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KUUft__ The Sunday Star-News Published Every Sunday By The Wilmington Star-New* R. B. Page, Owner and Publi.her_ Entered as Second Class Matter at Wilming ton N C.. Postotfice Under Act of Congress of March 3. 1879. SUBSCRIPTION RATES BY CARRIER IN NEW HANOVER COUNTY Payable Weekly or In Advance Combi Time Star New* nation 1 week .$ JO $ .25 $ 50 1 Month _- UO 1-1° *•£* t Month* ....__ 3.90 3.25 J JJ Month. _ 7.80 «.50 13.W 1 year _13.80 13.00 28.00 (Above rates entitle subscriber to Sunday issue of StaiSNews)__ . ' By Mail: Payable Strictly in Advance I Months .— $ 2.50 $ 2.00 V 3.85 8 Month* - 5.00 4.00 7.70 1 Year _... 10.00 8.00 15. id (Above rate* entitle subscriber to Sunday issue of Star-News) "" WILMINGTON STAR “ (Daily Without Sunday) 2 Months-31.85 6 Months-$3.70 1 Yr.-$7.40 When remitting by mail please u*e check or U S. P. O. money order. The Star News can not be responsible for currency sent through the mail*. MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS AND ALSO SERVED B¥ THE UNITED PRESS With confidence In our armed forces—with the unbounding determination of our people— we will gain Hie inevitable triumph—so help us God. Boogevelt’g War Message SUNDAyTapRIL 15, 1945. TOP ’O THE MUKKINU “The Gospel is the only cure for the world’s weep hurt. The trouble is essen tially moral and spiritual-men have forgot ten God . . . Hearts njust be changed. We can meet the world’s problem only by multi plying the number of those who fear God and keep His commandments.” DR. DARBY FULTON. -V North Carolina Press Pays Tribute To Roosevelt Today a mourning America, three Ameri cas and all the anti-Axis world, pay the last tribute living man may pay immortals as the body of Franklin Delano Roosevelt is tow ered into the grave on the Hyde Park estate to which, he had longed to retire from the burdens of leadership he carried in a torn and bleeding world, but could not. While the little family group and closest associates stand beside the open earth about to receive him, and his name is reverently spoken in the nation’s churches, homes and wherever the people meet or assemble, it is fitting here to repeat the views of him given expression by editors in the daily press of our Old North State. The following excerpts, lim ited though they must be by available space in these columns, fairly reflect the sorrow of the state’s press as his passing. Says the Charlotte Observer, in part: “In his death he will loom larger in the esteem of his fellow countrymen than in his boundlessly energetic life. “Now they will have recourse to their saner and more temperate judgments and less to their prejudices a nd partisanships as they come to take the measurement of his mean ing to the leadership of America. “And all the more so as the war moves toward its climax of overwhelming victory and the complex task of fixing the future b y representatives of the American State. Upon him alone, the American people were heavily laying their hopes for a wise and lasting peace agreement. “His noteworthy niche in world affairs is hardly less historic than the singular honors and responsibilities which the Presidency of the American nation bore in upon him. “To assume that some of the prestige in international name and stature which he could claim was derived'as an inheritance from the office he held as the head of the greatest of all the nations of the world is in no wise to detract from his own worthi ness of the loud international acclaims which he had earned. u is me unumeuness oi ms earpuy leave taking which will join the people of this na tion in a common sacrament of sorrow over hs death.” Obviously written by his old chief in the Navy Department, under whom Mr. Roose velt served in the Wilson administration, Josephus Daniels, the Raleigh News and Ob server says: Certainly, Franklin D. Roosevelt was the greatest leader of his time—in this or in any other nation of this troubled world. He was among the first to see the significance of the efforts of the Axis powers to dominate the world and to move effectively to meet the menace to the peace and security of the world. E fore this war began, he saw clearly that it was likely to engulf the entire globe. From the commencement of hostilities, his first thought was the defense of this country and hi/ second purpose was aid to those who were resisting the blows of the Nazis. So effective were his efforts in both di rections that when the United States was drawn into the war by the attack at Pearl Harbor two years later it was only nec essary for the United States to continue and to accelerate steps already taken to place into the field the greatest armed force ever assembled and to remain the “Arsenal of Democracy” by continuing to supply arms and munitions to Great Brit ain, Russia and the other Allies already at war—aid that was already flowing in ! steady and powerful streams. From the Winston Salem Journal we add this: "Franklin Roosevelt had become recognized everywhere as the world’s greatest champion of democracy and freedom for all mankind. "But his death at this time is not nearly ao great a tragedy as it would have been a year ago or four years ago. For in the last lour years President Roosevelt had led the United States to certain victory in this greatest of all wars. And in the last yeai he had helped lead the world toward a jus1 and lasting peace. “Plans for that peace have been advancec so far under his leadership that all of us have a right to expect that they will be carried through to completion, under the leadershij of the men who had been entrusted by Presi dent Roosevelt with authority to represent the United States in the Conference of United Nations.” The Gaeensboro Daily News says: Our sympathy goes out to his family, his nation and to all those people "who are dumb under oppression and whose silence is heard only of God,” for he was their champion, and his loss is an irre parable one. Out of the clearness of his vision came distrust of isolationism, the trade of de stroyers for bases which bolstered Britain in her hour of desperation, lend-lease. se lective service, American preparedness, and at last, for it cannot now be far off, victory. Surely he fought the good fight and led us in sight of the promised land of peace. Surely he has earned our unstinted admiration and gratitude. Now he rests from his labors, but his work will follow him. And the Durham Herald declares: “No man has more consistently command ed the respect of international citizens. His person and his opinions were sought and re criticisms that were heaped upon him by political partisans, he kept his genius as a great politician and a towerng statesman. “Stalwart in death, the President will live on in the movements of world affairs. He has imbued his associates with his particularized idealism. They will not overlook hs lead ership.” -V In Municipal r r im ary From a field of fourteen candidates Wil mington voters are to select five for mem bers of the City Council at a primary elec tion scheduled for April 23, one week from tomorrow. Among them are four members of the pres ent Council, Mayor W. Ronald Lane, Garland S. Curran, Robert S. LeGwin, and Robert R. Romeo, and James E. L. Wade who was Com missioner of Public Works under the com mission form of government. The others are: William Henry Ezzell, former constable; George W. Brinson, retired baggage master of the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad Company; John H. Davis, retired captain of police and head of the traffic squad; Kingsley Lee King who lacks business experience; Thomas E. Murrell who operates an automobile parts business; Walter E. Yopp, motrician and op erator of a funeral home bearing his name; E. R. Mayhan, Wilmington grocer; Ben Mc Gee, Negro, who is said to be a lawyer though the records do not show he has prac ticed in Wilmington and who was convicted several years ago on embezzlement and im personating an officer charges, and George W. Allen, Jr., Negro, owner and operator of a funeral home. Save for the four members of the present Council and Mr. Wade, none of this second group has any experience in municipal af fairs. They are politically unknown, represent ing “x’’ in the administrative equation. Inasmuch as the new City Council will face the problems of the postwar era and must make decisions which will affect Wilmington’s future for many years, the Star-News consid ers the election of any of them inadvisable. The Star-News recommends the election on ly of the men with experience in public af fairs, to wit: W. Ronald Lane. Garland S. Curran. Robert S. LeGwin. Robert R. Romeo. James E. L. Wade. -V--— Truman And San Francisco Since President Truman took the oath there has been repeated reference, especially in broadcasts, to the fact that Whereas Presi dent Roosevelt was well known and deeply beloved in the Allied nations his successor is a stranger. It is true. Mr. Roosevelt was not only known abroad. Because the political situation at home, and the bitter attacks of his political enemies, including those by Thomas E. Dew ey and in the press particularly by the Chi cago Tribune, were not generally known he was looked upon as an earthly savior by the masses in the countries liberated from German oppression. In contrast with this Mr. Truman must start from scratch and create for himself a place in the esteem and, hope fully. in the affections of these same masses, as well as establish his right to leadership, in the governments of the United Nations. For this reason it is thought in some quar ters that he should attend the San Franciscc Security Conference. It will be there, in the council chamber, in group conferences, in so cial functions, that representatives of the Al lied nations, some that have not taken part in the conflict but have a- stake in the war’s outcome, will mingle informally, discuss the agenda, and form opinions of the men who will have a hand in drafting the policies from which it is hoped a lasting peace may be assured. * Mr. Truman, if present, would have oppor tunity to impress upon them his personality and his capabilities for leadership, as well as his knowledge of world trends and needs. In the same way that corporations, electing a president or board chairman from outside * the organization, call together its directors and principal stock holders to meet and be come acquainted with the new executive at the start of his administration, the San Fran cisco conference would afford Mr. Truman a chance to shake hands and exchange views with the men he will have to deal with on behalf of the United States both in the closing phases of this World war and in. the years ahead which will draft the peace and the era to follow. His decision not to attend the conference, therefore, will disappoint many who emphasize the value his attendance would have. At the same time it-is impossible not to respect his attitude with respect of the re sponsibilites thrust upon him by President Roosevelt’s death and his succession to the presidency. The task of taking over at the White House and acquiring not only better knowledge of the duties this involves but also the vision to perform them well has become Mr. Truman’s chief obligation, as he says. On this grounds, his decision not to go to San Francisco is not so much to be condoned as respected. He has taken to heart the Edbli cal injunction: ‘Wisdom is the principal thing, therefore get wisdom, and with all thy get ting get understanding.” -V Justice In Broad Sense By ARTHUR KROCK .WASHINGTON, April 11.—The accent or, justice for human beings as well as groups and nations which, it is now said, the Ameri can delegation to the UNCIO at San Francis co will seek to insert in the draft of Dumbar ton Oaks has a long ancestry in the state papers of this nation and of the United King dom. Senator Vandenberg, who offered this suggestion in several of his proposed amend ments to the draft, pointed out that it is found in the preamble to the American Con stitution. But much more recently the theme, as a basic objective of a world security league was stressed by the Senator and fellow-Re publicans. In their party platform of 1944, the emphasis is stronger and definition broad er than in the Democratic platform that fol lowed, though there was manifestly no parti san difference of opinion on Mr. Vandenberg’s belief that such an “enterprise’’ as the pro jected league must depend for acceptance and enduring quality “far more on moral authority than on force.” Nevertheless, this point was larger in the minds of the Repub lican platform writers than in those of their rivals. Senator Austin, who was the principal draftsman of the foreign policy statements in the Republican platform, carefully put the word “peace” before the word “force” to illustrate the view that the military strength of the international association should be em ployed primarily to achieve the high ends of “justice.” And through his context the same thread runs: We believe, however, that peace and security do not depend on the sanction of force alone but should prevail by virtue of reciprocal interests and spiritual values recognized in these security agreements. The treaties of peace should be just. . . The organized cooperation of the nations should promote a world opinion to in fluence the nations to right conduct (and) develop international law. The platform also endorsed, as did the L/cmuviauL, Licauuu uuun tuc league ui a world court to render organized, legal jus tice. But, as the above passage demonstrates, a much broader kind was also in view. The Democrats called for a “just” and lasting peace in the spirit of the Atlantic Charter and the Four Freedoms—and the “justice” which the Republicans then and now are emphasizing is implicit in this call, as also in the draft of Dumbarton Oaks. But Mr. Austin made it explicit in the platform planks he wrote at Chicago, and Mr. Vanden berg proposes that the charter of the United Nations shall be equally so. With this purpose, he would add the follow ing to the defined objectives of the new league: “To establish justice and to promote respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.” And apparently, accepting his general position that it is better to state than to imply, the American delegation is to go along with him. “X see no reason,” wrote Mr. Vandenberg in support of this amendment, “why the Eco nomic and Social Council (proposed as a sub division of the league) should be the only branch . . . interested in ‘the creation of conditions of stability and well-being.'” And he quoted these comments of the Netherlands Government: The absence of the sentence he would add is “very striking”; embodiment in the text of a pledge that “some standard of justice will always be observed would go a long way toward dissipating anxieties”; and “it appears difficult to see why, if the thing is self-evident, there could be any objection to making such a statement.” Pursuing his point, he proposed +o insert “justice” in three other places where the Dumbarton Oaks conferees omitted it. And his seventh amendment would instruct the Security Council, if it shall find “injustice” in any situation, “to recommend appropriate measures of adjustment which may include revision of treaties and of prior international decisions.” Mr Var^Anhprcf mav hflVP to hf» rnnfpnf with more restrictive language in the addi tions that seem likely to be made to the Dumbarton Oaks draft with respect to the emphasis on broad justice for individuals, groups and nations as a primary objective of the league. But the emphasis will surely be there, as Mr. Austin made sure it was in the platform plank he wrote. And, prior and subsequent to these efforts, Mr. Hoover and. Hugh Gibson proposed it in their books and articles on the same subject. The words are, of course, only words. And if the great nations on which the new league will depend for success do not enter upon the task in the spirit of those words, and nurture that spirit, what Mr. Vandenberg is urging may as well be out of as in the charter. It is also obvious that if this spirit exists ancl persists, the reiteration of the word ‘jus tice” will be in the minor category of .effect and not in the major one of cause. In that condition also the words might as well be out as in. 'But, as the sound and solid Dutch have pointed out, the specific pledge and the broad definition will “go a long way toward dis sipating anxieties” in the minds of those per sons and nations whose experience makes it difficult to believe the strong have learned that to dispense justice to the weak is en lightened self-interest.—New York Times. Interpreting The War By J. M. ROBERTS, JR. (Substituting for Kirke L. The war of improvisation which the Allies have been fighting ever since the First Army established its unexpected bridgehead over the Rhine at Remagen has more or less fallen into a discernible pattern. However, continued dis cussion at Eisenhower’s headquar ters of now V-E day will come emphasizes the uncertainty re garding just what will be required for the clean-up. V-E day will come, we are told, sometime between the junction of the Western and Russian Allies and the end of the fighting which that will involve. To the armies, apparently, it will mean merely the continuation of whatever clean-up is necessary, depending on the Germans. That immediately raises the question of what Germany has left with which to make trouble. The expectation of a Nazi hold out in the Bavarian Alps has been so widely discussed until it is treated almost as an assured fact, yet we actually have little except rumor on which to base it. It is certain that the Hitlerites could concentrate enough stuff in their redoubt to make consider able trouble. That they can con tinue anything which looks like a real war is doubtful. When Hodges' men established the Remagen bridgehead they shocked the Allied planners al most as much as they did the Germans. But the Allies grabbed up the ball'quickly. The Germans couldn’t do anything about it. TW-wnr-oin lir-c n rlllP Eisenhower had never planned lor Hodges to cross the Rhine in connection with the Montgomery Simpson offensive farther north. Hodges job was to clear the Rhineland and stop, for the time being. Montgomery and the Amer ican Ninth Army were to cross above the Ruhr, cut off Holland and strike for Berlin. No Ruhr trap was envisaged. Then a few men captured the Remagen bridge and the whole picture changed. It was to save many lives, and many weeks. Since no military expert would have dreamed of trying an assault across the Rhine and into the rugged hills at Remagen, the Ger mans weren’t there. They tried to get there, weakened their Wesl enough to put up a real fight any where. Perhaps half a million Germans have gone under since then, not counting probably 200, 000 trapped but not yet captured in IJolland and the Ruhr. Obviously, once robbed of the ! 7/y'V'/'/yjr. Rhine barrier, the Germans didn t have enough army left to put up a show in the west. Either these forces already had withdrawn to the southern fortress or they would never reach it. Although there is the possibili ty, there is no indication that im portant withdrawals have been made from the Russian front. The Nazis there seem to be awaiting the same fate as in the west. The Germans are fighting hard in the southwest, fought bitterly to keep the Russians out of Aus tria and the southeast corner of the redoubt. But there is a real question whether they have or will be able to collect an important army in the south. At( any rate it seems unlikely that any great part of the forces now engaged above the “waist,” either on the east or west, will ever get ther. Many are trapped north of the Allied penetration line. Roosevelt's Mission To Mankind Achieved; His Cause Cannot Die By HENRY R. EMORY No other single event that could have transpired in the world to day could have brought so keen a sense of loss to all Americans as the death of Franklin D. Roose velt, the beloved president of the United States. In his tragic pass ing one of the fateful hours of his tory has struck. It is not merely that a man of almost incredible personal qualities and superb achievements has died. Trans cending these things is the fact that to a degree probably hereto fore unmatched, the destiny of the world rested in the hands of this one individual. It was to his great ness of soul, his vision, his hu mane qualities, his magnificient ability to get along with people, that the world looked to steer it through the morasses ahead. Franklin D. Roosevelt nad be come a habit with the people of the United States. He had been in Office for more than twelve years. That is such a long time that many young Americans can remember no other president. It has become difficult to imagine doing without him. The fact that he was return ed to office for twice as many terms as any other president ever held testifies to his unique power to grasp the problems of his day and to cope with them in the way most nearly attuned to the heart beats of the common people. Washington has been called the Father of his country, Lincoln its Savior. Franklin D. Roosevelt may well come to be known as its Pre server. The recurring crises which the nation surmounted under his guidance were no less real and awe-inspiring than those which confronted Washington and Lincoln. In many respects their complexity and scope were greater. The fact that he was able to understand the issues of his time, to meet and vanquish the evils which imperil led the nation, mark him as a man of the ages. And now, as Stanton said of Lincoln, he "belongs to the ages”_snatched away by death as Lincoln was at the peak of his achievement in current affairs but robbed of the culminating glory />_rvf tho f 11. KJJ. ov-vw»‘*{j --- ture. 'in the shock of his passing the nation stands unified—unified in sorrow, unified in trbute to a truly great man. Gone s the noisy strife, the aJamoring for personal ad vantage which so often mark the American scene. As the nation turns to his successor in office and offers him its support and de' votion as he shoulders the great burdens shifted to him by the hand of destiny, we are suddenly en abled by tragedy to realize how close together all of us really are. History fortunately does not over look the personal qualities of the actors on its stage. It will record in detail the features of his neigh borliness and kindliness, his magic personality, his political skill, his triumph over tremendous personal handicaps, his marvelous ability to enlist the sympathy of the com mon man by placing himself on the same plane as the common man. History does these things in the case of any great man. But beyond these personal qualities, its verdict upon Franklin D. Roosevelt may well turn upon his epochal achievements as our president. First, he saw more clearly than any other American the social and economic facts of his time, and with tolerance and charity guided the nation into the new and un tried paths upon which it was nec essary for it to set foot. Seffond. he saw earlier and more clearly than any other responsible Ameri can the threat of fascism and t!ie rule of force, and prepared us in ways with which we ■ are well familiar to meet the challenge and turn back the enemies of demo cracy and decency. And third, he conducted two simultaneous wars, either of which alone would have been the greatest war effort ever put forth by this country, and brought both within sight of suc cessful conclusion. These are the three really crowning triumphs of his career as president. Failure to comprehend clearly any of the three problems, or to adopt vigor ous policies to meet them, would have resulted in inevitable disaster for the nation. Even in very brief retrospect we can now see that the angry shouting over the meth ods he used was not after all con cerned with the essential istu The emergencies of his t ^ manded new methods, and he had the courage and vision to adont them, while at the same time re. taining the basic form and sub. stance of our American wav jji life. During no other period of our history have so many Americans had so many reasons to be aware of their president. Through the whole broad range of our economic and social life his hand was felt. In providing adequate food, cloth, ing and shelter for the disadvan taged. in seeing to the relief of the old and afflicted, in curbing the rapacity of economic despotism, m assuring a more equitable distri bution of opportunity, his record ia a beacon towering far abi,e that of any of our other presidents But with any man, great or small, it is not what he says, n0t even so much what he does, but rather what he is that endears him to his neighbors.'It is not yet time to pass judgement on the utter, ances of Franklin D. Roosevelt, or to compare the qualities of hU prose with the majestic simplicity of Lincoln’s, the polished loftiness of Wilson's, or the stately vision of Washington>. To some better extent we can appraise the things he did. But best all we can sav what he was. It was what he was, a great humanitarian, a friend so devoted than often he sacrified ef ficiency for loyalty, a man whose heart throbbed with that, of the multitude, that shone through ev erything he said and did. One might differ with his measures, question his policies, grow angry at his ad ministrative methods, but one could never doubt his warmth, his deep sympathy for the downtrod den, his tolerance and kindness. It was these very qualities '.hat drew upon him most of the censure that fell to his lot. It was these Dualities, rather than the ruth lessness of the despot of the grud ging concessions of the Bourbon that drove him on to become the undoubted champion of the masses of common people. Those who believed as he did are bowed in sorrow at his passing, but they grieve for the man and not for the cause. They know that there has passed from the scene the greatest leader the liberal school of thought has yet produced, but they know also that great though the leader was, the cause is greater still, and that it is tor us, the living, to cherish the ideals Eor which he fought and died. To us from falling hands he has thrown the torch. Be it ours te aold it high. Nose Section os built by Chrysler Corporation for Boeing B-29 Superfortress . CABIN III THE SKT AM. Here with full permission of the U. S. Army Air Forces, you are allowed to see the mystery interior of the Boeing B-29 Superfortress. You are looking between the forward turrets “down the aisle” to the business end of the ship. You can’t see any of its military secrets but you can get the feel of its space and comfort and understand something of the flier’s enthusiasm for what he calls his cabin in the sky. This great cabin holds largely the secret of the success of the long Marianastto-Tokio-Express, the phenomenal run of more than three thousand miles, and fourteen hours in the air, with the full punch of the ship and crew reserved for the target action, and return to base. Pressurized for safe and easy breathing at high altitudes; heated for comfort in any temperature; snugly insulated against wind and sound so that men may talk-without shouting; studded with magic instruments for every problem of navigation and attack; with handy household conveniences to make life in the air as good as it can be for our men who are doing a tough job so well. ' CHRYSLER CORPORATION PLYMOUTH ★ DODGE * DE SOTO CHRYSLER ★ DODGE Job-Rated TRUCKS Tune in Major Bowes' Program every Thun., 9 P.M., B.W.T., CBS Nefwor* i KIIR ON BUTIN* WAR BONDS 1
Wilmington Morning Star (Wilmington, N.C.)
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April 15, 1945, edition 1
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