destruction: and that. !
when there is found a way to
stop these inquiries, the number
of bad officers and rulers will
increase. Should this spirit be
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once stifled, what would become
of our liberties? Could the peo-'
pie be persuaded to remain pas
sive and silent, regardless and
insensible of the dancer into
which they might be brought ;
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oy oau men ana oaa measures,
the time of our dissolution as an
intelligent and free people
would be nigh at hand. No
thing is more fatal amongst hu
man errors, that to put off the
evil day, or to make Iisrht of
such misfortunes as do not im
mediately affect us. No doubt
there may be instances wherein
it may be the highest prudence
not to anticipate ill fortune, yet
principiis obsta is a maxim in
politics, as well as in corporeal
diseases, never to be forgotten.
Halifax.
FOR THE FREE PRESS.
CANDIDATES FOR
THE PRESIDENCY.
"Amicus Plato sed magis arnica Ve
ritas." Mr. Howard:
I have taken the liberty to
give to the people, through the
medium of your paper, a few
remarks on the political charac
ters of those gentlemen, who
have been earned as candidates
for the all-important office of
President of the United States.
Mr. J. Q. ADAMS is a man
of splendid talents, a fine scho
lar, an elegant writer, and pos
sesses considerable knowledge
and experience in civil affairs;
but he lacks political integrity.
Talents and abilities are against
the man who is not politically
honest Arnold had talents and
abilities; but who would trust
Arnold ? The elder Adams pos
sesses more learning, experience
and abilities, than his son; yet
who would, were he not so far
advanced in years, wish to see
him again President? "The
Cunningham Correspondence,"
and "Review' of the same, by
T. Pickering, prove, by the
most introvertible evidence
1st. The strong aristocratic dis
position of the whole of this fa
mily. 2d. They prove in plain
terms the political meanness of
the present applicant for the
people's favor.
John Adams informs his friend
Cunningham, that the sharpest
and most bitter pieces that ever
came from the press against the
Republican party, (whom he
calls Jacobins) emanated from
the pen of his son J. Q. Adams.
He was, until he turned apos
tate, the most unrelenting and
rancorous of the federal pha
lanx; he turned traitor to his
party, but not to his original
principles, for the sake of office;
he cut a somerset, and vaulted
out of the federal into the re
publican ranks, in a way the
most dishonorable. Jefferson
recommended an embargo, the
bill was reported and run thro'
the Senate of the United States
three times in the small space
of four hours. Mr. Crawford
moved, on one of the readings
of the bill, that the further con
sideration of it be postponed un
til the next day, that thev
might act understandingly on it.
Mr. A. with all the zeal of a
new convert, made the follow
ing remarks, as taken down in
writing by his colleague "
would not consider I would
4iot deliberate I would act.
Doubtless the President posses
scs such further information as
will justify the measure " How
servile was this conduct! How
low he stooped for his exaltation!
Will any reflecting man vote for
a person so destitute of princi
pie? A. senator, sent by his
state to consider, and to delibe
rate, says he will do neither,
but submit to the will of the
President. How different was
Crawford's conduct! If he was
not permitted to deliberate, he
resolved to vote against the bill:
or, because he had foresight to
know, what the whole world
now knows, that it would be
useless measure, and not pro
duce the desired effect. Yet
there are tyro's in politics, who
offer this vote of Crawford's as
a reason for their opposition to
him.
Mr. CLAY, is a gentlemen
possessing imposing talents, and
some pretensions to oratory, but
nothing that will bear any thing
like a comparison with the ef
forts of the ancient or modern
school. There is one attain
ment which a President should
not be destitute of it is sound
judgment: this quality of the
mind IS m a gxcat measure Me
gift of nature. Mr. Clay is mi
serably destitute of it; no effort
of his can ever acquire it. He
has, I will not say corruptly,
but from the defect aforemen
tioned, been gradually sapping
the foundations of our Constitu
tion, by his system of construc
tion. When he cannot find a
power for Congress to act un
der, he immediately begins to
imply, infer, and conjure up
powers by construction. The
Bank law, Roads and Canals
law, the Tariff, are among the
most prominent of the acts on
the statute book, when a plain
common sense man might read
in vain, in the Federal Constitu
tion, for a power to authorise
Congress to pass them. Yet
they-are, fas aut nefas, sent
forth as laws, and Mr. Clay
may be said to have been the
principal agent in the passing of
each of them.
He is prodigal of the public
money. , Before the recognition
of the independence of the South
American states, he offered an
amendment to the5 civil list bill,
appropriating-; $1.00,000 or the
purpose of defraying the expen
ces of diplomatic missions to
those governments. By his ex
ertions, four ambassadors, with,
each nine thousand dollars out
fit, and nine thousand dollars
salary per year, have been de
spatched when Charges des
Affaires, or Consuls General,
with diplomatic powers, would
have done our business just as
well. We have ambassadors at
nearly all the governments in
Christendom, when they have
none with us. I have just read
of one of ours, (Gen. Dearborn)
having been offered, as a present,
a medal, with the King of Por
tugal's portrait set with dia
monds, for his efforts in pre
venting the people of that coun
try throwing off despotism, and
resuming their former constitu
tion. Mr. Clay's popularity
rests on his efforts in support of
the late war, and the aid he gave
Senator Thomas in effecting the
Missouri compromise; take
these props from under him and
he falls to the ground. He lacks
that sterling stamp of character,
which should always belong to
the President. He can, with
Jefferson's manual in his hand,
preside over the House of Re
presentatives, but he is unfit for
higher office.
(to be continued.)
Louisiana. A citizen a!;
Louisiana contradicts an asser
tion of the National Intelligen
cer, that from appearances, Gen.
Jackson will receive the votes of
Louisiana for the Presidency.
He states that "there is no pro
bability of Gen. Jackson's ob
taining the vote Louisiana; that
Mr. Clay will get the vote of
that state, if his friends thinkhe
has any prospect of success. If
not, the vote will be for Mr.
Crawford or Mr. Adams. Mr.
Crawford (he adds) is gaining
vef y fast in Louisiana. Sunk
the information received from
every part of the state, by let
ters from the most influential
characters."
Ohio. In this state there are
three tickets formed. One for
Clay, one for Adams, and ons
for Jackson. The popularity of
these gentlemen, from mcsont
o ' .
appearances, may be rated in th
order in which they are named.
Jackson apparently is risino-rr.
pidly in public estimation.
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