Page 2 BLACK INK October 1975 Ink dedicated to draw ties This first issue of Black Ink is very late. Some people thought that we (the staff) would not publish a paper at all, and some others (particularly freshmen) never knew that we existed. ohe This first issue of Black Ink is very late. Some people thought that we (the staff) would not publish a paper at all, and some others (particularly freshmen) never knew that we existed. The Black Ink is the official publication of the Black Student Movement. Since 1969, our cause has been to provide the Black perspective of the UNC-Chapel Hill community because we feel that our names, accomplishments and concerns too often have been ignored by other publications. Our hope is to draw the ties among Black students, staff, faculty and area citizens and to make our presence known. Perhaps in getting to know one another better, we can appreciate what good we are all doing for a common cause—whether actively involved with the BSM, with general university organizations or through other means. r □! t. After all, our ultimate goal is to strengthen the power ot Black people. From the BSM Chairman Praises response to cause Killing our people Together finally. After more years than we'd like to remember of looking across that great divide; created not by us—but by others. But, together now. Oh, conscious that we may stumble or make false starts, and that at times, we may even wish for the less complex days of old. But, together now. Finally. Irrevocably. Determined to do this task. Because we can; because we must; because we shall. These are my sentiments as I revert my thoughts to the September demonstration on South Building. No, it was not a party, nor was it a concert; and certainly, it was not a strike. Rather, it was a cause—one that affected every UNC student, though the demonstration most directly involved and affected Black students. We were confronted with the critical problem of frozen funds. We sought to solve the problem through the system, but the system failed us miserably and failed Itself worse. We could no longer tolerate a system that failed to address the grievances of those it served. It thus became necessary to by-pass the system and pursue political avenues. Like thieves in the night, dedicated Black students met at 2 a.m. in Upendo to concoct strategems. By 2:30 a.m., Upendo was full. The Central Committee voted to organize a protest to be held at 9:30 a.m. After a lengthy discussion, the crowd of brave warriors left Upendo to inform other Black students of our plan. These nocturnal efforts were successful. At 10 a.m., more than 200 Black students gathered in the Pit to prepare for the demonstration. We proceeded to South Building singing, clapping and chanting. The Chancellor met with BSM representatives. The demonstration reverted to the Pit while BSM representatives met with Student Body President Bill Bates and Dean Donald Boulton. Within an hour. Bates addressed the demonstrators, informing us that the BSM general funds were released. We had succeeded. Not only had we gotten our funds, but we had also surfaced the injustices which student government so diligently disguised and directed toward the BSM But what did these successes mean for Black students at UNC? Or, did they have any meaning? Obviously, this is a question that should be answered by Black students individually As Chairman of the Black Student Movement, I am convinced that three significant trends are occurring on this campus. First, the successful demonstration reaffirmed in my mind that Black students are continuing to abandon our historical and nonproductive romance with political complacency. Second, I am more convinced that the Black collegian is the vanguard element of our society who will enable Black people to determine the destiny of our own lives. Last, the old cliche, 'together we stand, divided we fall, " has taken on a fresh and relevant meaning for Black students as a result of September's demonstration I call on Black students to continue to support the BSM. By doing so, you will continue to support yourselves. If you fail the organization, then you inevitably fail yourselves. Failure is that negative stigma which has been attached to African people since our American history. Therefore, we must fight failure, we must eradicate it and we must deplore its essence. In Peace and Power, D. Lester Diggs BSM Chairman by Allen H. Johnson III Sports Writer Killing Our People? Your name is Big Brother You say that you're watchin' me on the telly Seeing me go nowhere Your name is Big Brother You say you're tired of me protesting Children dying everyday My name is Nobody. But / can't wait to see your face in my door — Stevie Wonder In ancient and medieval times, men often tortured other men with ingenious devices designed explicitly for inflicting unbearable pain and often death. Civilization apparently found torture to be to its liking and in the late middle ages and early Renaissance period a wider and more intriguing array of torture machines was invented. One such model was ' Skeffington s Daughter," an iron frame with spikes in which unfortunate victims were enclosed to a horrible death. Other highly imaginative devices included pincers, manacles, "the boot, " 'the wheel, and "the thumbscrew. " According to a reliable reference source (an encyclopedia, no less), "'among the methods of putting to death by torture were mutilation, disembowelling, and burning at the stake." It may also be significant to note that these machines for torture and execution were not products of a heathen uncivilized people, but in so-called Christian countries, usually under the auspices of the church. Our reliable source, the encyclopedia, made some rather interesting comments along the way. For instance, it said: In the Twentieth Century, torture has been used by fascist and communist governments to wipe out opposition to their regimes. " Governments mentioned included North Korea, Germany, and Japan, but the United States was somehow mysteriously excluded. The omission is even more mysterious when the fact is considered that American employ one of the most ominous devices of all. It is a huge chair, complete with straps for arms and chest, and shackles for the legs. Once a man is firmly strapped in the seat, the chamber containing the seat is sealed and pellets of hydrogen cyanide gas are electrically released. The man will experience convulsions, lose control of his muscles, lose consciousness, then die. In North Carolina, the newer version of the death chair replaces the earlier BLACK INK Tonya Widemon Editor-in-chief Sadie Copeland Associate Editor Gail Westry Managing Editor Andeli McCoy Layout Editor Deborah Craig Assistant Layout Editor Vanessa Galiman News Editor Fay Mitchell Features Editor Allen Johnson Sports Editor Russell Davis Photography Editor Black Ink IS published monthly by the UNC Black Student Movement. All unsigned editorials represent the opinions of the editor. All columns represent only the opinions of the individual contributors. Letters to the Editor may be addressed to Black Ink, 261 -B Carolina Student Union, The University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina s I model, which relied on electricity instead of gas to seal the fate of its occupant. Of course, the horror of the gas chamber itself is exceeded only by the statistics behind it. The first man to be executed in the North Carolina gas chamber was Black. The last man to be executed in the North Carolina gas chamber was Black. The first man to be electrocuted in North Carolina was Black. The last man to be electrocuted in North Carolina was Black. The only two women presently on death row in the nation are Black and American Indian and are held in North Carolina prisons. Overall, 282 Blacks have been executed in North Carolina as compared to only 73 whites. Perhaps this is why Angela Davis refers to North Carolina as the " most repressive state in the Union. " Capital punishment is not wrong simple because of the crude " eye for an eye " doctrine it promotes but for several other essential reasons.: —The margin of human error. Who are we to judge whether a man should live or die and how certain can we be that he actually committed the crime for which he is accused? Men have in the past been convicted and executed for crimes that they were later found to have never committed. —The infequities of the justice system. The courts are geared to the advantage of the affluent and the disadvantage of the poor. The more money a man has, the less likely he is to even see a prison cell. —Capital punishment accomplishes nothing. Statistics have proven that capital punishment has done little to deter crime. Moreover, how many potential murderers are going to think in their moment of passion, " I d better not do this. In North Carolina, if l"m convicted of first degree murder. 1 11 get the gas chamber?"' The disproportionate number of Blacks and other minorities who are executed. Are we to believe that whites are less prone to commit rape and murder than Blacks? Some observers have charged that capital punishment is nothing more than legalized, systematic genocide instituted by a contemporary Big Brother state. Thus, the phrase ""law and order,"" ironically coined by a Mr. Richard M. Nixon, could quite easily (and not erroneously) be translated as "get the Blacks."' Express Your Views. The Black Ink editorial page is for you. Why not use it?