Newspapers / The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, … / Feb. 5, 1833, edition 1 / Page 2
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ihem tirae for reflection and experience of cousequences; keep ourselves in a sit uation to profit by 'the 'chapter of acci dents; and separate from our companions only, when the sole alternatives left, arc a dissolution of our Union with them or submission to a government without limi tation of powers. Between these two evils when we must tnaito a cnoice, there can be no hesitation. But iu the mean while, the States should be watchful to note every material usurpution on their rights; to denounce them as they occur in the most peremptory terms; to protest a gainat them as wrongs, to which ours .shall be considered not as acknowledg ments or precedents of right, but as a temporary yielding to the lesser evil, un til their accumulation shall outweigh that of separation." Through all of these letters the same idea is preserved. The two evils are presented submission to what we may deem infractions of the compact, or sepa ration; at the same time he admonishes us, that until the oppression becomes in tolerable until all hope of relief is cut off we should bear with our brethren rather than hazard the existence of that Union from which we have derived so many advantages and to which, we should cling as the last hope of freedom. But mark, sir, in these letters there is no mention, no allusion even, to nullifica tion as a means of correcting abuses in the administration of the government; and if more were necessary to prove his opinions upon this subject, I would call the attention of gentlemen to a memoir in the first volume of his works in which he says 'The fundamental defect of the confederation was that Congress was not authorised to act immediately on the peo ple and by its own officers. Their pow er was only requisitory, and these requi sitions were addressed to the several Le gislatures, to be by them carried into ex ecution, without other coercion than the moral principle of duty. This allowed in fact a negative to every State, on every .measure proposed by Congress, a nega tive so frequently exercised in practice, as to benumb the action of the federal government and to render it inefficient in its general objects and more especially in pecuniary and foreign concerns.' Sir, to my mind this isolated paragraph is con clusive, and covers the whole ground up on which Mr. Calhoun rests his doctrine. I The testimony of Mr. Madison is no less clear and emphatic. And here 1 would remind gentlemen, lhat no man contributed more to the establishment of our present form of government than did Mr. Madison no mau better understood its theory and more especially, no man can be so confidently relied on, as to the nature and object of the Virginia report and resolutions as he who conceived and matured them. In his letter to the edi tor of the North American Review, ( 830) he speaks thus "In the event of the failure of every constitutional resort, and an accumulation of usurpations and abu ses, rendering passive obedience and non-resistance, a greater evil than resist ance and revolution, there can remain but one resort an appeal from the can celled obligations of the constitutional compact, to original rights and the law of self-preservation: This is the ultima ratio under all governments, whether consoli dated, confederated or a compound of both; and it cannot be doubted that a single member of the Union, in the extre mity supposed, but in that only, would have a right, as an extra and ultra consti tutional right to make the appeal. This brings us to the expedient lately advan ced, which claims for a single SrntP n Tight to appeal against an exercise of power by the government of the United States, decided by the State to be un constitutional, to the parties to the fede ral compact; ihe decision of the State to have the effect of nullifying the acts of the government of the United States, unless the decision of the State be reversed by three-fourths of the parties. The distin guished names and high authorities which appear to have asserted and given a prac tical scope to this doctrine, entitle it to a respect which it might be difficult other wise to feel for it," &c. &c. &c. Subse qucntly irya letter to Mr. Ingersoll he says "you have succeeded Letter in your interpretation of. the Virginia proceed ings in 1798 '99, than those ' who have seen in them a coincidence with the nul lifying doctrines so called. The doc trine of nullification is as new to me as it was to you, derives no support from, the best eolemporary elucidations of those proceedings the debates on the resolu tions the address of the Legislature to its constituents, and the scope of the ob jections made by the Legislatures of oth er States, whose concurrence in the reso lutions was invited and refused. The er ror in the late comment on the Virginia proceedings has arisen, from a failure to distinguish between what is declaratory of opinion, and what is, ipso facto, exe cutory between the rights of the parties and a single party between resorts within the purview of the Constitution and the ultima ratio which appeals from a Constitution cancelled by its abuses to original right paramount to all Consti tutions." Sir, I cannot allow myself to doubt that these evidences are sufficient to establish the position I assumed That the Virgi nia doctrines are not nullification that neither Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison so regarded them. To my mind it is per-j rectiy (Hoar, that any other interpretation of the Virginia doctrine than lhat given by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison in the letters to which I 'have referred, is forced and unauthorised, and contradicted by all the contemporaneous evidence that has been furnished. The whole of the Vir ginia doctrine, as I understand it, is this as by the action of States the federal government was created, so, as States, they should act to cause their creature. their common agent, to rctnico his steps when he has deviated from the legitimate track. And the kind of action implied is evidently a concurrent action, to be a- greed upon and exercised in the same way, as was the original compact or a- grcement. It invites the co-operation of the co-fetates their refusal leaving but two alternatives submission to those acts of the government that have been passed under the form of the Constitu tion or separation. Nullification, on the other hand, is the separate action of a sin gle Mate and in practice would present the singular anomaly of a State of a con federacy a member of a firm, if gentle men choose so to express themselves, de riving all the benefits of the association, while at the same time it is exempt from the burdens it imposes. Admit it, and in the language of Mr. McDuffie, before the mystic light of nullification had been revealed to him, the Constitution is lite rally at an end a revolution of the gov eminent is already accomplished and an archy waves his horrid sceptre over the broken altars of this happy Union. I Have said, sir, 1 do not conceive the exigency sufficient to warrant the resort to a remedy of so disorganizing, so revo lutionary a character. And why, sirs Because the evils of the Tariff and I will continue to protest against everv branch of that system of which a protec tive Tariff is but part because. I sav. the evils of the Tariff arc of such a nature as to work their own cure. Indeed things are rapidly hurrying to this crisis. Pub lic opinion is undergoing a raoid and ra dical change upon the subject. And I venture to predict that before the lapse of another Presidential term, public senti ment, not here, sir, not in North Caroli na, but in the manufacturing States, will have been entirely revolutionized. Whv you doubtless recollect that a few years since, many of our counties were divided upon this subject. They had not exam ined it indeed they had not had access to the same sources of intelligence, lhat the last few years have developed. But reflection and investigation have shown them the evils-r-have discovered to them the ruinous consequences that are result ing from this disastrous policy. And now, sir, you may execute a day's jour ney in the section of the State in which I reside, without finding a man undetermi ned. And the same investigation must every where produce the same result. The principles of free trade, when under stood, must triumph and that triumph musi oi necessity involve a correspond ing change of policy. Our habits our pursuits-the spirit of our institutions all authorise the conviction, that in; this country no svstem of restrictions can be permanent. " The only means by which the rapid march of these liberal princi ples could have been arrested their speedy triumph preventedwould have been by additional duties, so to encum kar no na tn nut rflT nl I hnrm of - relief from lUI U O U d IIS VUt Vl hv- the partial and oppressive operation of tne lariii. rieretoiore uic jnuicuuvc policy has been progressive constantly advancing, and really seemed to threaten to attain this end. To have remained stationary even might fairly be construed into an implied acknowledgment of the justice of our complaints. But a reduction a mani fest and palpable reduction, if not an a bandonment of the entire scheme, may certainly authorise the conclusion that subsequent legislation will be but the prosecution of a freer and more liberal policy. Besides, sir in a country so vast as ours where agricultural enterprise is constantly unfolding new channels of in dustrywhere immense tracts of now uncultivated forest are daily being sub dued by the hardy and intelligent emi grant, the interest of which these make a nart must ultimately preponderate. The west, sir the great west is destined at no distant day, to hold the balance of power in this country and that interest ing region must, from its identity of in terest and pursuit, throw its weight into our scale. Nor will the diffusion of these principles be confined to the west. The east yes, sir, New England is the birth place of liberal principles. She cherish ed them in her bright and palmy days, and they have been consecrated by her best blood by the blood of her patriots and her martyrs. Compelled to abandon the ocean, her proper, licr natural ele ment, by the very men who now urge upon us ihe doctrine of nullification, she adopted a policy, which 'both her interests and her principles condemned. But when the mists which have obscured this subject shall be dissipated, and they are already flying before the irresistible influ ence of truth and justice she will no longer be blinded by errors in practice to truth in theory, but will return to her first love with all the ardor of renewed af fection. Besides, sir, the system of restrictions was commenced avowedly for the pur pose of cancelling the heavy debt we had incurred during the war The object is attained, the debt is cancelled and no Shylock can demand the bond.' The result of the late Presidential election too, furnishes additional ground of hope; to my mind it reduces that hope to cer tainty. Gen. Jackson has succeeded by a majority beyond the expectations of his best friends. He has succeeded too a gainst the combined influence of every vested interest in this country. Upon this subject he is with us and stands pledged to press upon the federal Legis lature, such measures as will relieve us from the odious and iniquitous exactions of the Tariff. And, sir, when this desirable object is a bout being attained when a vision bright er than Moore or Harrington ever indul ged is about being realized when we are about experiencing for the first time the benefits of practical freedom shall we recognize this dangerous, violent and unconstitutional heresy, under whose ex ercise every star in our splendid galaxy must shoot madly from its sphere, or one by one go out! No, sir, let us cling with pertinacious and filial devotion to the ho ly heritage bur fathers left us, and while we resist every act of usurpation no mat ter from what source it may emanate while wc oppose every attempt that may be made to hurry us into anarchy and civ il commotion on the one hand, or con solidation and oppression on the other, Ict us not forget our obligations to the Constitution and the Union. Destroy the first and your government in losing its character, will lose its value. Destroy the last and you break the golden bowl, from which we have imbibed liberty prosperity and happiness: But, sir, we live in n world that is full of revolutions and changes. Nothing is fixed nothing is fasting. The most splendid creations of human pride -tb most gigantic monuments of human a haye been swept away and are no moj Nations have' arisen and triumphed an I passed away, leaving scarce a memorial from which tradition cantrace the stor of their fame; and if we are destined, th early to meet the fate, that soon orla o'ertakes States and empires; if through the errors of misguided, even if honest zeal, our fair temple is so soon to be de. molished; and its pillars shattered, t0rri mutilated, then indeed will the prediction of our enemies have been fulfilled; then indeed will man's incapacity for self.a0 vernment have been demonstrated; tlo indeed will posterity have cause to mourn' over the fragments of that mighty repub. lie, "which in its dawn offered to the world so bright an example, and to itself prom ised so proud a destiny." Erratum. On the first page, third column twelfth 1 ine from the bottom, read, "If ever a case could occur," instead of should. NEW GOODS. HpHE Subscribers are receiving a large and ex tcpsive Stock of 8J32)S, OP EVtfRY DESCRIPTION. J1LSO, Shoes, Hals, Hardware and Cnu lery, Groceries, Cation Hugging Hope, Iron, Nails, Casting?, &c. Consists in part of the following articles: 6 hhds St. Croix Sugar, 20 bags Coffee, 10 hhds. Molasses, 10 N. E. Rum, 30 barrels V his key, . 75 pieces Cotton Bagging, 100 coils Bale Rope, 10 tons Swedes and English Iron, 100 barrels new Fish, Also, 5,000 bush. T. I. SALT. The above articles will be sold low for Cask or Country Produce, or on a credit to punctual customers. The highest market price paid at all times for Country Produce. EVANS ANDREWS. Sparta, 2d Nov. 1832. 11 2MOSZCB. HHHE Subscribers are now receiving, in addi , tion to their former stock, the following arti cles, which they offer on good terms For Cash or Produce. 6 hhds St. Croix Sugar -10 casks Cheese; 50 sacks Liverpool Salt 10 hhds. Rum, 20 barrels Whiskey 40 bags Coffee, 50 pieces Bagging 10 tons Iron, assorted, 20 kegs Nails 50 coils bale Rope, 1000 bushels alum Salt 1000 do. ground do. The above articles were purchased in New York and Boston, and are now offered at a small advance on the first cost. D. RICHARDS CO. Tarborough, 15th Dec. 1832. Earthcnicarc, CMna& Glass. WHOM AS J. BARROW & CO. Importers, A SS Water-Street, New-York are receiving their spring importations in the above line; com prising a great variety of the Newest Patterns which are offered to Southern Merchants at the most reduced prices possible , for the article to be sold at. In addition to the above, they have a large and complete assortment of G'ilt and Plain LOOK ING GLASSES constantly on hand at low rates. Hoping a continuation of the liberal support hitherto received from pur Southern friends, we have made every exertion to lay in a stock of the most desirable Goods for that market and it shall be our constant endeavor to promote the interest of all those who may favor us with their orders. THOMAS J. BARROW CO. Importers m Water-St. New York. New York, Jan. 18, 1 S33. 23 Rocky Mount Hotel rpHE Subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public that he has commenced keeping Ji House of Entertainment At his residence at the Falls . of Tar River, IS miles from Tar borough and 55 from Raleigh, on the stage road between those towns. He will provide every thing abundantly, necessary for the eomfort and convenience of man and horse, and hopes to merit and receive a share of public patronage. ISAAC W. HORNE. Jan. 1833. 23 Lawrence & Leqiay's NORTH CAROLINA POR 1033, For sale at this Office at the Raleigh prices.
The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Feb. 5, 1833, edition 1
2
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