TWO
THE CABOLINA TIMES SATURDAY, NOV. 10. l»5t
Gov. Will Speak-No More To Negro Audiences
There was a time in North
Carolina when the simple an
nouncement that the gover
nor will speak to a Negro
Audience was sufficient to fill
the largest auditoriums avail
able for Negroes. Men rush
ed home from the farms, fac
tories and begged off from
wherever else tney were em
ployed. Women left the wash-
tub, the kitchen or wherever
they were «nployed. It was
no imusual sight to see a
mother seated in the audience
with a baby in her lap and
two or more small children
hovering close by in order
that she and the children
might hear and see the gover
nor. What the governor said
or how he said it mattered
little. The mere fact that he
had condescended to take
time out to honor a Negro
audience with his presence
was sufficient to attract Ne
groes from all walks of life
and label the Negro who was
able to get him to do so a lead
er among his people.
Quite often, at these oc
casions, there would be seat
ed on the platform both the
fair weather and stormy
weather friends of this lead
er of leaders who would vie
for a handshake with the gov-
»nor or his approving nod or
smile. Those were the good
old days when governors
were looked upon by Negroes
as being a little lower than
angels, and no Negro dared
say or even think otherwise,
lest his leader of leadefs la^
him a radical and use his in
fluence to keep his son or
daughter from getting a job
teacmng in the county or city
school system. Yes sir, those
were the good old days.
Usually, when the governor
would speak, it would be at a
Negro state college com
mencement where the presi
dent would pull out all stops
with his introduction, and at
which time he woiild declare
the governor the savior of the
Negro race, the uncrowned
president of the United States
or some other equally ridicul
ous misnomer. Such an in
troduction was usually good
for another building, especial
ly if the president had previ
ously hinted to the governor
that he wished to name the
next building erected on the
campus after him. Thus, on
every Negro state college
campus we have building
ter building bearing the name
of a governor of this state.
Well, a rose by any other
name would smell just as
sweet and a building by the
name of a governor will house
just as many students or just
as much classroom equipment.
We believe about the last
attempt made at this time
worn comedy was when the
late Dr. F. D. Bluford invited
Governor Hodges to speak at
A. and T. College. The episode
will not soon be forgotten as
one ^in which the college,
president, the governor and
faculty members were made
to realize that a new Negro
had arrived on the scene, and
that he represented a new
day and new thinking. As
soon as the introduction was
over and the governor had be
gun his speech and started
pronouncing the word Negro
as “nigra” &ere came repeat
ed hisses from the audience.
Sweat rolled from the brows
of the president and faculty
members and a bewildered
look stood on the face of the
governor.
Yes sir, thank God -those
days are gone and may they
never return. At their best
they were days when hyi
crisy, deceit and cowardice
reigned supreme among Ne
gro leaders. Those were the
days when Negro college
presidents were expected to
have a big bag of tricks to
work on the governor and oth
er state officials to keep their
schools going, and Negro
school principals were ex
pected to have a small bag of
tricks to hold their jobs, keep
their teachers living in fear
and trembling and work on
the Superintendent of Edu
cation to get some second
hand equipment and books
from the white schools. Yes
sir, THE GOVERNOR WILL
SPEAK—NO MORE TO NE
GRO AUDIENCES.
Free Transportation And The Vote
Last Tuesday, our office
was beseiged by telephone
calls from well and able-
bodied persons requesting
(some demanding) transporta
tion to the polls in order that
they might cast their ballots
in the national elections. One
c^e
\mei
dignant \men she was in
formed that no transportation
had been provided and retort
ed; “how do you think peo
ple are going to vote if you
don’t take them to the polls?”
This editorial is being written
for fear that there is a grow
ing tendency among some
short-sighted^ persons that
they are doing persons other
than candidates a favor to
cast their ballots in an elec
tion.
It is understandable that on
election days, especially in
primaries, our office receives
a number of telephone re
quests for transportation to
the polls. In the past, when
interest in voting among Ne-
groes in Durham was at a
very low ebb, 11 "became one
of &e central concerns of the
Durham Conunittee on Negro
Afiairs. In trying to overcome
the apathy toward parti
cipating in elections, the Com
mittee established a system
whereby free transportation
was provided as an induce
ment for persons wishing to
vote. Our office has often
served as the control center
for that operation.
But voting is the greatest
privilege any person living
under a democratic form of
government can exercise, and
ttie only person any lower
than one who will sell his vote
is an able-bodied one who will
sit home on election day and
refuse to budg^ unless some
one hauls him to and from the
polls. The right of the govern
ed to select who shall govern
them is so highly treasured
that in some countries many
have died and are dying to
secure and maintain that
right. In this country, where
the right to vote is, except for
some areas in the Sou^,, an
accepted privilege, no honor
able person who is able-
bodied should demand free
transportation as the price of
exercising it.
Probably there should be a
law against hauling persons
to the polls unless they are
physically handicapped. Too
often the person or persons
who pay for the hauling con
trols the voting of the hauled.
It might not be a bad idea for
students of political science to
make a study of the situation
to determine if the free ex
ercise of the ballot and the
best interest of democracy
can be promoted under a sys
tem that encourages persons
to demand that they be paid
to vote in the form of free
transportation to the polls.
To sit at home and demand
transportation to and from
the polls in exchange for a
vote is the same as being paid
to vote. It is really bribery,
and according to such inter
pretation is in violation of the
federal laws. And while we
can understand that the idea
has been fostered in Durham
that free transportation can
be had by those wishing to
vote, we cannot excuse the
attitude which demands a
free ride for the vote,
especially at a time in our
existence when people of
Hungary and Poland are dy
ing for the right to vote free
ly.
The Middle East Debacle
Despite the really alarming
implications which the crisis
in the Middle East now poses
to world peace, within that
situation lies a real oppor-
tunity for the United Nations
and the United States to
emerge as the real forces in
the drive for peace. Already
under distrust and suspicion
by a majority of the tlarker-
skinned countries of the world
because of our past support of
the colonial policies England
and France, the United States
now has a real opportunity to
convince the uncommitted
nations of the world that it
believes in self-
om K^about'frSm^nd
democracy is more than mere
talk.
In like manner, if the Unit
ed Nations is able to mobilize
an effective police force to
put an immediate end to the
conflict in the Middle East,
it will have come a long way
towards insuring the per
manence of its existence.
We realize that it is going
to be difficult for the world to
judge just who is wrong and
who is right in that complex
affair. But as fraught as the
Middle East situation is with
complexities, as difficult as it
might be to point unswerving
ly to the villians, the Unit^
States must now allqw the
great moral force for peace
which it still maintains to be
lost by default in inaction. It
must, through the United Na
tions, find the guilty parties
in the present conflict and,
through the United Nations,
press for their censure. Re
gardless of the Egyptian pro
vocations, the rightness or
■wrongness of Colonel Nasser
in nationalizing the Suez
Canal, the fact that Israel,
Britian and France deliber
ately risked a third world war
to settle the issue themselves
cannot go uncensured.
We must; it seems to us,
push for condemnation of the
British, French and Israeli for
their aggression upon Egypt,
just as we rightly did in
Korea and the case of recent
Soviet interference in Hun
gary. For how can we con
tinue to hold the respect of
the world, much of which has
only recently emerged from
the shackles of colonial do
mination, if we condemn on
ly communist imperalism and
close our eyes to the imper
ialistic actions of our allies?
We realize that to expect
such forthright and bold ac
tion of the United States and
the United Nations may be in
the main wishful think
ing. We seriously doubt that
the United States is prepared
CbCdti
hues
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3Pose
force or sanction the use of
same against her time—^hon
ored allies of Britian and
France. But, we feel that the
time is fast passing when we
can continue to talk out of
both sides of our mouth like
the soap box politicaiis and
still command the respect of
the uncommitted and free na
tions of the world. If vie allow'
the influence which our coun
ty still has in the United Na-
tiops and the world to be de
faulted by inaction, we will
have Iqst one of the few re
maining opportunities to pro
long the uneasy peace we now
enjoy. And who is ready to be
accountable for a war with
such fearsome weapons as we
have now invented?
FACING
THE ISSUE
By DR. A. H. GORDON
"THE PATH TO PEA
In order to meet the pub
Usher's “deadline” this column
had to be written, of course, be
fore our Presidential Election.
It may be that by the time you
read this President Eisenhower
may have been re-elected or It
may be that we have a new
President by the name at Ste
venson. No matter who is presi
dent of the United States, he
faces one great challenge and
that is the challenge to lead this
nation to and along in the path
to peace.
At the time this is written the
United States is not in the path
of peace but is actually fighting
on both sides in the hot war
now in progress in the Middle
East. It may seem paradoxical
to say that the United States is
not at peace but fighting on both
sides. This seeming paradox is
true because the United States
has actually furnished material
aid to both sides prior to the war
and without that aid neither
would be fighting today. This
qame about through the practice
by the United States, England
and France in building up the
economic and military strength,
directly or indirectly, of both
sides. E}isenhower and Dulles
were responsible for this policy
of trying to keep the peace by
preparing the U. S. and helping
others to “defend” themselves
by the use of military force. All
this was done while we were
preaching peace from the house
top of the United Nations. We
fiave pointed out previously in
this column that preparation for
war is not the way to achieve
peace.
During his strenuous cam
paign for ^ection Stevenson
stated that we might at least
move in the Erection of the
path of peace by outlawing the
use of Hydrogen Bombs and by
planning to do away with uni
versal military training. Eisen
hower rejected this since he be
lieved that, in the last analysis,
a nation could only “defend” it
self with military might. The
War which started in the Middle
East proved what all historians
already knew, that prepara
tion for war inevitably leads to
war because it is not anywhere
on the path to peace.
As the situation jiow stands at
the time of this writing the only
way we can get on the path to
peace is to grant the United Na
tions the right to quickly con
stitute a powerful police force
with the aggressors, (England,
France, and Israel) excluded
from any participation or in
contribution to this special po
lice force. Russia, the United
States, India, and China should
be the chief contributors to this
police force. Our “A” and “H”
bombs and the atomic powered
submarine of the United States
should be turned over to or
made available to the United
Nations police force. The sug
gestions made by England and
France that they be allowed to
participate in the United Na
tions Police force is absurd on
the face of it and their requests
in that matter should be dis
dainfully rejected and ignored
as they did the Security Coimcil
and General Assembly of the
U.N. Unless Stevenson is Presi
dent, after the election on Tues
day, there is not, of course the
slightest chance that the UN
will be given such a police
force. Eisenhower is positively
cowardly in dealing with Eng
land and France just as he was
cowardly in dealing with the
Southern rebellion against the
desegregation of our public
schools.
The Situation existing today is
revelation of the grave mistake
the United States has made in
creating NATO and in giving
England and France military
and economic aid for the so-
called defense of western Eu
rope. Had it not been for the
blunder of the United States in
this matter, England and France
would be too weak to try to steal
the Suez Canal from Egypt.
Dr. A. H. Gordon
LETTEI! TO THE EDITOR
No mattef who wins this
Tuesday’s election* Congress and
the American people need to
face the fact that the Twentieth
Amendment to the Constitution
has fallen far short of clearing
up the muddle that would re
sult from the death of a Presi
dent-Elect before he took the
oath of office.
It is clear enough that if the
President-Elect should die be
tween the meeting of the Elec
toral College and the date of
the inauguration—that is, be
tween next December 17 and
January 20—the vice President
would become President. The
Twentieth Amendment makes
that mandatory. But what if the
winning candidate should die
between November 6 and De
cember 177
The uncertainty and the dan
ger on that score do not arise
from legal ambiguity, but from
political factors. The law is
clear enough. The Presidential
electors would meet in state
groups on December 17. Those
of the minority party would
vote for their surviving candi
date. Those of the majority
party, whose candidate ' had
died, would have legal power to
vote for anybody they wished
to. If they concentrated on one
man, he would become the next
President. If they scattered
their votes, the House of Repre
sentatives would do the electing
When the resolution to submit
the Twentieth Amendment came
before the House of Representa
tives of the 72nd Congress, the
House Report sloughed off this
aspect of it as unimportant.
“The problem in such a case,”
the report stated, “would be a
politicar one,” which the party
would take care of by dedgna-
ting the person for whom the
electors should vote.
To guard against the scatter
ing of votes, or a vacancy before
the general election, both the
Republican and Democratic Na
tional Committees are authori
zed by their party conventions
to fill any vacancy in their tick
ets. That clears up the matter
at far as the party wheelhones
are concerned, but where does it
leave the country?
There may not be much dif
ference between a national con
vention and a national commit
tee. But there is a vast differ
ence between nominating a
candidate at the outset of a
campaign, to bid for the votes
of 60,000,000 men and women,
and handpicklng one after the
election, with absolute certainty
that he will become President
whether the people like it or
not. Professional politicians
commonly join in presenting
better candidates than they
really want, in order to win.
would they do the same if they,
and not the people, had the final
say-so, as they would have if
death enabled them to choose a
substitute for their nominee af
ter he had carried the day?
This aspect of the Presidential
succession is of growing import.
A century and a half ago, candi
dates for President made cam
paign speeches. Had one done
so, it would have shocked the
country. Today, the combina
tion of long campaigns with
television, barnstorming and
handshaking has imposed a
strain upon candidates which
might make the healthiest of
them drop dead in the moment
of victory or defeat. The first
time that happens, it will put a
strain upon the American Go
vernment never before encoun-
tered by it.
Congress has implied power,
if we may judge the Constitu
tion by the views of its framers,
to order a special election to
choose a President when one
dies in office and his place is
taken by the Vice President.
There is no similar power in the
case of a presidential candidate
who dies before he takes office.
Yet the need is greater because
the existing machinery, or lack
of it, takes the choice farHter
from the people and deepet into
the realms of chance and mis
chance. The danger is lasting,
and calls for action. No nation
ever damaged itself throu^
foresight or saved itself by hind'
sight.
Irving Brant
Washington, D. C.
'Eternal Vigilance Is The Only Answer
To Their Perslstene"
Spiritual Insight
"HELP FOR TROUBLED FAMILIES"
By KEVFKEND HABOLD ROLAND
Pastor,‘Mount Gilead Baptist Ckurch
"It will be easier for you...they
will bear the burdens tiHth you."
Ex. 18:22
Distress, trouble and conflict
will arise in our families at
times. Our burdens become
seemingly unbearable. A bur
den shared is a burden made
lighter. Thus, amid our troubles
and burdens in family life we
need to know that there are per
sons and agencies that will help
us with our burdens. In the vital
intimate and delicate relations
of the home and family life, the
going can get rough at times.
Yes, we come to trying times in
family relations; misunderstan
dings and distresses threaten
our marriage and our home.
Sickness can tax the resources
of the family to the utmost.
Amid the pressures which
threaten the family and the
home we need to luiow that
there is a ready and^ -4ielping
hand for distressed families.
We need the help of some who
loves, cares and understands,
and also someone who can give
us insight and light as we stand
anxiously in our distressed and
burdened conditions.
I We have an agency with a
fine group of persons, whose
business is to offer a helping
hand to distressed families—
The Family Service Agency. It
is yours! R is ready to serve
you. The people who operate
this agency have the loving un
derstanding touch needed in
time of family distress. Why try
to carry that heavy burden
alone? These people of the
Xamil^y service are concerned
aout helping you. The text
beautifully expresses the aim of
family service..“It will be easier
for...they will bear the burdens
with you...”
We all need help at times.
We all have burdens that we
cannot bear alone. Life, at
times, becomes temporarily un
manageable for all of us; and at
times we all stand in need of a
helping hand. In times of family
trouble the family service has
a well trained group of people
to help you. Call and they will
answer. If you have come to
distressed and troubled days,
why not let the famUy service
help you.
Here are some ways in wliich
the family service can help
you: when husbands and wives
are worried about their marri
ages failing; offer help to un
happy older people; offer under
standing helpfulness to unwed
mothers; when there is undue
anxiety about yo»ir job; when
there is mental sickness in the
home; offer aid in planning for
the care of children when the
mother is incapacitated; offer
budget counseling for the family
finances; offer a trained home
maker service for needy older
people or children.
The family service is ever
ready to extend a helping hand
through trained counselors to
help distressed members of the
family think through, and solve
their problems.
Remember, my friendst that
the Family Service Agency of
our community Is ready to help
you. They are ready to extend
to you a loving helping hand,
call them. The primary aim or
purpose of the Family Service
is to make a stronger, happior,
community by extending a help
ing hand to distressed and
troubled families. They are
ready to extend a helping hand
to you. (Please call 9-4261 or
4-3871.)
Capital Qose Up .
Who Go to What Schools and
Why
Professional segregationists
like Georgia’s Congressman
James C. Davis, and Senator
Eastland of Sunflower County,
Mississippi, have attempted, of
late, to make a case against
school integration by such de
vices as demanding information
on the public schools attended
by the children of public offi
cials living in the National Capi
tal, or, in the case of Mr. East
land, by spectacularly withdraw
ing his own offspring from a pri
vate school where a Negro child
was enrolled.
Eastland Stunt Backfires
The Eastland stunt backfired
in a big way, when it was re
vealed that the small son of
Capital no'teworthies. Dr. and
Mrs. Edward C. Mazique, active
and well-known civic and inter
racial workers, had been re
commended to the school by
wWte parents of other SidweU
Friends’ School ctiildren—^pa
rents from the Deep South—
who welcomed this opportunity
for normal interracial contact.
Selective Education
Enlightened Americans gene
rally regard the support of free
public schools as their duty and
privilege. So long as they dis
charge tills duty, the selection
of a particular school for the
education of their own children,
is also their privilege. The rea
sons for such choice may be
multitudinoiu.
For instance. Our paternal
grandmother, the child of free
Negro parents in North Caro
lina, went to a white school mis
tress in a garret in Wilmington,
with her l6rbldden books tucked
under her small apron, and an-
By OONSTANCB DANBL
other child standing guard at
the attic door, since the law in
that State, “before the War,”
forbade teaching Negroes to
read or write. The family mi-,
grated West and then North, to
free territory, and the next
generation was educated in the
public schools of Massachusetts.
Our maternal grandmother
attended a convent school to
avoid inferior segregated schools
in Providence, Rhode Island.
Our Newport, Rhode Island
grandfather, less fortunate, had
no formal education, but ac
quired culture by contact, and
made money.
Why the Private Schools?
The taxes of this self-taught
citizen helped to support both
white and segregated schools in
Providence. He worked hard to
get rid of the segregated schools
and in the meantime sent all but
two of*his offspring to private
schools in Massachusetts. The
last two cliildren were sent to
public schools in Massachusetts,
where by this time the family
had established a second resi
dence for this purpose. They
entered the Providence public
Schools only when segregation
was ended. Our mother’s high
school diploma bears an 1871
date, and she entered the first
class that admitted Negroes. The
reasons for these choices are
self-evident. ' %
Many Negroes, Today, Choose
Private Schools
Many Negroes, today, are
sending their children to private
schools—often at considerable
sacrifice—because they want
them to have the stimulus of
the intellectual competition af
forded, and a cultural environ
ment found in very few public
schools—segregated white, se
gregated black, or integrated.
Wilhraham, Phillips, Exeter,
Groton, Northfield and many
other schools whose names have
been synonymous with the best
in selective education for gene
rations, are among their choices,
just as Harvard, Yale, Dart
mouth, Bowdoin, Radcliffe, Vas-
sar, Williams or wherever may
be chosen in preference to any
other seat of h^her education,
public or private.
Some parents, Negro as well
as white, select private schools
of their religious faith. In two
families that we knoii^ rather
well, several years of public
schooling are followed by pri
vate schooling, so that the
children will benefit by both
experiences.
‘This, as we see it, is their
business—a luxury, perhaps, or
a necessity, according to the
point of view.
Free Choice for All
By the same token, it is as
impertinent as imdemocratic to
inquire Into the personal educa
tional choice or preference of
any American family, or to at
tempt to attribute motives as to
why such choice was made, whe
ther the family is that of the
President of the United States,
the Vice-President, a senator,
governor, mayor, city com
missioner, or plain John Q. Pub
lic, of Main Street.
And About Supporting Public
Schools
In 1811, Paul Cuffe, a Negro
navigator and ship owner of
Westport, Massachusetts, near
New Bedford, was exploring the
West African Coast, starting
colonization on his own—and
(Continued on Page Seven)