POn GOD, FOR OOUNTnY, pou thutii.
PLYMOUTH, N. C, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 17; 1899.
ISixiglo Copy. O Conts.
NO. 9.
VOL. XL
$1.00 tx Yox in Advance
-4
TIIK COXSTITUTIOJIAL." AMENDMENT.
The llrlllnnt congressman of the Fifth
., Oiotrlct Wrltea Concerning tt.-
Mr.- Editou: Recalling your re
quest, I offer some views ou the proposed
suffrage amendment to our Constitu
tion. Its main sections are:
Sec. 4. Every person presenting
himself for registration shall be able to
read and write any section of the Con
stitution in the English language; and,
before he shall ba entitled to
vose he shall have paid, on or before
the first day of March of the year in
which he proposes to vote, his poll tax
as prescribed by law, for the previous
year. Poll taxes shall be a lien only on
assessed property, and no process shall
issue to enforce the collection of the
same except against assessed property.
Sec. 5 No male person who was,
on January 1, 19G7, or at any time
prior thereto, entitled to vote under the
laws fjf any State in the Uuited States,
whereid he then resided, and no lineal
descendant of any such person, shall be
denied the right to register and vote at
any election in this State by reason of
his failure to possess the educational
qualifications prescribed in section 4 of
this article: Provided, IIo shall have
registered iu accordance with the terms
of this section piior to December 1,
1908. The General Assembly shall
provide for a permanent record of all
persons who register under this section
on or before November first, one thous
and nine hundred and eight, and all
such persons shall be entitled to register
and vote in all elections bv the people
in this State, unless disqualified under
section 2 of this article: l'roviueu,
Such persons shall have paid their poll
tax as required by law.
Its adoption will' stimulate education.
With it peace and safety will prevail in
the east as in the west. Many obstruc
tions will be removed from the discus
sions of national questions. Kouest
believers in the principles of their
national platforms should be willing to
their fate in this state to those
who will vote under it.
Manv negroes will not be, but it
18
estimated that 25000 will be qualified
to vote under it. Under it no'man who
or whose ancestor could vote prior to
1807 will fail to vote on account of not
hirc able to read and write. A few
foreign-born white men, unlettered in
nnr lanjmaere. will not be benefitted by
RAftinn 5. Section 5 will beuefit a few
nnlMprfld nficroes who or whose ances
tors could vote iu this state prior to our
constitution of ISSo, or in Wisconsin,
Massachusetts and other states in 18GG
In my opinion the great majority of
populists realizing the importance oi
national issues, and desiring our cam-
paigns to be more thoroughly on them,
will fnllnw wise and Datriotic leaders in
snnnort of the Amendment regardless
." of the position of those whose interests
mnv mA them to oppose H. come
Populists have "sworn in their wrath"
nfivpr tn vote another Democratic ticket.
These will proba Jy ally themselves with
the Rfinnblican rmrtv upon it.
Ordinary Republican politicians must
oppose it, for they want to preserve
their Dartv strength and besides the
inlfittered neeroee who have often
helnfid them renuire their opposition,
and thev wish to retain the inlluence
of the negros who will continue to vote.
But these considerations will not con
trol white Republicans who do not
asDire to office. Some of these however
will oppose it for the sake of their polit
ical friends, some from prejudice
against all things Democratic, and some
because they really thiuk that ignorant
nporrvps who will be disqualified under
it, are as capable in governmental affairs
as are the unlettered white men wno
will vote, under it. But maay white
. men in North Carolina homes to-day,
hearing the laughter of their nttie cnu
dren, and lovingly regardful of their
. fntnro.. . while Republicans on other
' questions are Democrats on th'u. They
will, w ith the approval of many staunch
and able Republican leaders increase
the majority by which the amendment
will carry and their posterity will cher-
' ish their conduct.
For thirty years white Republican
WHtra hnvp. said with us that this was.
because of his higher qualifications, a
whjte man's state and that white men
V .s'lould rule it. You can not recall one
Harho announced a contrary proposition.
a nmif will nrpRp.nt the first onoor-
Jroity that the men of our State have
have had during inia generation oi
' Showing in a substantial maner that
ey believe the duties and responsi
tion of snffraeashould be linted to
ban, who can read and write and yet
2 on that account denieu to tnose in
Xose veins How the blood of genera
ls of electors, and on whose charac
er is the imprint of centuries of heroic
f performance in public aftairs. l mis
Jkke their wisdom temper and determ
ination if thev do not avail themselycs
of that glorious opportunity.
f The conditions which prevailed in
BOine parts of our e'.ate prior to the last
pltfotion and which have al wiiys pre
vailed when the party with which the
crpat mass of ignorance acta, was in
fnmrilptfi control, are fresh in our minds
They distracted public attention, excited
fear and prejudice, threatened the
peace of men and the safety of women,
and in the opinion of our winent men
without hostility to the inferior race
rendered necessary important changes
in nnr nualitications for voters. These
conditions arose from a mass of voters
whn after thirty vears experience were
too ignorant to understand the iseues, J
too irresponsible to consider them and j
too prejudiced to appreciate them. Ihia
mass with unwise and selfish leaders
endangers good government. The
15th amendment to the United States
Constitution says:
"Section 1. The right of citizens of
the United States to vote shall not be
denied or abridged by the United States
or by any State on account of race,
color or preyious condition of servitude."
When not in iconihct with tha t the
State has the sovereign right to say who
shall and who shall not vote. It can
and does deny suffrage to women, to
persons under the age . of 21 years, etc.
The 14th amendment guaranteeing the
privileges and immunities of the citizens
of the United States and the equal pro
tection of its laws to every person within
the jurisdiction of a State does not and
was not intended to affect or confer suf
frage. If it did confer suffrage, then
women, children and idiots could vote,
for they are persons and citizens. The
loth amendment does not destroy tbe
right of a state to prescribe the qualifl
cations for its voters. These qualifica
tions vary in different StateB. In some
States both Bexes may vote, in most
States enly men can vote. Some States
require the voter to own a certain
amount of property. All States require
residence for a certain length of time
Many require Borne education, the pay
ment of taxes and registration. The full
meaning of the Federal constitution on
this subject is, that if a citizen of the
United States possesses the qualifica
tions prescribed by a State, then his
right to vote shall not be denied or
abridged on account of his race,
color, etc.
If Pennsylvania in which live thous
ands of foreign-born white men unable
toxwrite English, but which has few
negroes, were to adopt our amendment,
it is probable that no Republican would
declare it unconstitutional. Clearly if
constitutional for Pennsylvania, it is
constitutional for us. But here they
say it is not constitutional, because
under it more blacks than whites will
be disqualified. But tbe constitution
does not forbid that. If it did, Missis
sippi could not have the poll tax, educa
tion and the understanding clauses of
her constitution which has been sus
tained by the Supreme C jurt, for they
disqualify more negroes than whites,
thus effecting their intended result. If
it did, we could not disqualify for
larceny, for many more negroes than
whites become disqualified on that ac
count. If it did, a property qualifica
tion which we do not have and do not
want, would be unconstitutional, for it
would disqualify more negroes than
whites. Yet many states have it. The
number disqualified of either race does
not affect its constitutionality. A State
can not disqualify one man of either
race on account of color, race or previ-
ouj condition of servitude, but if the
people saw fit, it could disqualify every
man of either race for other reasonable
cause.
Since many negroes will not be qual
ified to vote under the proposed amend
ment, its enemies charge that it is aimed
at the negro because of his color. A
reading of it discloses no reference to
race or color. The Courts i i constru
ing it must presume that those who
formulated it and those who adopt it
knew what it said, and they are con
fined to its language in finding its
meaning. Yet as its opponents so often
discard the plain meaning of its words
and charge other reasons for its adop
tion, we too for the purpose of meeting
them at every point, will discuss matters
not strictly included in it. They seem
to ignore what every one else concedes,
that in the essential requisites of the
best and Bafest suffrage one race is, and
necessarily so, from its history, environ
ment, nature and condition inferior to
another, and that under, any reasonable
rule intended to separate the ht from
the unlit voter, a larger proportion of
the inferior race necessarily will be
eliminated than of the superior race
No rule will be perfect. No law can be
devised that will admit every fit voter
and rffacj none, and reject every unfit
voter and admit none, it is submitted
that the proposed amendment contains
as nearly a perfect rule under present
conditions as the wisdom of any legisla
ture is apt to devise. " Its extension of
suffrage to more whites than negroes is
natural and necessary in distinguishing
the fit from the unfit voter. A State
has the right to adopt any reasonable
qualification, rule, line or distinction,
or expedient to separate the fit from the
unfit voter not violative of the 15th
amendment. '
A voter should be patriotic, desiring
his country s welfare conscientious,
loving right above all things, intelligent
fairly understanding the general pnn
ci plea of government and the ordinary
matters presented for his suffrage, and
fearless, acting upon his best intelli
gence. He should vote honestly, with
out fear, favor or corruption. The
ordinary ignorant negro is not prepared
for the duties of suffrage.
Political motives, when the beet
intelligence and patriotism of the South
were not heard, endeavored to, elevate
the former slaves in a day to the high
position for which white men had
titri.etrled for ages, but even then their
right to vote was not insured, but it was
merely prescribed that it should not be
denied or abridged on account of three-
particular things, lucre are great
differences between the qualified, and
the unqualified voter under our amend
ment, regardless of these three things,
and it is natural that under it as under
any reasonable rule more blacks than
whites will be disqualified.
The unlettered negro usually knows
nothing of and cares not for public
questions. He dares not openly vote
contrary to the other negrpea. In many
countieB should he on election day an
nounce his intention to vote the Demo
cratic ticket, the others would, except
for the presence of white men, drive
him from the polls, and afterwards
persecute him.
The unlettered white man, on the
contrary, has the courage of his con
victions. He is intelligent. He is su
perior to the unlettered negro in infor
mation and intellectual grasp. He is a
patriot. He fought at King's Moun
tain, at Alamance and Guilford. He
waa with Washington at Yorktown,
with Jackson at New Orleans, with Lee
and Grant at Appomattox. Ilia moral
faculty and firmness of purpose exceed
the African's, lie has exercised gov
ernmental rights for hundreds of years.
Seven centuries ago he wrung the great
charter from tyrant King John. He
made Luther's reformation successful.
He shouldered his rifle, builded his
cabin on the frontier, and laid the foun
dations of our country's greatness. Is
he not better qualified to exercise a pa
triotic, intelligent, incorruptible ballot
than an uneducated man whose ances
try and race have never approached the
white man in government, in liberty,
in progress, in mind ? The white, man
conceived the railroad, steamboat, tele
graph, printing press and other inven
tions that bless. He organized our
government, created our educational
and developed our religious systems.
He has come in contact with the brown
man and his superiority has appeared.
He has met the yellow man, and the
yellow man has given him the way. He
has fac.;d the red man and the red man
is disappeanrg from the earth. He has
touched the black man in his native
African home and the black man yield
ed to him. Yet when the peoplo of
North Carolina, believing in the larger
capacity, better intelligence and steadier
character of the race most greatly
blessed by God, propose to overcome
the evils of ignorance and prejudice by
this amendment under the operation of
which unlettered men with ancient
heritage of political duties will be al
lowed to vote, ordinary Republican
politicians say that we shall not do this.
It depends upon the intelligence and
wisdom of ihe voters of North Carolina
to decide whether our State shall go
forward in this great work, or tamely
bear the evils endured in the past.
The amendment will stand or fall as
a whole. It is submitted to the people
as a whole. No man can vote for one
eection and reject another. Thua the
courts must consider it, if it ever reaches
them. If it is unconstitutional the
whole amendmeut fails. If a horse has
one bad leg he is unsound, though he
may have three good ones. So if one
section is bad the amendment is un
sound and will fail. Its opponents can
cite no instance in which an amend
ment has been sustained at all while
ue constitutional in a material part.
Those who attack section five are
generally opposed to the entire amend
ment. They do not want many negroes
disqualified, but if negroes are disquali
fied to any large extent, then they want
many whites also disqualified. They
therefore strive hard to make section 5
appear unconstitutional while declaring
that the other sections will stand. The
unlettered white man can have no worse
enemy than he who labors on the one
hand to prevent the disqualification of
ignorant and imcopetent blacks, and on
the other hand after the adoption of
the amendment endeavors to prevent
unlettered white men from voting by
insisting that section 5 is unconstitu
tional and shall not stand and that the
balance of the amendment shall stand,
thus demanding at every step that the
unlettered whites, notwithstanding their
greatly superior natural and acquired
qualifications, shall be forever chained
to equality with unlettered negroes.
The 4th section contains the main
new qualification required. No one
questions its constitutionality. Section
5 extends suffrage. Instead of denying
or abridging the right to vote, it ex
pressly says the right to vote shall not
be denied to certain ones on account of
lack of the educational qualification.
The people presume, when they adopt
the amendment, that these have proper
intelligence and fitness for suffrage
without education, as I have above in
dicated. Yet in that section its oppo
nents pretend to find a denial of the
right to vote on account of race, color
or previous condition of servitude !
They admit that after the amendment's
adoption many negroes will continue to
vote. Not one could vote if the right
to vote were denied on account of his
face. There will be thousands of living
testimonials to contradict their assertion
that the right to vote is denied on ac
count of race, color or previoua condi
tion of servitude.
An unlettered white man born here
30 years ago of parents who came to
our country alter the war will not be
benefitted by section 5. This will be
unfortunate, yet no one will say his
right to vote i3 denied on account of
his color or race. His lack of education
disqualifies him. Can one reason thus:
'You require me to read and write be
fore voting, I cannot read and write,
therefore you deny my right to vote on
account ot my color ?" . , -
The State can require any reasonable
qualification in her voters, such as the
educational test. If one negro votes
because of hia education, not because of
his color, then another negro fails to
vote for the lack of education, not on
account of his color. He must have
the educational qualification in Massa
chusetts to vote. They admit that it is
all right there and that the lack of edu
cation prevents yoting. Here they say
under our amendment that it will be
the color that prevents the ignorant ne
gro from voting, although he might
vote if he had the same educational
qualification as required by Massachu
setts. Here everyone, without any de
nial, though he be black as midnight,
who has the required qualifications, will
be a voter under the amendment.
The State can also extend suffrage in
any reasonable manner as is done in
section 5 for the next few years. The
only restraint upon the State relative to
suffrage is that contained in the loth
amendment aboye quoted. There is a
real difference in capacity, in fitness, in
intellectual and moral force, in infor
mation, in loye of home and country,
in aspiration, in all that makes compe
tence for good suffrage between the
great mass of the unlettered ones who
or whose ancestors could vote prior to
18G7, and the great masa of those who
or whose ancestors could not then vote,
and this difference exists without con
sideration of race, color or previous
condition of servitude. It is a deep,
time-proven, unmistakable difference,
known to all men.
While section 5 is an enlarging, not
abridging section, even its extension of
suffrage to certain ones is not on ae
count of race or color, but, if we are to
look beyond its words for its reason, be
cause of the actual fitness for suffrage
known to be usually possessed by them.
The position taken by the opponents of
the amendment puts upon them the
maintenance of the proposition that
there is no difference iu fitness for suf
frage between tbe unlettered white man
who will yote under it and the unlet
tered negro who will not vote under it,
and that the only difference between
them is race and color. Let those who
choose to do so, contend that the tin
lettered negro is the unlettered white
man's equal, but the Democratic party
stands for the white man s superiority.
It invites the contest, and confidently
appeals to the people. It will gladly
meet its opponents at the polls and
cheerfully in the courts. The people
should not consider it a mere party
question nor set upon it from ill feel
ing. The courts should not consider it
a nitre politicil contention nor act up
on it with partisan spirit. The end in
view is not strife, danger and oppres
sion, but peace, safety and liberty of
thought. The equal protection of the
laws will continue to bless those who
vote and those who do not. The Demo
cracy, with respect for the better and
more intelligent ones of the colored race,
and a just and patient regard for others
who will be admitted to the ballot as they
become qualified, will continue its ef
forts to educate the youth, care for the
'jlind and insane, and to in every way
enable the members of that race in this
State to work out its destiny in peace
and friendehip with white men.
The amendment will be maligned and
misrepresented by every one whose fu
ture depends upon the votes of ignorant
negroes, but this child of the Democ
racy with her face set firmly towards
white supremacy, her heart full of faith
in honest, fearless, white manhood,
with prayers and hopes of good women
ringing in her ears, unharmed by malice
and falsehood, will succeed, and with
her success will come, we trust, a better
day for our good commonwealth.
W. W. Kitchen.
Roxboro, N. C, Oct. 31, 18J9.
A Witty Illlntl Man.
A showman was making a great noise
at the front of his exhibition of the
wonders he had to show. A man stand
ins in the crowd, with a little boy be
side him, cried out:
"I'll bet you a sovereign you cannot
let me see a lion."
"Done," eaid the showman, eagerly,
"Put down your money.
The man placed a sovereti
hand of a bystander and
did the same.
"Now. walk thisit
showman, "and I'll
"There!"' -paid
in that corner.
ian lion."
"I don't
other.
"What's
the shown-'
"I'm blf
in a few ml
tted the twj
J
Mrs. ciif
world hap
church thj
singing th
Mr. Sprl
cycle) w
an easy
pedals, w4
notes and ,
Visitor ;
is a man,
derful enl
Hostess?
started in
I
BIL.U A HP'S liETTEH.
'Honesty is the best policy," said Ben
Franklin, and Richard Whatley, the
great theologian added, "But he who
acts on that principle is not an hOHfcPt
man." r '
The truth is, the real, genuine lion-
esty is not a policy at all, for policy re
quires thought, plan and generally
some dissimulation. It comes 1 frdm
the head, the brain; whereas honesty is
a moral principle that comes from the
heart, and takes no time for thought.
Policy is a cold, hard word; honesty a
warm, genial, neighborly one. -; The
poets like it next best to love Hearns
says, "It's guid to be honest and true,"
and Pope says An honest man s- the
noblest work of God. The best defini
tion of the word id, "free from deceit,.
just in speech and action, fair in deal-,
mg and worthy to be trusted."
I was ruminating about this because
a clever country boy from whom I buy
my lightwood brought me a load today
and the top layers and all that was m
sight were rich in rosin and clean and
attractive, lie wanted a dollar and a
half, and I told him it was too much;
but he pleaded like a lawyer, and said
he had hauled it ten miles, and that
kind of pine was getting awful scarce;
that he could have sold it down town,
but knew that I liked rich, clean split
pine, and so he brought it to me. He
is a good-looking, hard-working boy,
and so I bought it and stood by while
he threw it olf. The top was all right,
but that out of sight was black knots or
half-rotten pieces, and disgusted me,
"Look here, Felton, said 1, "do you
know of a boy who would put his best
pine in the bottom of the wagon, or
who would even mix it about half and
half?" "No, sir. 1 don't" said ne; "ve
havent got any of that sort in the piney
woods." "Don t you know, said 1
"that I wouldent have given you your
nnce it I nad Been in ine Dottom oi
your wagon?" He smiled complacently,
and replied: "That s just the reason we
put the best on top; we couldent get
mor n half price if we dident, and you
know, major, we get mighty little for a
hard day's work, anyhow.' 'Hut, it el
ton, that way of doing is cheating, and
they say that cheating never thrives
should think you would be ashamed to
throw your load on right here before
me." "Well, now, major, to tell you
the truth, I was in hopes you would go
in the bouse before I throwed it oil';
but evervbodv has to put the best on
ton," and he smiled all over his face
What kind of a boy is that? Well, he
is a little better than the average of
bovs. or men either, as to that, for he
smiles at you while he deceives you
Heard a blind phrenologist tell a man
once that his bump of covetousness was
so large that he would 6teal if ne nad a
fair chance that is, if he found a man
asleep with his pocketbook under his
pillow he would take it, but at the same
time he had sympathy so largely de
veloped that he would kiss his sleeping
victim before he left him. 1 like that
boy for his good nature, and had rather
he" would cheat me than a boy who
wouldent own up to anything, and go
off and brag how he got me. les
evervbodv puts the best on top, and
everybody triea to get the advantage in
a trade not everybody, but the ex
ceptions are very few. A man can tell
a lie by concealing the truth when
was a lad I heard old Dr. Nathan Hoyt
of Athens, preach a sermon in our
town, and have not forgotten how he
looked straight at me and said: "Lit
tie boy, you can tell a lie by winking
your eye." My wife says she was in
store one day when a country woman
came in and asked the merchant if he
could match that scrap of gingham
which she showed him. He said no
but he had something very like it, and
prettier, and he finally sold it to her
After she left, my wife remarked that
she mierht have matched it at the next
door, for she noticed the identical goods
in the window as she passed, "xes,
knew it," said the merchant, "but it
wasent my business to tell her; I must
sell mv own good if,. i,lL at
was the kind -J
policy, bj4USj
-sit waei
. HOW fri
" -
little girl pretty, nor does she want th
visitor to sit longer or stay to ainuer.
But these are social deceptions, ana
keep up good will. What an awmi
thing it would be for a lady to tell her
Visitor that she had stayed about long
enough. And had better go. Not long
agq,a' lady of our town told two boys
who came to see her boys that they had
better go home, for they had stayed
long enough, and it raised a rumpus
that is not yet allayed.
But the most nunerous and provok
ing" of all deceivers are the advertisers
of patent medicines. Everybody knows
that nine-tenths or tneir nostrums arc
humbugs and their certificates of won
derful ures are either made up or paid
for, and yet the eick or the diseased
will strain their credulity and take an
other chance to be restored. That's all
right ;if there is no harm in the medi
cine, but we do get very urea looKing
at the conspicuous heads ana races oi
doctors and patients in the newspapers.
Ordinary lying that has no malice in it
is not a cardinal sin. it is not iornia
den in the ten commandments. Ana
nias was not suddenly punished for ly
ing unto men, but he had lied unto
God. He sought to defraud the Lord s
treasury and there is many a church
member doing the same thing now.
They make no sacrifice. They with
hold a part and lie unto their own con
sciences. The poor widow's mite is
still a bigger thing than a rich man's
large donation.
I wonder what kind of a world we
would have if everybody was good. I
don't mean religious, but kind and just
and honest. Our courts and prisons
would be abolished. Just think of it.
But it cannot be. Original sin and
total depravity and moral turpitude are
still in the way. The mystery of evil
still hangs over us. John btuart Will
and Herbert Spencer and other great
thinkers say that the Creator made the
very best world and the 4est inhabi
tants that He could out of the material
that He had, but that it is improving as
the centuries roll on. And John Fiske
says that evil is necessary to teach us
what good is. That if there was no
crime or pain or grief we would have
no joy or happiness and would not
know what it was. Plato said 2.000
years ago that we had to limit God's
omnipotence or His goodness, one or
the other, and many learned and sin
cere men, like Calvin and Edwards,
have tried to reconcile predestination
with free acency, but it is all incom
prehensible to me and 1 have to fall
back and entrench myself on those in
junctions which say, "Deal justly love
mercv and obey the Lord thy uod,
and the later one which says, "Thou
shalt love the Lord thy God with all
thy heart and thy neighbor as thyself,"
and then accept David's faith, which
saith, "Though he slay me yet will I
trust in him." I m not going to strain
my mind over perplexing problems
that have never been solved. Mr.
Fiske is a beautiful writer, but if evil
was
created as a contrast so that we
might know what good is then how can
we enjoy heaven where there is no evil,
no crime or grief or affliction. One
thing I do know, that this is a beauti
ful world and this life is a happy one
to those who choose to make it so.
President Dabney, of the University of
Tennessee, said in a recent speech at .
Huntsville: "England is about to per
petrate a great crime againtt the Boera
in expelling them from their own
domain. But this is progress and is in
evitable It is the law of nature and
tlie"law ufjiature is the law of God."
That sounds Vk.a strange doctrine to
those who believe VLt God is love. The
Savior said, "Oflenses'mst needs come,
but woe unto them bj whom they
come." Then what peril' are those
rulerB in who have the power 4o oppress
and use it to carry out a selfk "y
After all it is safest to be an "i!?t?A2
honest citizen and have no policy.
Bill Arp.
Ordered the egroe Away.
Piinr.ii NT P! Kn. f. For manv
been the boast of people
-rk Creek section o''
s Btate, thjy