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North Carolina’s Oldest Daily Newspapji
Published Daily Except Sunday .
By The Wilmington Star-News
R. B. Page, Publisher
Tele put no . m Depai\rnen,s 1-3311
Entered as Second Cans Matter at Wil
mington, N. C. Post Office Under Act o., !
Congress of March 3, 1079
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The Assoc.aied Press is entitled exclusive
ly to the use for republication of all local
news p. inted in this newspaper, as well as
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WEDNESDAyPoCTOBER 1. 1947
Star Program
State ports with Wilmington favored
in proportion with its resources, to in
clude public terminals, tobacco stor
age warehouses, ship repair facilities,
nearby sites for heavy industry and
35-foot Cape Fear river channel.
City auditorium large enough to
meet needs for years to come.
Development of Southeastern North
Carolina agricultural and, industrial
resources through better markets and
food processing, pulp wood production
and factories.
Emphasis on the region’s recrea
tion advantages and improvement of
resort accommodations.
Imnrovement of Southeastern North
Carolina's farm-to-market and pri
marv roads, with a paved highway
from Topsail inlet to Bald Head is
land.
Continued effort tc attract more in
dustries.
Ptoper utilization of Bluethenthal
tirnnrt for expanding air service.
Development of Southeastern North
Carolina’s health facilities, especially
in counties lacking hospitals, and in
cluding a Negro Health center.
Encouragement of the growth of
commercial fishing.
Consolidation of City and County
governments.
GOOD MORNING
Bachelor’s wives and old maid's
children are always perfect.—Chamfort.
Public Relations Breakdown
Mr. G. T. Baker, president of National
Airlines, takes exception to the action of the
New Hanover County Board of Commission
ers in demanding restoration of flights 50
and 51 through Wilmington without first
making thorough examination of the situ
ation. When he has made this examination
he will find, we are sure, that the prime
cause for complaint stems from the failure
of his own public relations officer to offer
full explanation of the airline’s program.
Thus, when Mr. Baker advises the Star
that flights 50 and 51 will be resumed and
that in addition National will put on an
other flight, he, as president, and not his
public relations office, spreads the first news
of this contemplated improvement in ser
vice. Because the public relations office fail
ed to perform a manifest duty, Mr. Baker
is embarrassed and, we believe, properly
incensed—as incensed, in fact as the County
Board was when it urged the airline to re
•tore the discontinued flights.
Had the Commission and the city's avi
ation committee been taken into National’s
confidence promptly, the present episode
could have been avoided and National have
gained additional prestige in Wilmington’s
air-mindea community.
Destroyer Fox
This is a bit too early, perhaps, to discuss
with any degree of authority, the blasting
of the United States Destroyer Fox off
Trieste, but it certainly is not too soon to
recognize the fact that our boys in the ser
vice are still at official war, Congress not
having declared the end of hostilities as yet.
The three sailors, reported in the first dis-'
patch, to lose their lives gave them in the
service of their country just as surely as
did the many who died in actual combat
Mi the various theatres of operations all
ever the world during the active war.
Just what the Fox was doing 18 miles off
Trieste was not known at the time of the
blast; that is, not known by the average
person. No doubt our government, wiser in
such things than most of us are capable of
presuming, had a good reason. One would
be, we suspect, that our fighting men, the
pick of the crop, now are in Trieste, where
from the looks of things they are likely to
remain for some time to come.
It is apparent, even to a layman not ex
pert in things military and totally lacking
in understanding of the workings of the
diplomatic front, that this old world is a
long way from peace. There are those who
are of the opinion we are a greater distance
from peace now than we were at the end
of actual fighting.
To go a step closer to ‘realities,’ there are
many who are of the opinion that the end
of the shooting war was but the preparation
for the real war, the grand finale with
former friends becoming enemies and form
er enemies becoming friends.
fioings on at the United Nations, citadel of |
peace, so we are told, has demonstrated a
greater hate by some for their fellow man
than ever before was voiced in the days
when the world was sans this sort of
unity (?).
And so the Destroyer Fox suddenly col
lides with a floating mine and is wounded.
Jurt how long the mine had been in the
water, or if it was one of those left in the
seas after the war, cr whether it but recent- I
ly was set afloat, of course, the Navy hasn’t
said.
Homes, Habits And Fires j
The nation's fire loss has been increasing I
steadily in the last seven years, with the per i
capita loss increasing from a prewar $195
to $1.01 in 1946. This year the National Fire
Protection Association fears that the figure
will rise to $5, and the total fire loss through
out the country to $700,000,000.
Those would be disheartening statistics
under normal conditions. But with the pres
ent housing shortage, they becoming alarm
ing. With millions seeking more adequate
living qua. .ers—or any quarters at all—the
destruction of one dwelling by fire amounts
to the loss of two.
The destitute family must find a new place
to live, thus depriving some other home
seekers, or else join the swollen ranks of the
ill-housed. Material and labor must go to re
place, instead of increase, the short supply
of housing.
Most fires in dwellings can be prevented.
And a slight bit of hope may be found in the
NFPA statement that the wave of fires al
ways recedes during Fire Prevention Week
and for several weeks afterwards.
So Fire Prevention Week this year, Oct.
5-11, is a good time to take stock again of
homes and habits. For nearly 90 per cent of
home fires are caused by bad habits or faulty
construction.
The principal heedless habits accounting
for preventable fires are these:
Carelessness with matches and smoking—
93,000 fires.
Children playing with matches — 26,000 |
fires.
Use and storage of inflammable cleaning J
fluids—28,000.
Storage of paper, rags, furniture and toys
in closets, basements and attics.
These structural hazards are the chief fire
breeders:.
Defective wiring and misuse of electrical
appliances — 47,000 fires.
Improperly installed and poorly maintain
ed heating equipment—45,000.
Faulty constructed and dirty chimneys—
40,000.
Inflammable roofs—39,000.
These causes of fire may be old stuff to
most readers. Nevertheless, they continue to
be responsible for a growing amount of prop
erty destruction and loss of life. In spite of
the general increase in losses, better building
material and stricter enforcement of building
codes are reducing some fires rising from
structural defects. Human carelessness re
main the chief villain.
Fire Prevention Week is not just another
of the many special “weeks" that crowd the
calendar. It is an urgent reminder that every
American Has the responsibility every week .
of guarding against carelessness that results
in death.
The Fuel Situation
The fuel oil situation is becomming tight.
No less an authority than one of the largest
fuel oil companies confirms this. In fact, fuel
oil is in such short supply that this company
is resorting to paid advertisements discour
aging home owners from changing from
coal to fuel oil. Reason: not sufficient
equipment to supply the demand.
This must make John L. Lewis and his
United Mine Workers of America smile no
little. Time was some years ago when the
fuel oil people were looked upon as the
straw that was to break the miners’ back.
Now things have certainly changed.
Of course, veterans building their homes
are not being discouraged to employ fuel
oil heating systems. There will be oil for
most everything and the short supply defi
nitely is not due to a diminishing supply.
Rather, lack of equipment. This condition
is expected to be remedied one day, but to
quote the company, ‘not for some time.’
Byrnes Turns Tito Down
The premier of Yugoslavia, Marshall Tito,
has invited a select group of Americans to
make an on-the-spot investigation of alleged
Yugoslav aggression in the Balkans. Mar
shall Tito names his own group. Former
Secretary of State James F. Byrnes is on
the list.
But Mr. Byrnes can’t see the proposition.
Instead he says the decision as to Yugo
slavia’s attitude toward Greece is something
for the United Nations to make.
The fact is that Yugoslavia had an oppor
tunity to settle the question by allowing the
United Nations Balkan Commission to com
plete its task. But Yugoslavia and Russia,
of which Yugoslavia is a satellite, both halt
ed that survey. If Marshall Tito is feeling the
pressure of antagonistic public opinion the
fault is his own.
We cannot conceive of any normal, sound
thinking American accepting the invitation
he has extended. Mr. Byrnes has set the
proper example to the others on the Tito
list.
Dominican ‘Revolt’
The word ‘revolt’ is specially designated
by the single quotes for the reason there
may be some question as to the true revolt
qualities of the act against the Dominican
Republic that has just developed into a
failure due to shortage of food.
Revolt, as we commonly understand it, is
something from within. In this case, the
‘revolt’ came from without the republic.
That is to say, two shiploads of men were
supposedly on their way to invade the re
public.
They are supposed to have trained and ,
shipped from Cuba for the purpose of in- J
vading the republic and to take over its
government without due process. Also, these
men are supposed to have been egged on by
powers out of the republic, men with ideas
alien to Democracy and the Western Hemis
phere.
They, the men, were termed ‘reds’ .and
Communist sympathizers. No matter wftat
chey were or what they represented, even
if they were native born and loyal Domini
cans, they have proved again that the over
throw by force of a government and the
enslavement of its people is not taken light
ly by other, ordinarily disinterested nations.
In this case the United States simply
frowned upon the whole fiasco. This frown
was sufficient to gain prompt action by Cu
ban authorities who concluded the ‘invasion’
by simply going to sea and towing the in
vasion ships back to port.
Thus ends another one of those ill-fated,
ill-advised propositions that seem to flourish,
up to a certain point, on force and promises
with the backing of adventurers who’ll sup
port anything Just so long as it is not con
stitutional.
There are many such so-called Americans
n the United States today.
Weed them out once and for all.
As Pegler Sees It
By WESTBROOK PEGLER .
(Copyright, 1947, By King Features Syndi
cate, Inc.)
NEW YORK, Sept. 30. — In all the up
roar against the Taft-Hartley law, rescind
,ng seme Hitlerian features of the Wagner
act. the voice of the American workman
has never been heard. It is a question just
what he would say if he could raise his
voice in the chorus because he is a mix
ture of many motives and traits and, being
of humanity in the large, he is not ex
ceptionally bright. Only the exceptions are
exceptionally bright and they soon quit
working to become “labor leaders”
or union bosses, public relations men, em
ployers or politicians. If the American
workman could be heard, many of him
would be selfish and lazy and would praise
any law, such as the Wagner act, which
promised him more money than his work
was worth, free vacations and protection
agamst discharge for stalling, for destroy
ing material, whistle-jumping and agitat
ing on company time. Others of him cer
tainly would object to carrying the dead
weight load of these bums and would want
to be paid according to individual
ability, economy, productiveness and agree
ab.hty in the place.
I may be denounced with fearless con
temn for saying that employers would pay
txtra for charm, but that is a fact just
the same. John L. Lewis will pay more to
an off:ce worker in the U. M. W. who works
with a will and a smile and doesn’t send in
a doctor’s bill for every sneeze on the
union's premises, and the late Fiorello Lr
Guardia fired out of hand, in a terrib’i'
temper, several of his secretariat who pull
ed mean looks at him. All bosses, whether
boss unioneers or productive indus
trial bosses, naturally prefer pleasant peo
ple around them. Many a fine baseball
player has been wafted out of the major
leagues and down into the leaky-ronf minors
just because he was a nagger and an agi
tator
I df not undertake to say that the Ameri
can workman would praise the Taft-Hart
ley law even if he could make his voice
heard in the present uproar of propaganda
from the professional unioneers. He is dis
tinctly on the dumb side and nobody knows
that better than the professionals and the
politicians. Roosevelt knew it better and
exp’cited this dumbness better than any
other American in our time. I guess he was
the all-time champion to date at this busi
ness of kidding the dumb average citizen.
He and Henry Wallace even went so far
as to call him the common man, knowing
that he would be too stupid to resent this
superciliousness and would think they were
paying him compliments. So, in the pres
ent wrangle about the Taft-Hartley law,
the professional unioneers, the exception
ally bright Johns of the breed, keep telling
him that this law is a dirty outrage amount
ing, in the rough, to a new and mysteri
ous kind of slavery and promising him
that they will fight to the death to rescue
him from this fate which is worse than
death.
That is a laugh. They aren’t going to
fight anybody. They all drew draft exemp
t'ons in the war. They are the actual
slaveholders themselves and the common
man has been their slave for a dozen
years. However, the professionals have
reached the conclusion that he is too stupid
to krow he ever was their slave. They
keep telling him that the emancipation or
liberation provided by the Taft-Hartley law
is slavery and it takes a pretty reckless
fellow to say that he is to smart to be
deceived by this. If you keep some brute
locked up for a long time and then let
him out, the chances are he will be back
his nice, comfortable hovel,
around sundown, pawing at the door of
Flattery is a wonderful force in the work
of the professionals and the politicians,
such as Roosevelt, La Guardia and Sen
ator Wagner. They tell the American work
man he is a wonderful worker, as he cer
tainly is not and getting more slovenly,
frivolous and greedy every day. They tell
him he is the most intelligent common
man on the face of God’s green footstool,
or something like that, and he comes up
yelling “yow!” The American workman
agrees absolutely, although every one of
them knows dozens of bovine, sluggish,
no - account loafers who are close to the
limit of their intellectual powers when they
are asked to keep an eye on a red light
and an ear open to an electric bell and to
push a button when the light and the bell
go off together, indicating that the ma
chine which they are tending has complet
ed a certain operation.
Ail the propagnda turned out by the
professionals against the Taft-Hartley act
follows this line. It flatters the American
workman lopsided, but how does anybody
know that he has the intelligence to disa
gree with this goose-grease and suspect
that it is discoursed for the ulterior motive
of preserving the old union racket? I am
sure I don’t know. I have often written
about the enormous nobility and gleaming
snrewdness of vapory ideal depicted as
the American workman, but he is nc more
substantial than Santa Claus. Of course,
there are some fine fellow’s among him,
but, as William Green so often says of the
many criminals, they are the rare excep
tions.
So I am not going to say, because no
body knows, what the American workman
would say about the Taft-Hartley law even
if the professionals who are running the
propaganda were to let him step up to the
microphone and speak his own little
piece, unrehearsed, from the heart and
without a script. He might be
stup.d enough to say that it is an act to
enslave labor with a capital L, as he has
so oiten read in his union papers. You
coulan’t much blame him for saying the
Wagner act was labor’s Magna Carta. He
heard that a million times, too. And if he
still thinks Roosevelt was his friend you
have to allow’ for the fact that he never
befm- had the experience of climbing up!
into a president’s lap and hearing a master I
faker say, in a confidential, personal way, |
“FOOD FOR THOUGHT”
Today And Tomorrow
BY WALTER LIPPMANN
THE COLD WAR
In the first article of this
series, I said that Mr. X’s arti
cle on “The Sources of Soviet
Conduct” was “a document of
1 primary i m portance on the
sources of American foreign
policy” in that it disclosed to
the world the estimates, the
calculations, and the conclu
sions on which is based that
part of American foreign poli
cy which is known as the Tru
man Doctrine. Fortunately, it
seems to me, the Truman Doc
trine does not have a monopoly.
Though it is a powerful con
tender for the control of our
foreign policy, there are at least
j tw'o serious competitors in the
I field. The one we may call the
Marshall line, and the other is
the American commitment to
! support the United Nations.
The contest between the Tru
man Doctrine on the one hand,
the Marshall line and the sup
I port of U. N. on the other, is
the central drama within the
Answering Russia
By PETER EDSON
| WASHINGTON, — “Listen. .
Listen. . .This is New York. .
You are listening to today’s
FIRST broadcast of ‘The Voice
of the United States of Ameri
ca*.”
With this announcement of the
U. S. State Department’s Office
of Infromation opens its three
half-hour daily shows of news
and music beamed at Soviet
Russia.
In many ways, The Voice still
cries in the Russian wilderness.
The program are monitored by
the U. S. embassy in Moscow,
which reports on how well the
signal comes in. But who else
in the U.S.S.R. listens, or how
much good The Voice does, is
an unknown quantity. The sta
tion gets no fan mail, because
of Russian censorship. The
Voice has never been answered
directly by Radio Moscow.
Yet this is practically the only
outlet the United States has for
getting American ideas across
to the Russian people.
While shortwave broadcasts to
the world from Moscow go out
of their way to lambast the Unit
ed States and all its works, the
State Department has not taken
to replying in kind. The policy
is to deliver a fair and factual
presentation of the news to the
Russian audience, if any, and
so Iwild up a reputation for re
liability. There is no effort to
slug it out in the old Communist
propaganda technique.'
For instance, in handling Vis
hinsky’s speech before the Unit
ed Nations General Assembly,
the Voice of America merely did
a reporting job on the Russian
delegate’s attack on U. S. for
eigh policy. This took a third of
the program.
Next night, The Voice report
ed on reaction. Criticisms of the
speech by other UN delegates
and by American newspa
pers was reported. But
the broadcasting of a formal,
point-by- point answer is being
held up until some qualified
American official, like President
Truman, Secretary Marshall or
Ambassador Austin, makes that
reply.
Since The Voice beamed at
Moscow is written and broad
cast in the Russian language,
“my friends, you know and I
know— ’
What he could have done with
a pair of spotted steeds and a
buggy, a kerosene flare and a
satchel of Doctor Dissenat’s gold'
en emulsion of tiger marrow-fat,
for all the ills of man or beast, at
one dollar the bottle and satis
faction guaranteed or your money
refunded! T
only a few of the scripts are
translated. The State De
partment has just made avail
able translations on the broad
casts of Sept. 1st, 2nd and 3rd,
however, and they give an idea
of how the official answers to
the Russian line are being
handled.
They reveal that the
news broadcasts do emphasize
the American viewpoint, way of
life and democratic ideas in a
positive manner. On the other
hand they do not hesitate
to critisize Russian policy. They
are reconizably anti- Commun
ist. Sometimes they show barb
ed effectiveness.
On the Labor Day broadcast,
there was a good line for Rus
sian consumption in the state
ment that the average Ameri
can industrial workman now
makes $1.25 an hour — enough
for 10 loaves of bread.
In hitting the foreign news,
The Voice to Russia puts over
the U. S. policy slant. In report
ing on the elections in Hungary,
it was admitted there had been
an overwhelming victory for the
Communist Party. But the
charges of voting frauds that
made the result a foregone con
clusion were given the big play.
On Sept. 2nd, anniversary of
the Jap surrender, it was point
ed out that Japan was now on
the way to becoming a peace
ful democratic state, and the
task now was to write* a peace
treaty. It was brought out that
the U. S. and Britain had fought
Japan nearly four years, while
Russia had been in this war on
ly a month. William Sebald,
American chairman of the Al
lied Council in Tokyo, was quot
ed “I know of no occasion
where the Soviet member has
ever given helpful or construc
tive advice.”
The fact that the U. S. govern
ment had rejected Soviet objec
tions to raising the industrial
production level of Germany
was reported, with the reasons
for the rejection.
American protest to Moscow
over the death sentence given
Bulgarian political leader Niko
la Petkov' was broadcast with
the comment: ‘‘The note accus
ed the Soviet Union of violating,
its obligations under the Yalta
agreement.”
Truman's speech at the Rio
de Janeiro Conference was
translated in full. In the news
summary, emphasis was put on |
the President’s statement that
‘‘the fundamental policy of the
United States is fidelity to the
United Nations and the desire
for permanent peace.”
State Department, within the
Administration, within the gov
ernment as a whole. The out
come is still undecided.
The real issue is hidden be
cause the Truman Doctrine was
promulgated shortly after Gen
eral Marshall became Secre
tary of State, and because he
made the decision to go to the
support of Greece and Turkey,
which was a concrete applica
tion of the Truman Doctrine.
The issue is confused by the
fact that Mr. Molotov and the
Soviet propaganda abroad and
many publicists here at home
are . representing the Marshall
proposals to Europe as an ap
plication of the Truman Doc
trine. The confusion is com
pounded still more because the
director of Secretary Marshall's
planning staff is now known,
through the publication of Mr.
X’s article, to have been the
leading expert upon whose ob
servations, predictions, and hy
potheses the Truman Doctrine
is based.
Nevertheless, if we look at the ;
two main theaters of American
diplomatic interest — at China
and at Europe—and if we fix:
our attention on Secretary Mar
shall’s approach, we can see a
line of policy developing which
is altogether different from the
line of the Truman Doctrine.
General Marshall’s report on
China, which has now been re
viewed and confirmed by Gen
eral Wedemeyer, made it quite
clear that in his judgment we
could not, and should not, at
tempt the kind of intervention
in China which we are carry
ing on in Greece. The Marshall
and Wedemeyer reports do not
argue that we can contain the
Soviet Union and erect unassail
able barriers in its path by par
ticipating in the Chinese civil
war, as we are in the Greek
civil war, and by underwriting
Chiang Kai-shek’s government
as we are underwriting the
Athens government. The Mar
shall line in China is not an
application of the Truman Doc
trine, but of an older American
doctrin.e that we must not be
come entangled all over the
world in disputes that we alone
cannot settle.
Yet the Marshall line in Chi
na is not isolationist. It would
not end in our ceasing to in
terest ourselves in China and in
giving Russia a free hand. But
i: is emphatically not the line
of the Truman Doctrine which1
would involve us as partisans
in the Chinese conflict and as
patrons of one faction.
The line of the Marshall poli
cy in China is to disentangle
the United States, to reduce, not
to extend our commitments in
Asia, to give up the attempt to
control events which we do not
have the power, the influence,
the means, and the knowledge,
to control.
The proposal which Secretary
Marshall addressed to Europe
in his Harvard speech last June
was animated by the same fun
damental conception — as Chi
na’s problem has to be dealt
with primarily by the Chinese,
so European problems have to
be dealt with primarily by Eu
ropeans. Thus there was no
“Marshall plan” for Europe:
The essence of his proposal was
that only a European plan for
Europe could save Europe, or
provide a basis on which the
American people could prudent
ly and fairly be asked to help
Europe save itself. The Mar
shall proposal was not, as Mr.
Molotov and many Americans
who do not understand it have
tried to make out, an extension
to Europe as a whole of the
experiment in Greece. Quite the
contrary. In Greece we made
an American plan, appropriated
the money, entered Greece, and
are now trying to induce the
Greek government to carry out
Wallace In Wonderland
An Editorial From The Christian Science Monitor
So long as the Democratic
Party “persists in a bipartisan
domestic and foreign policy,”
says Henry Wallace, American
voters will have no more than
a choice between Tweedledum
and Tweedledee.
Mr. Wallace’s exasperation
with the illogic of society grows
daily. Behind the looking glass
(he seems to feel) where Amer
icans behold their reflected bi
partisan virtues with great sat
isfaction, lies another world
where everything is turned the
other way around. There Hump-1
ty Dumpty exolodes in the New |
Mexico desert, Lake Success
evaporates into hot air, it’s al
ways later titan you think at
the European tea-party, and the
Russian bear fades to a disen
bodied grin.
Walter Lipprnann once re
marked that the world of rea
issues is too harsh for a tende;
minded idealist like Mr. Wal
lace. Yet if the fantasy-world
conjured up by his flushed im
agination persuades American^
to examine more intently the
danger-spots in their nations
policies and popular assump
tions, it can serve a useful pur
pose. Mr. Wallace’s oth°r vvorri
ly criticism needs to be covin',
ersd by sober realism, not by
echoing the Queen of Hearts
stentorian, “Off with hi* herd!
Appendicitis
Needs Doctor
By WILLIAM A. O’BRIEN, Mil
A 56-year - old businessman
left for his office, one morn
ing, with the feeling that hi
breakfast had not agreed wi;
him. As the morning wore on
vague distress gave way
sharp pains which doubled hii
up. His associates assured hin
that it was indigestion, but hr
decided to pyau safe, and calls
his physician. Just before doinL
so, he vomited, and noticed th ;
his stomach had become sore t
touch.
His physician warned him an
to take any medicine, food o
drink by mouth, and to nave
someone bring him to the hos
pital. In the admission room :t
was discovered that his stomach
was tender when pressed and
suddenly released. Blood exam
ination revealed that his whit?
cells were rising and an im
mediate operation for acuta ap
pendicitis was successfully per
formed.
Acute appendicitis, in middle
and late life, is not as common
as in younger individuals. D;
agnosis may be difficult In thr
middle-aged and elderly unless
the possibility of appendicitis ir
kept in mind. In advanced
years, appendicitis is a serious
disease.
Deaths from appendiciti.
have bee ome less common
through better co-operation of
the public with the medical pro
fession, and more skillful su;
gery. Appendicitis is a sell
limiting disease which would be
relatively harmless were it not
for possible complications.
Taking medicines, such s
cathartics or purgatives, in an
effort to relieve the pain, not
only delays needed hospitali
zation, but stirs up the inflamed
appendix so that rupture may
occur.
The cause of appendicitis is
not entirely clear. When the in
fection develops In a young per
son, it is more apt to follow
a trip or some exciting experi
ence. Cases often develop in
students going away to school
for the first time, and many
service inductees contracted the
disease in troop trains.
QUESTION: I only weigh ion
pounds. I am 5 feet 6 inches
tall, and tired all the time, al
though doctors tell me that
there is nothing physical]’
wrong. How can I gain weigh!
ANSWER: Consult your phv
sician for a diet which is hin'
in calories; you will gain weigh
if you follow his suggestion?
our plan. In the Harvard speech
Secretary Marshall reversed
this procedure. He told the Eu
ropean governments to plan
their own rehabilitation, and
that then he would go to Con
gress for funds, and that thee
the European governments
would have to carry out theii
plans as best they could wit!
the funds he could persuade
Congress to appropriate.
The difference is fundament
al. The Truman Doctrine treats
those who are supposed to bene
fit by it as dependencies of the
United States, as instruments of
the American policy for “con
taining’’ Russia. The Marshall
speech at Harvard treats the
European governments as inde
pendent powers, whom we must
help but cannot presume to gov
ern, or to use as instrument?
of an American policy.
The Harvard speech was d-.
livered about three months aft
er President Truman’s mes
sage. Much had happened if
those three months, and all of
it had gone to show that while
Congress and the people were
willing to applaud the Truman
Doctrine, because they are ex
asperated with Russia, they
were not going to support t
with the funds and blanket au
thority which it requires.
Though the President got the
funds he asked for in order to
apply his doctrine in Greece
and Turkey, he got them after
a long delay and in circuro
stances which were tantamoun’
to telling him not to come back
too soon for much more. The
plans, which existed, for ex
tending the Truman Doctrine tr
Korea and then to a series of
impoverished, disordered and
threatened countries on the
perimeter of the Soviet Union
were discreetly shelved.
Yet a crisis, enormoush
greater than that in Greece or
Korea or Iran or Turkey, was
developing. It was a crisis of
the British Empire, and of
France, and of Italy, and in
deed of the whole Western
World. Extraordinary measure:
of American assistance were
obviously going to be needed
After Congress had showed it
attitude last spring, there wa
ne possibilitv that this a'
distance would be provided b
applying the principles, the pi -
eedure, and the precedent of the
Truman Doctrine, as it ha I
been revealed in the Greek a:
fair. A wholly different eoncer
Continued On Page 1*