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Free press. (Halifax, N.C.) 1824-1830, July 23, 1824, Image 1

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: i JYa iS. HALIFAX, JV. C. "FRIDAY JULY 23, 188 VOL I. -. " ' .." ...... - ' - ( THE "FREE PRESS," By George Hovard Is published every Friday, a THttKE DOLLARS per year consisting of 52 numbers, and in the same proportion lor a snorter pc riod. Subscribers at liberty to dis continue at any time, on paying ar rearages. Advertisements inserted at fifty cents per square, or less, for the first insertion, and twenty-five cents ach continuance. ' Letters addressed to the Editor ztiustbeiost fiaid. COMMUNICATIONS. TOR THE FREE PRESS. 'It now remains That we find out the cause of this effect; Or, rather say, the cause of this de fect, For this effect defective comes by cause." Hamlet. Mr. Editor: Great allowances are to be made for the foibles and mis takes of those who are the head of our affairs, for they are no more than men; and for the miscarriages of their measures, for they are conducted by per sons subject to the like passions and errors of judgment as other mortals: but this indulgence should never extend to a total neglect or indifference of their public conduct. Nor can the people be more eager to investi gate the conduct of their public officers, than the truly upright are to put themselves upon the judgment of their country. They, like gold out of the fire, come more refined out of a fair and nnuitable ennuirv. Men that have nothing to fear, nor to hide from public view, will al ways advance their reputation bv a faithful exhibition of their actions before the uardians of' liberty. And they who, when j called upon to answer tor their conduct, take sanctuary under any other protection than their own innocence, can never be acquitted of public censure. I was led to these reflections, rir, on perusing the Report of the Committee of Investigation, and the testimony and docu ments, relative to the "Vindica tive accusation," recently made a-ainst WILLIAM H. CRAW FORD, the Secretary of the Treasury. It certainly must be a source of great satisfaction to the good people of the Uni ted States." to sec their public officers acquit themselves of im- putations cast upon them; pro - vided that their delence aocs rot rest upon artificial evidence made up of non-entities. Con demning the practice of pre judging any person, I would have refrained from making ob servations on this subject, until it had a final decision, but for the constant harping, by the friends of Mr. C. on this "tri umphant acquittal" As there are several practices brought into view by this Inves tigation, which were not previ ously known, and which I con ceive to be entitled to the seri ous consideration of every true patriot, I will endeavor to "separate the wheat' from the chaff," that my fellow citizens may "assign to each its due de gree of value." "The address contains two gene ral charges against the Secretary; one, of mismanaging the public funds." In suoport of this charge, it appears that 1st. "Deposites ofi public money (was) made or al lowed by the Secretary in the Banks of this District (of Co lumbia,) at the instance and on the solicitation of the Banks themselves, and as an accom modation to them," in direct VIOLATION OF THE CONSTITU TION; which provides that no money shall be drawn out of the Treasury but by an appropria tion by law. And. further. "that there is a probability of " 7 ? hnal loss" oi the money depo sited in one of these Banks. The Committee "was of opinion that the practice itself was irre gular and dangerous;" but, as iia practice, of a like charac ter, ivas stated to have been of early existence and long con tinuance," they could not con demn the measure. 2d. "That, although the banks of Tombeckbee and Edwards ville were liable to account for deposites (of public money) as cash, it the construction which the Committee gives to their contracts be correct, yet that both the Secretary and the Banks expressed a different opi nion as to the meaning of those contracts, and that the Secreta ry, in receiving 010,000 lrom the one, and $20,000 (unavail able funds) from the other, of those banks, appears to have acted according to what he sup posed to be the rights of the parlies." d. "That the Secretary did omit to communicate to Con gress (in violation of an ex- press law) the reasons which led him to direct the depositeof public moneys in the three local banks of Chiihcothe, Cincinna ti, and Louisville, where the Bank of the United States had branches, but there is no reason for supposing that any conceal ment was intended, or that the omission was occasioned by design." 4th. "That the balance now due from these (five of the wes tern) banks is $440,820 G3; a great portion of which may be considered lost." "The other (charge is) imputing to the Secretary the suppression of papers and documents, or failing to communicate them, when they ought to have been communicated, in answer to resolutions of the Hou ses of Congress." This charge is unequivocally admitted, for the Committee dis tinctly state "that, in some in stances, papers called for by re solutions 0f the House have no been communicated with other papers sent 111 answer to such calls, but these omissions have happened from accident, or from a belief that the papers so omitted were immaterial or not called for; and that there is no evidence than any document or information has been with held from improper motives." Fellow-citizens, I would not be understood as having an in tention to impugn the motives of the honorable members of the Committee of Investigation, to doubt the correctness of their conclusions, nor to question the propriety of the course pursued by the friends of Mr. Crawford, in this affair, from its introduc tion in the House of Represent atives, until the present period. Believing that every one who has it in his power, and does not endeavor to promote the wel fare of his country, according to his station, is in some degree an swerable for its misfortunes, I would merely direct your at tention 1st to the charges; 2d. to the defence; 3d. to the grounds on which this "triiim pant acquittal" is bottomed. Money, fellow-citizens, has been emphatically styled the sinew of war, and the bone and marrow of corruption and in trigue. What an immense field is opened for the exercise of these qualities by this power so unlawfully assumed. A public officer, at his own discretion, can distribute the people's mo ney among his friends, for their accommodation, and when call ed upon for thus violating the Constitution of his country, is justified by the example of his predecessors. He can withhold papers and documents, when called upon by the Representa tives of the people, and exone rate himself by saying that they were immaterial; and if, af terwards, they should appear to be material, that the omission was occasioned by ac ident. This may all be correct; but there is not a subject in any other civilized government in existehce that would dare to act thus on his own responsiblity. And, forsooth, should a person have the presumption to ques tion the legality of these pro ceedings, although he establish es the principal facts, that the Constitution and the laws of the land have, in several instan ces been violated, yet, for thus doing what has heretofore been considered a laudable and praise worthy act, he is to be hunted out of society. We may boast of our liberty and our laws, and of the ac countability of our public offi cers to the sovereign people; but let us remember, fellow-citi zens, that indolence and passive ness are the forerunners of na- tional destruction: and that. ! when there is found a way to stop these inquiries, the number of bad officers and rulers will increase. Should this spirit be ' 1 once stifled, what would become of our liberties? Could the peo-' pie be persuaded to remain pas sive and silent, regardless and insensible of the dancer into which they might be brought ; 1 V 1 111 oy oau men ana oaa measures, the time of our dissolution as an intelligent and free people would be nigh at hand. No thing is more fatal amongst hu man errors, that to put off the evil day, or to make Iisrht of such misfortunes as do not im mediately affect us. No doubt there may be instances wherein it may be the highest prudence not to anticipate ill fortune, yet principiis obsta is a maxim in politics, as well as in corporeal diseases, never to be forgotten. Halifax. FOR THE FREE PRESS. CANDIDATES FOR THE PRESIDENCY. "Amicus Plato sed magis arnica Ve ritas." Mr. Howard: I have taken the liberty to give to the people, through the medium of your paper, a few remarks on the political charac ters of those gentlemen, who have been earned as candidates for the all-important office of President of the United States. Mr. J. Q. ADAMS is a man of splendid talents, a fine scho lar, an elegant writer, and pos sesses considerable knowledge and experience in civil affairs; but he lacks political integrity. Talents and abilities are against the man who is not politically honest Arnold had talents and abilities; but who would trust Arnold ? The elder Adams pos sesses more learning, experience and abilities, than his son; yet who would, were he not so far advanced in years, wish to see him again President? "The Cunningham Correspondence," and "Review' of the same, by T. Pickering, prove, by the most introvertible evidence 1st. The strong aristocratic dis position of the whole of this fa mily. 2d. They prove in plain terms the political meanness of the present applicant for the people's favor. John Adams informs his friend Cunningham, that the sharpest and most bitter pieces that ever came from the press against the Republican party, (whom he calls Jacobins) emanated from the pen of his son J. Q. Adams. He was, until he turned apos tate, the most unrelenting and rancorous of the federal pha lanx; he turned traitor to his party, but not to his original principles, for the sake of office; he cut a somerset, and vaulted out of the federal into the re publican ranks, in a way the most dishonorable. Jefferson recommended an embargo, the bill was reported and run thro' the Senate of the United States three times in the small space of four hours. Mr. Crawford moved, on one of the readings of the bill, that the further con sideration of it be postponed un til the next day, that thev might act understandingly on it. Mr. A. with all the zeal of a new convert, made the follow ing remarks, as taken down in writing by his colleague " would not consider I would 4iot deliberate I would act. Doubtless the President posses scs such further information as will justify the measure " How servile was this conduct! How low he stooped for his exaltation! Will any reflecting man vote for a person so destitute of princi pie? A. senator, sent by his state to consider, and to delibe rate, says he will do neither, but submit to the will of the President. How different was Crawford's conduct! If he was not permitted to deliberate, he resolved to vote against the bill: or, because he had foresight to know, what the whole world now knows, that it would be useless measure, and not pro duce the desired effect. Yet there are tyro's in politics, who offer this vote of Crawford's as a reason for their opposition to him. Mr. CLAY, is a gentlemen possessing imposing talents, and some pretensions to oratory, but nothing that will bear any thing like a comparison with the ef forts of the ancient or modern school. There is one attain ment which a President should not be destitute of it is sound judgment: this quality of the mind IS m a gxcat measure Me gift of nature. Mr. Clay is mi serably destitute of it; no effort of his can ever acquire it. He has, I will not say corruptly, but from the defect aforemen tioned, been gradually sapping the foundations of our Constitu tion, by his system of construc tion. When he cannot find a power for Congress to act un der, he immediately begins to imply, infer, and conjure up powers by construction. The Bank law, Roads and Canals law, the Tariff, are among the most prominent of the acts on the statute book, when a plain common sense man might read in vain, in the Federal Constitu tion, for a power to authorise Congress to pass them. Yet they-are, fas aut nefas, sent forth as laws, and Mr. Clay may be said to have been the principal agent in the passing of each of them. He is prodigal of the public money. , Before the recognition of the independence of the South American states, he offered an amendment to the5 civil list bill, appropriating-; $1.00,000 or the purpose of defraying the expen ces of diplomatic missions to those governments. By his ex ertions, four ambassadors, with, each nine thousand dollars out fit, and nine thousand dollars salary per year, have been de spatched when Charges des Affaires, or Consuls General, with diplomatic powers, would have done our business just as well. We have ambassadors at nearly all the governments in Christendom, when they have none with us. I have just read of one of ours, (Gen. Dearborn) having been offered, as a present, a medal, with the King of Por tugal's portrait set with dia monds, for his efforts in pre venting the people of that coun try throwing off despotism, and resuming their former constitu tion. Mr. Clay's popularity rests on his efforts in support of the late war, and the aid he gave Senator Thomas in effecting the Missouri compromise; take these props from under him and he falls to the ground. He lacks that sterling stamp of character, which should always belong to the President. He can, with Jefferson's manual in his hand, preside over the House of Re presentatives, but he is unfit for higher office. (to be continued.) Louisiana. A citizen a!; Louisiana contradicts an asser tion of the National Intelligen cer, that from appearances, Gen. Jackson will receive the votes of Louisiana for the Presidency. He states that "there is no pro bability of Gen. Jackson's ob taining the vote Louisiana; that Mr. Clay will get the vote of that state, if his friends thinkhe has any prospect of success. If not, the vote will be for Mr. Crawford or Mr. Adams. Mr. Crawford (he adds) is gaining vef y fast in Louisiana. Sunk the information received from every part of the state, by let ters from the most influential characters." Ohio. In this state there are three tickets formed. One for Clay, one for Adams, and ons for Jackson. The popularity of these gentlemen, from mcsont o ' . appearances, may be rated in th order in which they are named. Jackson apparently is risino-rr. pidly in public estimation. 1 i vC

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