Page 8
Black Ink
November S. 1984
U.S. Companies Should Divest
Interests In South Africa
(continued from page 3)
At best, however, these changes must be considered "cosmetic." Change
in South Africa can only come about when the doctrine of White Supremacy
has been challenged and defeated.
Moreover, the changes implemented by these "benevolent" American
companies have even failed in providing Blacks with incomes that would
enable them to bridge the official poverty line. (While the exact figure is not
available, Black wages, overall, average about 25 percent of those of whites).
It would be a fundamental mistake to believe that U.S. companies are will
ing to forfeit the low (exploitative) wages which account for super high profits-
-and American businesses are in South Africa for profit.
Today, American firms such as Exxon, IBM, General Motors General
Electric, Ford, Standard Oil, Mobil Oil, Chase Manhattan Bank, Chrysler,
Texaco, Caltex, Goodyear, Gulf, Kenecott have investments in South
Africa (which is second only to Great Britain). Most of these investments are
concentrated in strategically important sectors in the South African economy
i.e. in the production of automobiles, high technology, energy and arms. The
economic assistance that U.S. firms have provided South Africa, has in part
enabled the regime to become almost self-sufficient.
For example, in 1966 South Africa spent 70 percent of its defense budget
on importing arms; by 1982 this figure had dropped to a mere 15 percent. Cur
rently, South Africa is the tenth largest arms producer in the world despite the
U.N. arms embargo imposed in 1977.
In any case, self-sufficiency has meant that South Africa can continue to
oppress and exploit its Black population--in addition to terrorizing other Black
African countries in the region--without fearing world-wide sanctions.
American firms not only provide the essential technology and finance to
strengthen the South African state; many of these firms also have an active role
in preserving the status quo in times of crisis.
The exposure of the "Secret Contingency Plan in the Event of Civil
Unrest" underscored the significant role U.S. companies played in South
Africa. The contingency document designated several American firms as "Na
tional Key Point Industries." Thus in the event of a political crisis, the white
personnel of these firms were to be incorporated into a South African comman
do unit with dual role of protecting as well as managing the plant. This would
relieve the regime's hardpressed professional army for other military
engagements.
In order to placate growing anti-apartheid criticism, many American
firms have adopted the Sullivan Principles: a vague pledge, endorsed by the
South African regime, to provide equal pay for equal work and upgrade
Blacks in their South African subsidiaries.
While the Sullivan Principles may be well-intended, one must remain
skeptical that this version of the Affirmative Action program will be effective in
a system as racist and exploitative as South Africa's. It is also ironic, that many
U.S. firms and the Reagan administrative are supposedly supporting the
Sullivan Principles when these same people are reluctant to enforce Affir
mative Action within the American borders.
It is noteworthy that the U.S. Chamber of Commerce campaigned suc
cessfully to defeat a proposal that would allow Congress to officially monitor
the implementation and enforce the Sullivan Principles in South Africa.
Futherinore, an interesting development has occured among several U.S.
companies, many of them (Chrysler, General Motors, General Electric, etc.)
have sold a majority of their shares in their South African subsidiaries to South
African partners. Thus, the Americans escape responsibility for implementing
the Sullivan principles.
At the same time, the American companies still receive a significant share
of the profit derived from the exploitation of low paid black workers. After
seven years under the Sullivan Principles, many observers have concluded
that opportunities for blacks have in fact declined.
The U.S. based multinationals are in the position of supporting a racist
regime which maintains its role by force, i.e. the systematic oppression of
Black Africans. This leaves us with the perplexing questions: What is to be
done?
The American people must demand that U.S. firms stop investing in South
Africa and also start to withdraw their previous investments from there. This
task, however, will not be an easy one, espjecially since 75 percent of U.S.
direct investments are owned by just twelve firms. These firms are among the
largest and most powerful in America. Wellesley College Professor Anne
Seidman said: "These 12 firms play a p>ower{ul role in the U.S. political
economy, itself, as well as in South Africa. Between them, they own about 25
percent of the assets of all U.S. industrial corporations." The power these firms
wield in American politics makes this a national political issue.
The consequences of a divestment campaign would be grave for South
Africa.
Accepting that South Africa is tied into the world economic system, the
prevention of an influx of technology and capital would effectively isolate the
Republic. Economic isolation may lead the apartheid regime to dismantle its
racist structure.
In any case, by prohibiting any further investments in South Africa, the
profits of exploitation would cease and might even give encouragement to
revolutionary forces within the country to challenge the status quo.
Gubernatorial Candidates Look To
Black Community For Support On Nov. 6
(continued from page 5)
cuts in federal educational spending, incentives to schools that focus on
science, math, communications and computer literacy.
The Republican platform calls for limited federal roles in education,
restored power to state and local government, merit pay for teachers and
discontinuation of mandatory busing of students to achieve racial desegrega
tion.
"Edminsten's prime concern is to make sure that North Carolina is second
to none in educating its people," Carlton said. "He will make sure that the
money is there to have good teachers and good schools."
Martin said that he would demand better schools for the state. "I will not
accept the fact that our state stands 44th in the nation in teacher salaries and
second from last in Scholastic Achievement Test Scores," he said.
According to Edmisten's record, he advocates funding to support the
school lunch program and increased wages for teachers. He defended the use
of National Teacher Exams for assuring minimum academic preparation for
teachers.
Martin voted to reduce or limit school lunch programs for children and
voted against increasing the budget for education. He voted for the elimina
tion of $964 million from the Education and Labor Committee authorizations
for 1984. He also voted to substantially cut college loan and grant programs.
"Martin realizes that he has to work for the Black vote rather than, like the
Democrats, assume that he will get it," Stith said. "Politics is a funny game. As
Republicans, we are not depending on Reagan's coattails, but rather, we
welcome any support."
"Edmisten is not taking the Black vote for granted," Carlton said. "He will
try to get the suggestions and requests from the Black community," Carlton
said.
Carter Visits Campus For Weil Lecture
(continued from page 5)
indirectly responsible for his
downfall. In 1980, a U.S. commando
mission to free 52 Iranian-held
American hostages failed; he said, "If
we had succeeded, it would have
given me a great boost politically."
He discounted the assertion that the
Soviet Union knew of the American
rescue mission and foiled the attempt.
In terms of projecting strength,
Reagan seemed to be a successful
leader. Carter said. "He is a master at
giving the American people a sense
of the nation being strong, right,
powerful, blessed by God and a note
of optimism when things go wrong. I
have to give him credit for that."
American military force is feared
and honored around the world, he
pointed out. "But there is no use of
diplomacy and negotiations; our
great strength must be used for
pieace."
For example, he said U.S. troops
should withdraw from Honduras and
the CIA should stop covert ojaera-
tions in Nicaragua. "Reagan has a
deep philosophical hatred of people
like the Sandinistas and has launched
the military to overthrow the move
ment," he pointed out. "It's not a
communist nation, and it's not a
socialist nation."
He said the United States should
resume arms control talks with the
Soviet Union and maintained that
Americans should not assume the
Soviet Union is an "evil
kingdom... (which) does not want
peace as much as we do."
Carter also said he was concern
ed about the mixing of politics and
religion by Republicans and the New
Right.
"I am a devout Southern
Baptist," he said, "advocating the
separation of church and state."
Maintaining that he opposed man
datory school prayer, he added that
conservatives should not insist that
America be solely a Christian nation
when there are other religions prac
ticed in the country.
Earlier in the day. Carter spoke
to reporters and students in Hamilton
Hall where he endorsed Gov. lames
B. Hunt Ir. in his challenge to unseat
Sen. Jesse A. Helms.
"Jim Hunt is a fine man, and I
think Jesse Helms is just the
opposite," he said.
Black and White
Greeks Confront
Racism in IFC
(continued from page 4)
anything Black.
"I don't think that they are taking
on the white culture, but I don't think
they need to give up their Blackness."
Addison Sweeney, a Black
member of Chi Psi said: "I don't think
integrating fraternities is something
that either community pushes a lot. I
don't feel that either community is
ready for it yet."
Sweeney said the first part of the
meeting at Chi Psi dealt with a possi
ble integration of the fraternities, but
racism within the Greek systems was
the topic of the meeting in the end.
Bob Willis, historian for Omega
Psi Phi said, "Someone who pledges a
fraternity that is dominated by another
race should be sincere and share the
goals and beliefs of that fraternity.
"Our fraternity, like the other
Black fraternities, posts flyers for our
smokers and we invite all interested
men."
Perry said, ”I'm not pushing
mandatory integration because there
may arise a situation where someone is
a token and that would be as bad as
having a homogenous organization."