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Free press. (Halifax, N.C.) 1824-1830, July 30, 1824, Image 1

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trui n n l, u iu r1 i i I i JVfc 19. HALIFAX, JV. C. FRIDAY, JULY 30, 1824. F0 J. THE "FREE PRESS," Zty George Howard, Is " published every Friday, at THREE DOLLARS per- year, consisting of 52 numbers, and in the :iime proportion for a shorter pe riod. Subscribers at liberty to dis continue at any time, on paying ar rearages. Advertisements inserted at fifty cents per square, or less, for the first insertion, and twenty-five cents each continuance. Letters addressed to the Editor m ust b e i ost p. aid. POLITICAL. TO THE FREEMEN of the Third Congressional District of North-Carolina: Fellow-citizens: After a te dious session of nearly six months, Congress adjourned on the 27th of May. I regret to say, that some of the measures adopted in that session do not meet my approbation. The first session of the ISth Congress will be remarkable, in the Parlia mentary history of this country, for having settled two principles vhich were formerly thought hot to be consistent with the original principles of our go vernment; and which, I think, 'jght never to have made a part if the legislation of the United Slates: measures, how exten sively injurious they may be in t-heir operation, we cannot fore see, though it is not difficult to perceive, that more evil than 'i;ood will result from them. The two measures to which I allude, are the Tariff and Inter nal Improvement bills, both of which have become law. The Tariff has been so generally dis cussed, in and out of Congress, in the newspapers and in com mon conversation, that it is bet ter understood, and has there fore created much more excite ment and feeling of disapproba- tion. A system of Internal Im- provemcnt, by the General Go vernmentjhas nothing to recom mend it to the people of this country. The very term inter nal is uncongenial with the principles of the General Gov ernment, the institution of which was for external purpos es, to regulate our affairs with foreign nations and between the tates as political bodies confe derated for general purposes. This system, the entering wedge of which has been driven under the name of an act appropriat ing 30,000 dollars for making surveys, it practised on must in its progress, become more op pressive even than the system of prohibition and protection contained in the Tariff. I ob ject to it on the two broad grounds of inexpediency and un constitutionality. Congress has not the authority, nor has it the means, to carry into effect a sys tem which if persevered in must :mpose a weight of taxation on the people they could not bear. 1 think I risk nothing in saying, ihat the whole revenue of this country, with that of Great Bri tain, aided by a million of slaves, vould not accomplish in half a century so grand a scheme of tj this kind, general and equal in its distribution, as the glowing imagination ot some of our po Utical dreamers has figured out. Appropriate lor Pcnnsylva -ua a million of dollars you must do the same for New-York, Vir- ginia, and other states, in pro portion. When you have pro vided money to be expended in one part or one county of a state, it will be. expected and claimed with equal justice by every other, which may fancy that some little creek or river may be of use if cleared out or con nected to some other by a canal, or by clearing roads and level ing mountains, or what is, per haps, the strongest of all rea sons, getting the money spent among them; for not the least operating motive to measures of this kind is the money concern, by which the friends and con nexions of the influential may live at the public expense by jobs and contracts. If the government continual ly goes into new projects of ex penditure, it is in vain to look forward to an extinction of the public debt. The whole subject of internal improvement, belongs to the state authorities, and is with them only a question of expediency; and without mean ing to criticise what has been done in this or any other state, there is ample room for making illustrative allusions to show the impropriety of attempting to do any thing until we get ready: such as our system of town-making, some years back, without people or houses. The usual consequence of all such schemes is, that many are ruined by the speculation which enriches a few at their expense. The same kind of loose construction which derives from the Constitution a j right to go into the system of in ternal improvement, will give to Congress, whenever it shall - be desired, the right to set free - the negroes; and we know that a strong leeling oi this Kina ex ists in the eastern and some of the western states. But the states have the authority and they have the means to go into a limited and prudent system of mprovcmentsof this sort, regu lating and measuring their means according to exigencies. As a proof of this, I need only bring to your attention that stu pendous work recently executed in New-York, which will re dound as much to the honor as profit of the state I allude to the Great Canal, which is alrea dy becoming an ample feeder to that great mart of trade, the ci tv of New-York. If there is a determination, at all hazards, to go into this expensive plan, we should first clear on existing burthens, which a few years might with prudence do, and then amend the Constitution so as to oiJiam iiwinaw mode the authority, and not make the will of a majority of Congress the Constitution of the United States. Of the Tariff I might say much more than the length of a communication of this kind would justify. Its avowed prin ciple is a prohibition of foreign for the purpose of rearing, by a forced growth, domestic manu factures. For this purpose that part of the Sth section of the first article of the Constitution, which authorises Congress to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, &c. has been perverted to a purpose which I presume never entered into the heads of the framers of that instrument. No doubt their object was to give authority to Congress tc raise revenue by the different methods of taxation here enu- merated, being only different: methods of doing ihc same thing. The only legitimate purpose of taxing is revenue; it should, therefore, betlic settled poKcy of this country to take no more from the pockets of the people than sufficient to defray the necessary expences of go vernment. No government can be carried on without expense, net even that of the best regula ted family establishment; they arc the same in principle, and a proper economy equally benefi cial in both, a sordid parsimony equally objectionable. It is not only wrong to use the given power to raise revenue by the various modes of 'taxing beyond what is prudent or necessary, but it is still more so to pervert this authority from its proper and legal purpose, indirectly to attain an end not recognized by the Constitution; in all such ca ses its spirit is violated, because the intention of its framers is misapplied; the only proper me thod of construing this instru ment being as nearly as possible to ascertain and fulfil this inten tion. To accomplish other pur poses than such as were intend ed, bv a loose and tortuous con struction, would be faithless and dishonest, lhe most that its friends can say in favor of the Tariff, beyond merely partial views, is,that supposing the con sumption of iorcign goods to continue the same, there will be levied on the community an ad ditional tax of about three mil lions of dollars, when we could have done without. But if it operates as a prohibition, and lessens importation, then in pro portion to that prohibition, after a year or two, the revenue must be curtailed and must be made up on the one hand by direct and internal taxes, the operation of which every body under stands, or by borrowing and funding, by which the national debt will be increased. This would be the worst sort of poli cy, because if persevered in it must eventually make us the slaves of a set of fund holders. The real operation of this mea sure is to levy a contribution on one part of the country for the benefit of another; a contribu tion to pay manufacturers for carrying on their own business, attempting to force a premature growth of the manufacturing in terest, which has already grown in this country with a strength and rapidity unexampled in any other. This interest is the natural offspring of the other two great interests of the country, agri culture and commerce. These two great interests, if left as they should be, unshackled by legal restrictions, impelled as they are by physical and moral causes in the United States, must as necessarily produce, as their legitimate offspring, the other, as any appropriate cause is fol lowed by its proper effect. Left to themselves, under the guidance of self-interest urging to industrious exertion, the ac cumulation of capital must "of consequence be such as to seek other employment; and so soon as manufactures point to profit, this capital will be applied in that direction. Manufactures, j resting upon such a foundation would be able to compete with any opposition. There is not one redeeming clause in the act; every section, every item of de tail, tries the whole principle: that which is wrong; in all ita details, can never be aggregate ly right. Its operation will be principally on the south, which furnishes a verylarge proportion of all the exportable commodi ties of the country upon which imports are founded, and we are to be sacrificed to the mistaken policy of Pennsylvania and the western states. But leaving subjects which are calculated to produce noth ing but sombre and disagreeable reflections, we will take a short view of a more cheering one the state of the finances: which shews emphatically the total in utility of the Tariff, even upon the ground of revenue, the only one on which it could, under any circumstances, have been justified. The amount of re ceipts and expenditures for 1823, were such as to leave in the Treasury, on the first day of January 1824, $6,466,969 30. The estimates for the year 1824, come'to the result that after sa tisfying the current demands for that year, there will be a ba lance in the Treasury, on the first day of January 1825, of S9,792,716 41. It must be re marked, however, that this es timate was founded upon a state of things existing, independent ly oi the measures recently a dopted in Congress, and that their operation may produce some variation in the result. It is satisfactory to me to be able to state that we are on a friend ly footing with the world gene rally, and are likely to remain so; since it seems to have be come the policy of the allied sovereigns to confine their svs- i tern of regulating other people's , allairs to the continent ol JLu rope. It has become necessary for me to make some remarks on the subject of the Presidential election. For a year or two past it has been usual for my friends, whenever we met, to question me about the candi dates, which was most likely to become the President, and who I thought most proper for the appointment; and since I have returned home I seldom meet one of my acquaintance without having these questions asked. There is very little likeli hood, from present appearances, that the election will be made by the people, by whom it should be; and I very much re gret that without some unlook ed for interposition, it must go to the House of Representatives. With four or five candidates, all having some sectional sup port, by which the votes must necessarily be divided so as to prevent an election, there was no method of obviating the dif ficulty but by a nomination such as was proposed to the friends of all the candidates, going into meeting upon the principle that the weekest should be dropped, until some one, the most popu lar, might be agreed on. The avowed object of this meeting was to bring the election before the people by lessening the number of candidates. This was my principal reason for go ing into the meeting; my other one was, that it was a chert and summary method of answering such questions as my friend in the district were in the habit nf asking; ,and under similar cir- cumstances, ana ior similar pur poses, I should certainly do the same thins: asrain. It was no secret meeting for secret purpo ses; every person was at liberty to see what was done, and had there been such a number of candidates as would have insur ed the election to the people, I snouia nave conceived such a meCtinff Whollv nnnropccirv It is not my intention to go in to a detailed statement of thn merits and demerits of the differ ent candidates; they have al! been in situations more or less conspicuous. After mature re flection, I feel bound to give a preference to W. H. CRAW FORD, because I think his ta lents are such as to qualify him in a superior degree for dis charging the duties of the office, and more consistently with what I believe to be the interest of the community generally. It is unfortunate for our country that three sectional divisions or in terests are springing up: a west ern, an eastern, and southern. This state of things has its influ ence on the approaching elec tion. We must have either a western, eastern, or southern President. As the candidates claim all to be of the same poli tical denomination, though there is a difference of opinion upon some matters of policy among them, the question resolves it self into this simple proposition, whether we shall take a man who is obliged from the very nature and force of circumstan ces to be with us, or one who from similar causes must neces sarily be against us -shall we take a man of our side or of the other side? The western states, with Pennsylvania, form one in terest, the eastern another, and the southern a third; now the question is, shall we take the man who is bound to us by birth, habits, identity of inte rest, and political sentiment, and who is in every way equal ly as well or better qualified than any of the candidates, or shall we take one surrounded by circumstances the very op posite of these. Common sense and common interest point out what we should do. W. H. Crawford is what we call a self made man; has risen from ob scurity by his own exertions he has been a member of the Georgia Legislature, of the Sen ate of the United States, minis ter to France, Secretary of War, and of the Treasury, end has filled with ability and integrity every station in which he has been placed. Had he not done so, the spirit of persecution . which has for years been al work to put him down, mivtf; necessarily have succeeded. His recent triumph over one ot' the most wanton and unjustifia ble intrigues to ruin his reputa tion as a man. and destrov his hopes as a candidate, that ever disgraced aay era of any coun try, will convince tins grean community of the unshaker soundness cf his integrity and abilitv. Never was there a man more completely in the hands of his enemies; he has literally been accused, tried, acauittct? and justified by his opponer' ccttinvr- t.v ir,z linear

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