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PAGE 4 THE TRIBUNAL Ain IK HEWS »F nt »»iTH's m iiot miYs mosE Of nt p»pti'$ DECEMBER A, 1974 ‘You’re A Part Of The Solution^ Or You’re A Part Of The Problem ’ POINTER by Albert A. Campbell BECAUSE , THEY VOTED. Crime and Blacks Crime and the black community have become synonymous in most cities across this country. With the white exodus to suburban areas, the inner core of most cities is rapidly becoming all black; consequently, leaving the bulk of the crime rate for the black inhabitants. As the black population increased, so did the crime rate along with the black ratio of criminals. With the inner core of the cities becoming increasingly black, the rate of crime is also on the increase. High Point, like other cities, in its small way, is also a victim of the white exodus and the black accession. This then places High Point in a similar criminal category - crimes by blacks are on the increase. There are various causes for some of the crimes being committed and one in particular. However, for the time being, I would like to temporarily forget about the causes and deal with the ill-effects and damaging results of crime among our young people. Not too long ago, I was listening to the Paul Harvey news broadcast on the radio when he was talking about the very low crime rate in the Chinese community of San Francisco’s China Town. Of the thousands of Chinese iiviiig there, only one crime on record in 12 rnomhs was committed by a Chinese. That was no accident -- there had to be a reason for it. The Jew, likewise, is almost never involved in crimes. Just let your mind drift back to the WMFR Mobile Unit and the newspapers and try to think of hearing or reading about a Jew breaking into a vending machine or shoplifting. I don’t think you’ll meet with much success. Accident? Not hardly! It is a result of discipline, respect, and a concern for more important achievements. With this in mind, blacks can learn a good lesson and reroute themselves in a better direction and begin to gain rather than constantly lose. So often when downtown shopping, you will see pictures of persons who are convicted shoplifters. In most cases there are more blacks than any other race of people. Sometimes more blacks than all other races combined. Is this an accident? No! The blacks are the criminals and it is their pictures that are hung for all to see. We sometimes complain about the police constantly driving through the black community and harrassing certain persons. Often we feel that it is unnecessary for them to search some of the men they stop. We wonder always “pick on” special guys. Well, that’s the reason. They are special! Ihey are the guys, when something is missing or a store has been broken into, who normally did It y or they know who did it. They chose theii life and they will have to learn to live with it. Once a person takes up a life of crime, it appears to be very hard to change for the better -- even when he really wants to. He will, for a long time, be reminded of it in many ways. Some of his old “friends” won’t let him forget. Society will slowly if ever, accept him. And most of all, there is that police record ever staring him in the face. With a police record, many of life’s blessings will seemingly slip past the rehabilitated. A good paying job will suddenly no longer need you. When applying for employment, there will no longer be an vacancies. Obtaining credit will be difficult; and in some instances, almost impossible. Obviously then, the life of a criminal must be that of an ignorant person. One who is uninformed of the ill-effects of crime. It has to be a lonely and uncomfortable life. Having to work alone and not sharing with anyone for tearot distrust, must get to be very lonesome. Atraid to attend to the knock at the door because it just might be the police closing in on your, must be very uncomfortable. I don’t think that this is the kind of life that a person would knowingly choose. For those who are living that kind of life, it is not too late to change - unless, of course, you wait until you get caught...and you will, if you continue! How do we go about correcting this problem within our community? (And. we should try') How do we discourage a life of crime among the young black kids? How do we adults encourage obedience of the law? First, we must exemplify by our own actions that we are honest. We cannot live a life of double standards! We must make them see - through our guidance - that honesty is the best policy. As children, they must be taught to respect the property of others. And most of all, they must be taught to be trusting through our trustworthiness. ^/Ne f^ONpReoBL^H EL£CTeo omaAu TO BE EQUAL by Vernon E. Jordait Jij. Blacks and the Tube THE ROY WILKINS COLUMN Nation’s “Black List” United States citizens, especial ly members of so-called black extremist groups, woke up one morning to find that the Internal Revenue Service was keeping watch over them. Authority for the special unit came on July 2, 1969, from a suggestion from the White House, then under the administration of President Richard M. Nixon. Those who belonged to or supported 99 various groups, such as the National Council of Churches, the National Urban League and the Americans for Democratic Action, found that their interests suddenly became the interests of the IRS. The special investigative unit within the IRS called these 99 organizations “ideological, mili tant, subversive and radical.” The White House is alleged to have asked that the IRS “move against leftist organizations,” and the IRS documents refer to the organiza tions on the list in such terms as “subversive organizations of all kinds.” The word “revolutionary” is used repeatedly. Few people know for certain just what the National Council of Churches did, or just what trend in the organization was noted to warrant its listing. People have become used to charges leveled against Americans for Democratic Action, but no one has accused the ADA of being subversive, of selling out America. To a great many American blacks, the inclusion of the National Urban League is both an indictment of the whole list and a warning of special investigation by Big Brother no matter how clean one’s record. The Urban League was organized in 1910 to minister to the needs of thousands of black people who were part of the migration from the rural areas to urban centers. It has both white and black officers and staff, both nationally and in its 100 local offices. point, but it has pretty much stuck to its knitting. It has asked equal opportunity for people. In fact, it adopted and made popular the equal opportunity slogan. As the second oldest (by a year) national organization giving the needs of the black population top priority, it has worked closely with the federal government. A favorite speech theme of Whitney M. Young, late executive director, was a Marshall plan for America’s blacks, based upon the hundreds of million dollars this country invested in the rebuilding of Europe. American Negroes know that at the very time the administrative machinery of former President Nixon was keeping a dossier on the Urban League, other parts of that macherinery were giving out contracts to the League for projects requiring its special expertise. The information on the other black organizations is not as clear as it is on the Urban League, except for the Black Panthers. Since the IRS list was started in 1969, the Panthers of Oakland, Calif, have run a candidate for mayor, Bobby Seale, who got 40,000 votes. This was their experiment with “ballots not bullets.” The Nation of Islam, popularly known as the Black Muslims, was also listed. They have been known for minding their own business, except when stepped on, and for setting up retail shops of every kind. The Student Non-Violent Com mittee (Snick) is listed, although it has gone out of business. The ambiguous relationship of black people with the television industry continues. In rnany areas blacks make up a majority or large majority of television viewers. Nationwide, blacks form a disproportionate market for products advertised on the home screen. Most blacks rely on television broadcasts for their prime source of news. But within the television industry and related businesses, blacks are few and powerless. Studies indicate that a fifth of all television stations have no minority employees, a third of all stations have no minorities in higher salaried positions, and four out of five had none in managerial positions. It is clear that the telvision industry, like so many other businesses, has relaxed its initial push to recruit, train and hire black employees. The difference though, is that television stations operate under government license and their hiring practices should be taken account of when the Federal Communications Commis sion reviews license renewal applications. The FCC has been noticeably lax in this. FCC denials of license renewals were unheard of until this fall when Alabama’s state educational network was reported ly denied renewal of its license for its blatant discrimination in hiring and programming practices. The Commission should adopt a strong affirmative hiring policy, and it should also be more aggressive in assuring that stations carry out their obligations to the public by providing educational and quality children’s programming, in addition to its entertainment broadcasts. The FCC recently adopted a new policy statement on children’s broadcasting, after a long fight by concerned parents’ groups. It cut the allowed advertsing time on children’s programs and, without getting very specific, says that broadcasters “have a special obligation to serve children.” Advertising directed at children is a live issue not adequately dealth with by the FCC. Cutting commercial time by a few minutes still doesn’t deal with the high pressure tactics used in selling to children, who are not capable of understanding all the nuances of ads. Advertisements are often un screened for health and safety factors, often make exaggerated claims and hook kids with offers of free toys or gimmicks. Children thus demand products that have little nutritional value and are bad for their growing bodies. License renewal time is the period when minorities and other citizens’ groups have maximum leverage in pressuring stations to fulfill their stated obligation to substantially meet the commun ity’s needs and interests. Now Congress is about to extend license periods from three to five years, and it will also ease qualifications for such renewals. This will put the industry further beyond the reach of citizens seeking changed policies and greater access. It remains to be seen whether the FCC will continue its all but automatic renewal of license applications or whether it will apply the new, looser standards, with more zeal. Most vulnerable to these pitches are minority and low-income youngsters, w'lto„»'a:fch tel^visiffi more often than others. The average-first-grader has already spent more time in front of the tube than he later will in a college classroom. Along with high pressure commercials that make them want to buy things their parents can t afford or are not good for them, these kids are also learning distorted values. In a few yearS’ their realization that they ye been exploited will breed cynicism and mistrust of adults. In its hiring practices, its stereotyped programming, its influence on children, and its commercial messages, the televi sion industry has yet to merit the trust of rte people it supposedly something that Vu the industry itself, the rCC, and you, the viewer. from THE CAROUNA TIMIS THE HAACP PUZZLE - ARE MOST BIACKS UNCIE TOMS? One does not wish to take anything from the League at this A warning, if any were needed, is sounded on the need for protection from our government, the Big Brother scrutiny of every letter. If black citizens were inclined to think of the Nixon plan as “white folks’ buisness,” the naming of a conservative black group as “subversive” will teach them that Watergate included them too. One of' the nio.st complex puzzles ot the past 60 years is wliy slacks - including part of the so-called elite and the intellectuals, do not in larger numbers join and support the outstanding work of the National Association lor the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) only share the benefits. Since 1910, a relatively small group ot blacks and whites never more than- 450.000 has made up the membership and support force of the NAAC'P. Through 64 long years, it has been the main prong of the civil riglits thrust, knocking down the barriers to fi.'st -'lass citizenship for black Americans. The NAACP knocked out white primaries and housing covenants in the I 940's. killed dining car segregation and discrimination in places ot public accommodation and also opened the way for blacks to vote in the South where racist registrars had frustrated our right to register. And on Capitol Hiil, where important legislation affecting the ives ot blacks is enacted the only continuing safeguard for our people is tlie NAACP’s dynamic lobbyist Clarence Mitchell Jr., often referred to as the 101 St Senator. But in spite of its enormous contribution („ u,e advancement of blacks, the NAAC'P’s membership represents only a little more than 1% u, Americans. Why. Could it be that mast of us are Uncle Thomases'.This is a real puzzle. A great many of us talk bodly about Civil rights and our own militancy, but it’s mostly TALK. Ask one of us to show you our NAACP membership card. That’s the shibboleth, the proof of where we '.'■'ally f’Ct your proof today Jo.n the NAAC P. And for ChristnJ, instead ot giving your friends neckties ^id earrings, give them a $4 or $6 NNpI How about it.
The Tribunal Aid (High Point, N.C.)
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Dec. 4, 1974, edition 1
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