Newspapers / The Carolina Times (Durham, … / April 8, 1972, edition 1 / Page 2
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—THE CAROLINA TIMES SATURDAY, APRIL 8, 1972 2A Cbf Carmila (Lines EDITORIALS' . THE miTKkl GAME A significant and growing number of young blacks politicans, elected as well as appointed, are finding that the game of politics becomes an ever consuming one to gain all the power possible. Furthermore, no one likes to give up any power or its sources of power. No mater how loud the rhetoric and the constant ranting, politics and power go together. For where a politican stands on issues will be determined by where he sits. And it also seems that the attitudes of many other political leaders on is sues may depend on just who occu pies the presidential chair at the moment. Meaningful input now demands that the fine art of communication and negotiation be used to its great est potential. Minority groups must continue to use those «ali£hments that will advance he economic and political equaliy that all must have for unified action and growth of power. However, even unity must al low for diversity of opinion. The importance of voting, voter registration and voter education can not be overlooked tor the advance r WE CAN BIIIID OUR BttSIHISS[S~i For Black people, a promise exists i'er the best of times; and too, the threat continues connoting the emp test of times. Recently, the Norh Car olina Mutual Life Insurance Com pany became the first black owned and operated business in the coun try to approach the billion dollar annual business mark. Its sister in stitutions such as the Mechanics and Farmers Bank made astounding strides in capital development. And many other self-help black organi zations are shaping into viable in stitutions—all in the quest of Black community development. But then, a great majority of these businesses, The Carolina Times in cluded, are a long way from being "out of the woods." We are still la boring under the burden of growth and development "in spite" of a pre dominate situation of hardships caused by prejudice, ignorance and to a large extent, our own fears. We here believe that perhaps the greatest battle for black achievement is won or lost in our minds—our own capacity to conceive of a change for the better; and our inherent rights to the best that there is to be had; and our endowned strength to get the best. We take this time to deal with the subject of achievements because, in many instances black goals are I UNDERSTANDING THE/*' 1 ■jT IS DIFFICULT to get along jl with people you don't know or misunderstand. This is not just a racial problem; it is a human prob lem. It was a factor in the estab lishment of racial segregation, and afterwards became an excuse for it. Jt is one of the basic problems of housing, education, recreation, re ligion and industry. Too many white folks think all black people are cooks, wash wom en, stevedores or truck drivers. It would be better for black Ameri cans if more blacks were in some of these occupations, but there are black people in the so-called white collar vocations. But white propa gandists use black people in both classifications to their advantage whenever it meets their racial needs. A well-dressed black woman law yer may easily be taken by white racists for a maid on her day off or just out for a visit with a friend. On one such occasion a well-dressed glack woman lawyer was asked by a white woman: "Do you have any free days?" The woman thought to be a domestic said "No, not this week." A book written by two black women lawyers on "How To Get Along With Black People" discusses the idiosyncracies of white people in their contacts with black people. Many whites Ipok for blacks they can ridicule or ignore. They ridi cule the ignorant and poor and ig nore the educated and the upper classes unless they can use them to help keep the poor and ignorant in the place white America has assign ed to them. Con CLARK and SHIELA RUSH, the authors of the much discussed ment of power by blacks. Current figures from the Research Bulletin show that the largest number of po tential black voters are concentrat ed in 26 industrial and southern states and the District of Columbia. North Carolina has a total voting age population of more than 701,401/ persons and a black voting age of approxmately 20%. Durham alone has a black voting age population of 25,362 persons or an approximate 35% voting age population. In this ejection year as well as others, the critical need is to get reg istered and vote after registration. Heed the call and take time to be present at precinct levels to assure and gain more political power. We have a right to expect oppor tunities, justice and freedom in the responsible pursuit of happiness. Blacks must act now to secure more more power by actual participation in this important political process. Let us not be spectators, but get acti vely involved by knowing and prac ticing all you can to seek a share of the power. The time is at hand. It is NOW. nearing. And for some, the conquest is dimly in view. Now then, is per haps the best time of all to use the cliche once again that: No one ever won a race who quit, no mat ter how far ahead he may have been at one. Let us also ponder the truth ele ment that, "rarely is there an ac complishment made under isolated conditions." Blacks in particular need the co-operation, brotherhood and sharing of each other's resources and spiritual re-enforcement. Let us help a brother go that extra mile unmindful of personal gain— thus putting God in our debt, who ever and whatever we conceive him to be, he is an expert bookkeeper and a conscientious bill payer. Let us resolve to rise above our petty jealousies, our envy, and our tendencies to think solely in terms of "I". One of the greatest lessons we, as Black people have learned from this society unfortunately, a nega tive lesson—is the doctrine of self centered aggression. This is a doc trine we must forget. Now is past time that Black peo ple draw on their inner resources of warmth and spirituality and rise to a higher plain of achievement suf ficient to benefit all. book, point out that white people assume or presume a lot of wrong things about blacks. They even kill the fun at a party by discussing wrong topics. In company with blacks, the authors write, "whites suffer a temporary amnesia with regard to topics they normally dis cuss." Whites often talk among themselves on such topics on opera, theatre, world politics, stock market and the like. These topics "evapor ate with the appearance of blacks." It is evident that the lines of com munication between the races need to be opened and used for the good of both races. There is not much problem where Ku Klux Klan mem bers are concerned. Nor is there much trouble where the Wallaces or Bilbos or Faubuses are concerned. We are more often disturbed about our white friends. Too often they arouse suspicion among black peo ple. It is often difficult to tell whether they are real friends or "spies." Americans are facing real prob lems on the domestic front. We seem to be losing abroad and be coming more divisive at home. Black and white Americans and ev ery other racial group in the country must get together on a broad and unselfish program to save the na tion from enemies abroad and at home. Black people can be trusted to support America if the American government does more than give lip service to democratic principles. VANCOUVER A Pink er to n guard, on the phalanx of detectives surrounding the suite of Howard Hughes, in Vancouver on a surprise visit: "We don't have this much security for Prime Minister Trudeau." At last A President Who Will Bargain..? IM FOR NEIGHBOR HOOP, SCHOOLS. ml' 1 V'' ~ ■'« i \\ STOP / FLOYD MCKISSICK— A GREAT MAN by Lucy Cain I'loyd Bixlor McKissick was born in Asheville, North Carolina, lie dt tended public school in Ashcvillc. graduating from Stephens-Lit* High School in !*>.W. During his youth, he always managed to find some source of income from enterprising self-employment, lie was a shoe shine boy. waiter, bus boy. yard man. bellhop and errand boy. In spite of poverty. Mr. McKissick was destined for college. While working his way through Morehouse College in Atlanta, Georgia, he even managed to help support a sister in college. In Dlicember, 1941, shortly after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, he enlisted in the Army. Prior to duty in Europe, he married Evelyn Williams. The McKissicks have four children. Joycelyn and Andree are both working toward law degrees; Floyd, Jr. is currently enrolled at Clark University, Worcester, 4 Massachusetts, Charmaine attends school in New York City. Upon his return to civilian life, McKissick returned to Morehouse College and completed his undergraduate studies. He enrolled in Law School of North Carolina and led the first group of law students to picket the North Carolina State Legislature demanding that the North Carolina Law School be accredited. While still in school, he advocated the overthrow of trespass statutes which were used to frustrate non-violent direct action campaigns against segregation. Mr. McKissick was admitted to the North Carolina bar in 1952 and the United States Supreme Court in WSS. lie is licensed to practice before the Federal Communication* Commission, the Federal District Court of Appeals, Un united Stales Coprt «>f Appeals and the United Slates Customs Court. All four of his children were "firsts" in desegregating Ihe Durham, Norilt Carolina To Be BBHH Equal fiy Vernon E. Jordkn jr. I Executive Director- National Urban League BLACK POLITICAL CONVENTION HISTORIC NEW YORK.—The National 'Black Political convention, held recently in Gary, Ind., was a milestone in the politi cal development of black peo ple. Largely neglected by the media, its full signficance will become apparent only after the passage of time, when distance will lend to it the kind of perspective and long range Influence that histori ans will acknowledge. But the days following the Gary meeting saw a good deal of confusion and even disap pointment over the results of the convention. These, I be lieve, are misplaced. The very fact that the con vention took place and that It brought together the dis parate elements of the black community in common cause, is Important. It also marks a giant step in the evolution of black political power. The very existence of such a con vention Was an Indication that thinking black people no logg er see political power as a function of a charismatic per sonality or of a black politi cian whose office Is dependent upon higher governmental bodies. Political power is more than that; it is the formulation of goals and objectives and the organization of people to achieve them. So there was no single candidate presented by the convention, nor did it deal with choices among the established political par ties. It was less a political convention in the electoral sense, than a black conven tion forging a political con sensus on the issues affecting black people. A Remarkable Development This is a remarkable de velopment, especially when one considers that so many black people have been so long denied the vote and de nied participation In the politi cal process. It was only with in the past decade that black people in many parts of the country were permitted to vote, and the numbers of black elected officials, even now an inadequate 2,000, were very few indeed. For a people to go in so short a time from exclusion from the very idea of politics, to so sophisticated a parley as the Gary convention is not only historic and impressive; it is also a measure of the city schools. During his career IK- has handled a record number of civil rights cases. His clients have included demand as a lecturer and public speaker. In 1968, he spoke al more than forty colleges and universities across the nation and he addressed numerous conventions including the American Society of Newspaper Editors and the American Liturgical Conference. He has testified before various Congressional committees including the Senate Committee on Urban faith black people still have in this nation and its political structures. In the face of the broad, overriding significance of the meeting, the criticisms of it can be taken In stride. Some people have called it "a cir cus," and others fret about the nationalist slant embodied in some of the resolutions. But it was no more a "cir cus" than any political con vention ever is. Confusion is always present at mass gath erings where people are poll ticking in the aisles, and there certainly was neither the violence nor the high handed tactics evident at the established political party's conventions in 1968. Just tune in on the forthcoming political conventions this summer if you really want to see a cir cus 7 or two. Comfort To Enemies I have my problems with some of the resolutions too; the anti-bussing resolution, for example. It is clear to me that such a resolution gives aid and comfort to the ene mies of black people, as well as being wrong In itself. De spite the heavy press play given this particular resolu tion, the convention adopted another one in effect cancel ing out its previous anti bussing stance. It would be absurd to sug gest that one meeting or one document can accurately re flect black opinion. Black peo ple, like everyone else, are divided on many philosophi cal, political, and economic Issues. Anyone who expected the Gary convention to come up with a Utopian unity was bound to be disappointed. But the convention did prove that there is far more that unities black people than divides, and that the will to unity is strong and vital. The convention was made up of people of all political persuasions, from high Ad ministration officials to rep resentatives of anti-Establlsh ment groups. But all shared the desire to help bring black people together; not to speak as one voice for all blacks, but to inaugurate the process by which black people can formulate the strategies and goals that will make this na tion's political and economic structures work for us as they now work for white Ameri cans. Problems. He has also written many articles and essay* which have been published in numerous journals and periodicals. Hit first book, Three-Fifths of a Man, published by MacmiUan, is now in its second printing. In the summer of 1968, Mr. McKissick resigned as CORE'S National Director in order sto t>pend full-time helping to build the Black Economy which he first advocated twenty-five years ago. TAKING A CLOSER i °«m By JOHN MYERS "A lack of communication" seems to be the scape goat of all our nation's problems cur rently. Everyone talks about , a lack of communication. "People cant understand." That statement is not exactly true. A more truthful state ment would be "people refuse to understand." A good example of mis understanding in the city of Durham presently is the con flict of the new county hospi tal. On one hand, the board of directors are not listening to what is being said by the committee of poor people. They are hearing the com plaints, but hearing and listen ing are two different things. On the other hand, the low income committee is not lis tening to the answers or rea sons for lack of answers given by the hospital board of direc tors. Each side has its own opinion on the topic and neith er side is willing to compro mise to meet the other. Other examples - coming across nation wide this year are the elections. How many citizens are truly listening to what the candidates are say ing; They possibly hear the speeches and the promises and then go to the poles and cast their ballots for the man with the pretty smile or the family man who has all his pictures taken with his chil dren. There is a fine art to lis tening. There are a lot of peo ple talking but there is a great demand for listeners. One must get his own head in One with the thoughts and feelings that make him feel most com fortable. But it is a rare man who has reached the point of total lightness. Therefore, one must retain an open mind to change. Listening to the other side may open your eyes to facts you might otherwise have Editors Adam Clayton Powell is dead at 63. Although tragic, it is no great shock. All men must die, even statesmen. What is a shock is the national wire service's treatment of the telling of this man's death. He was referred to as a flamboy ant minister with a woman on one hand and a drink in the other. The fact that he was an ordained minister before and during his years in public of fice went unheeded. The fact that he was still the head of a large congregation in Harlem, N. Y. was also left untold. Powell was noticed in the wire services as the owner of a harem of women. They failed Black Protestant Heads Catholic U. Of Detroit DETROIT The University of Detroit Wednes day named a 42-year-old blpck Protestant as the first FJO vo«t in the predominantly Catholic school's 95-year his tory. Dr. James W. Woodruff wW have full responsibility for the day-to-day operation of the university. He becomes the highest ranking black man in any Jesuit college in the na tion. THE APPOINTMENT, made by the Rev. Malcolm J. Car- I J| Editor-Publisher, 1927-1971 I Publiihed every Saturday at Durham, N. C. by United Publisher*, Inc. MRS VIVIAN AUSTIN EDMONDS, Publisher LODIUS M AUSTIN. Assistant to the Publisher H CLARENCE BONNETTE Business Manage- B I J- ELWOOD CARTER Advertising Manager BE Second Class Postage Paid at Durham. N. C. 27701 SUBSCRIPTION RATES ■ United States and Canada 1 Year 96.00 Egg I United States and Canada a Yarn 911.00 Kg I Foreign Countries Year 97-90 H| ■ Single Copy SO Cents WW Principal Office Located at 436 East Pettlgrew Street. K; Durham, North Carolina 37703 mined. If one's own thoughts and feelings are in order to provide happiness and content ment for his own life, then what does he haw to fear from listening to another man. If one feels he is right then con frontation with wrong can only strengthen him. It can not de stroy him. I truly feel we are in need of listeners. That rare breed of man who can collect informa tion, sort it, analyze it, and draw a logically based con clusion from the facts. These are the kind of voters and dvic workers this city needs. The next time you intend to confront a person with a pro blem it might help to put yourself through a test. Ask yourself if you know what you are talking about. Can you prove it? Do you have facts to substantiate your charges? If you can answer yes to these questions then you are on firm ground for the next set. Do you know the power structure of the organization or group of people you are going to confront? Do you know how they operate as a unified body? Are you willing to listen to their replys to your questions even if they are not the replys you wanted? Are you willing to listen and draw a conclusion from what is said; not from the emotional surroundings in the room. If you can understand these ques tions and answer yes to them, then you may stand a chance for doing something about your complaing. If you do not understand them or are not willing to listen, you stand no chance at all. The power struc ture of government is too strong to be dismissed with a wave of the hand. It must be listened to. It must be under stood if one is ever to change ft. to mention the more than 300 bills of public service legisla tion that bore his name when they were enacted. They failed to mention this man's early struggles over the legislation of civil rights bills. They failed to mention his work with hous ing, equal employment, and racial bigotry. The main concern of the stories coming over our na tion's wire services evolved around a "high-living minister with a reputation for women and booze. The wire services repeatedly told of his exploits while being a minister. Yet, in all the columns not once did they title him Reverend. Ron, president of the univer sity, i.» effective immediately. ' Reporting to Woodruff will be the Dean of Faculties, the business manner and treas urer, the Dean of Stud;n. Af fairs, and those units which had been reporting to him in his capacity of vice president for academic services. SINCE Woodruff joined U. of D. in 1868 1M has initiated the black-oriented "Project 100" education program and direct ed the school's special pro jects office.
The Carolina Times (Durham, N.C.)
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April 8, 1972, edition 1
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