PAGE TWO
THE LANCE
THURSDAY, APRIL 5,1973
THE LANCE
StaH
iSditor Marshall Gravely
^sociate Editors Skip Taylor
Tim Tourtellotte
Sports Editor Bill Wilmot
Bminess Managers BUI McClellan
Carl Compton
Circulation Manager Cathe Lament
Advisor Mr. Fowler Dugger
The editorial staff’s intent is to maintain professional stan
dards within the guidelines set forth by the Code of Respon
sibility. Signed editorials reflect the opinion of the author, while
unsigned editorials reflect the majority opinion of the staff.
Opinions expressed are not necessarily those of the College. Let
ters to the Editor and articles are welcomed, though subject to
space limitations.
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Nixon’s “Winning The Peace
Ensures New Indochina Costs
A Sign Of Hope
This week’s conclusion of self-nominations for Student As
sociation offices lends at least some hope for next year at SA.
The response was better than last year's, with most all offices
at least being contested by two or more candidates. Campaigning
wUl continue through this week, with voting next Tuesday. Stu-
dent support of and interest In this year’s elections are badly
needed. The students who are elected to these offices must
have the support of as many other students as possible in
order to make their offices viable institutions rather than
JUM figurehead positions with no real power behind them.
On a lighter note, the Lance is proud to see that our food
service is co-operating in the meat boycott this week. Is that
their intention, though? Or maybe they’re not-it just the
Jiock of coming back to school after a week of home cooking.
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BY GEORGE STEIN
(Editor’s Note: George
Stein, a former employee of
the American Friends Service
Committee, is a free-lance
journalist).
(CPS)-President Nixon in
his March 2 nfews conference
declared, “The costs of peace
are great, but the costs of war
are much greater.” Exactly
what the costs of “peace” will
be, however, has not been
spelled out yet.
As the initial period of the
ceasefire draws to a close and
the Congressional budgetary
machinery moves into high
gear, it is time to look ahead.
Putting together govern
ment figures and unofficial
estimates, the continuing cost
of US-Southeast Asia policy
for the new fiscal year 1973
(FY 73) can be put at slightly
more than $6.5 billion.
Estimates of US spending
for Southeast Asia are neither
final nor complete. Much of
the spending is subject to
Congressional revision and
events may catch up with
predictions.
The budget for FY 74 is
based on the present level of
conflict. Should the fighting in
crease, the record of the past
year shows that costs would
rise sharply.
The Christmas bombing
campaign against North Viet
nam cost an average of $25
million a day, totaling $450
million. The increased action
in Southeast Asia following the
North Vietnamese offense
sent the Pentagon to Capitol
Hill with a supplemental
budget request for FY 73 of
$2.3 billion.
The $6.5 billion total in
cludes economic and develop
mental aid; constribution to
the Food for Peace program;
reconstruction aid for In
dochina, and Pentagon
outlays.
The Pentagon estimates
that $4,618 billion will be spent
in FY 74 for Southeast Asia.
Although the current Pen
tagon estimates do not take
the ceasefire into account,
several considerations weigh
against substantial savings
from the ceasefire.
The replacement clause
(article 7) of the ceasefire
agreement under which equip
ment and munitions used up or
damaged may be replaced
leaves legal justification for
providing a continued high
level of military assistance to
ttie Thieu government in South
Vietnam.
Defense Department
Secretary Elliot Richardson
warned, March 5, that if the
ceasefire breaks down more
drastically, the money
requested in the budget fori
Southeast Asia may not be suf
ficient.
Although the Pentagon
released coments January 29 j
detailing the $2.9 billioni
budget request, the $4.6l8j
estimate for outlays can be|
confimed only by report. In a,
phone conversation with thisl
writer on March 14, Pentagonl
press officer John McGuire)
said that $4,618 was the Pen
tagon’s figure, but he wouldl
not release his fact sheet.
In additon to the Pentagon |
outlays, reconstruction aid fori
Southeast Asia has to be con-i
sidered part of the US bill fori
the upcoming year.
The pledge for recon
struction aid in the ceasefire)
(Continued to Page 3)
PEACETIME
ECONOMY
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«/ Wounded Knee Incident Outlined
m spent three days in A long string of Injustices AIM action at Wounded A government sookp.snor.
(Editor’s Notue: WakeanMac
Lean spent three days
Wounded Knee, On the fourth
day, federal marshals refused
to. accept his press creden
tials, and he was ordered to
leave the town by Richard
Wilson, Oglala Sioux tribal
chairman, and some of his
supporters.)
Wounded Knee, South Dak
ota (CPS)-- The armed oc
cupation of the village of
Wounded Knee by the Ameri
can Indian Movement (AIM)
continues into the second
week. The im^e of the 1890
massacre of Sioux men, wo
men and children that oc
curred in the same village
seems to constantly hover
over the struggle here.
There are about 350 AIM
supporters in this village of a
hundred or so people, and they
are well armed with rifles,
crossbows, and handguns.
Ringing the area, in an at
tempt to seal off the Indians,
are 500 federal marshals in
blue jumpsuits with prominent
American flag emblems. The
Indians have taken to calling
the marshals “bluecoats.”
There are also many FBI
agents, camouflaged marks
men with sniper rifles, and
Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA)
police.
A long string of Injustices
felt by some Indians—police
brutality, and “murders’* of
Yellow Thunder and Bad Heart
Bull, discrimination in flood
relief, etc.—have led to the
current situation in Wounded
Knee,
The struggle at Wounded
Knee is both a national and
local one.
On one level, it is a standoff
between AIM and the federal
government, with the “20
Points” made during the take
over of the BIA building in
Washington D.C. still at is
sue.
The “20 Points” were
drawn up by the Trail of Bro
ken Treaties Caravan, rep
resenting Indians from all
over the country and signed by
White House negotiators.
It proposed: restoration of
treaty making; that Indians
have the legal right to inter
pret treaties; land reform and
consolidation of Indian re
sources; abolition of the BIA
by 1976; national referendums
on reservations, and more.
Dennis Banks, an AIM lea
der, feels that the issues are
not limited solely to Indians.
“Wounded Knee is not just
here-it is in Selma, Kent
State, and Watts,” he said.
The AIM action at Wounded
Knee is also a symbolic one.
Russell Means, another AIM
leader has said, “ ... we
never attempted to claim we
could overthrow the U. S.
Government military.”
AIM's number one demand
was “. . . that the highest
ranking official in the De
partment of Interior ... come
to meet immediately at Woun
ded Knee to discuss problems
and to offer solutions. ,
In response, the Interior
Department sent an Assistant
Solicitor General, who had no
decision-making power and
was not allowed to talk to the
press.
They claimed that .. the
Interior Department, as a
matter of policy and law, will
not and cannot interfere with
the rights of Indians to govern
themselves. . and said the
problem was an internal tri
bal matter.
AIM termed this “a com
plete lie” saying, “. . . in
terior can do anything, any
time, on any reservation they
want to..."
There has been much shift-
mg around and granting of
minor concessions, but nego
tiations are stUl at an im
passe.
A government spokesper
son has said “ ... Let us
make things perfectly clear
there never was any amnestyj
and there never will be any
amnesty ... The position we
have taken does not repre
sent any departure from the
attitude of reasonableness we
have maintained . . . even in
the face of terrorism
The position taken by the lea
ders at Wounded Knee a-
mounts to nothing more than
intolerable blackmail. ”
Means responded to this by
saying, “I call it blackmail
when our children away from
home nine months a year; when
the police jail the drunks but
(Continued to Page 3)
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