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U-THE CAROLINA TIMES
SAT., JULY 19, 1980
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WE SUPREME COURT
ENDORSED CONGREZ-
SIONALPOWER TORE-
DRESS RACIAL DIS
CRIMINATION THROUGH
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION.
N.Y. TIMES
Tax Cut Talk -IV
ore Politics Than Economics
By Congressman Augustus F. Hawkins
-By now American voters ought to be wise
to election-year tax cutting talk. They ought
to be, but they aren't! So the result is that
once again we are facing the usual hot-air
rhetoric about lowering taxes.
And as the presidential campaign heats
up, the tax-cut yack will get fiercer and
fiercer.
The truth of the matter is that no real tax
cut is likely now anyhow. And even if a tax
cut was adopted by the Congress today, it
. would be drawn in too much haste to ade
quately respond to the deep-seated economic
ills of the nation.
In any event, what we are currently being
deluged with is the Ronald Reagan tax-cut
proposal. (Ronald Reagan, you know, is
running for President of the United States!)
Reagan proposes an across-the-board ten
per cent tax cut for the individual tax-payer.
Is the Reagan plan a true tax cut?
Well, it may be if you are making
$100,000 per year, because it will save you
about $2,200. But if you are a middle
income person earning around $18,000,
you're likely to have an on-paper tax saving
of a meager $150 per year. In other words,
the more you earn, the greater the tax relief,
and conversely the less you earn, the smaller
the tax cut.
Another way of looking at the Reagan
Plan is to see where most of the tax cut is go
ing to go. Those persons earning $30,000 or
more will get 73 per cent of the cut; those in
the $15,000 to $30,000 bracket will receive
about 37 per cent. If you are in the working
poor category, your group will receive about
thirteen per cent of the cut.
It's a simple equation: no matter what the
tax cut looks like, the tax burden for most
households will remain the same thanks
to inflation and in fact in many instances,
the tax bite will even experience an increase.
But even if the proposed tax cut was
modestly reasonable, it would be drastically '
off-set by the coming increase in Social
Security taxes in 1981.
Those most hard hit by the increasing
Social Security tax will be in the $29,700 and
below category; they will see the maximum
rate jump from $1,587.67 to $1,975.05 this
year.
Thus, under the Reagan Plan, low and
middle income wage earners would actually
see no relief in their living costs at all and
they should therefore .recognize such tax-cut
talk as election-year gimmickry. Essentially,
the Reagan Plan would not appreciably
change the average federal tax burden oi
17.5 per cent of income paid by most tax
payers. In any event, that burden is probably
going to rise whatever the eventual tax
relief law looks like which means that most
of us will then be paying about eighteen per
cent of our income in federal taxes.
There are other reasons why the Reagan
tax cut plan is bad: it will promote greater in
flation; it will increase budget deficits; it will
cause an escalation in interest rates leading
to credit restrictions; and it will increase
chances for deepening the current recession.
I'm not opposed to tax cuts. But I believe
they must be made selectively and they must
promote an economy that is moving toward
full employment.
Any tax cut, in my view, must be tailored
to increase employment, to increase the pro
duction of goods and services, to stabilize
and eventually lower living costs, and to pro
mote the ability of American products to be
competitive in the domestic market-place
and in the foreign market-place.
This is the only kind of tax-cut talk I will
be involved in, since my interest lies in a tax
structure plan which will increase employ
ment and which will ensure that the nation's
economic growth will be balanced and
stable.
By Ada M. Fisher
BE NOT DECEIVED
During the recent Republican
National Convention in Detroit, a
reporter asked an unemployed
auto worker about his voting in
tentions in the November elec
tion. The man answered, in
essence, that when something
burns one hand, you shift it over
to the other hand, and though he
had voted for President Carter in
the last election, he would be
forced to make another choice
this next election.
In Durham, a usually concern
ed voter, commenting on the sub
ject said that he would write the
names of the three major can
didates on three pieces of paper,
throw them f up the air -and the.
one he caught on the way down
would be the one he would vote
for in November.
In the case of the presidential
elections this year, it may appear
that 17 million black potential
voters have nobody to vote for
who offers a glimmer of hope for
a better life. Betrayed by Jimmy
Carter, doubtful of Ronald
Reagan and wondering about
John Anderson, many black
voters are talking about not even
bothering to vote. They could, of
course, investigate some of the
other candidates running.
Be not deceived! Somebody is
going to run this country.
Somebody is going to be presi
dent. Black folk cannot lie down
and let somebody else's
steamroller run over us, which is
what will surely happen if we
don't exert our political muscle.
Seventeen million potential
votes can swing the election and,
in so doing, get some com
mitments and hold somebody ac
countable for them. We will never
get all we need or want out of a
candidate, but we can influence
one enough to get more than we
have. Some influence is better
than none at all.
The political arena cares
naught for sentiment. It responds
only to power. Just because we
have always voted a particular
political party, is no justification
for always doing so. That's like
saying 'I'm in the pocket, treat
me any way you like, but I'll stay
in the pocket-grin and bear it.'
We must think politically. We
must think and wield our voting
power in such a way that we use
the political system, rather than
v:haYng ji mis-jsev fr&.iHri
The survival of black folks is at
stake. We've seen what happened
in Miami, Florida this summer
when police brutes were freed
after killing a black man. We've
seen what happened this week in
Chattanooga, Tennessee when
klansmen were freed after killing
blacks. Right-wing forces have
declared war against black folk.
Its a war we can win with the
painless casting of 17 million
ballots in November. Not one
drop of blood need be wasted.
Seventeen million potential
black voters must mobilize for the
November 4 offensive. The gains
of the sixties are swiftly being
eroded. Miami and Chattanooga
were tests of just how much,-in;
justice black folks are going to
swallow. We've got to go the
polls in droves come November
not only for the White House,
but for Court House and l
everything between as well. And
our vote cannot be for sale!
Be- not deceived. Its now or
never.
Spectacles: A Closer Look
Revitalizing The Draft Expanding Our Options
I do not decry the return of the draft; I'm
for it if it is done right. If all sexes, all colors,
and economic strata are included without ex
ception, each with equal opportunities
available for training and advancement, the
draft could be a good thing. In fact, the
draft-could be expanded to a National Ser
vice Corps where all citizens 18-40 must
serve two years.
Why this idea? Too many people in our
society can't afford a lawyer, can't find a
doctor, or must suffer for lack of adequate
nursing and dental care. But suppose we re
quired two years of service of all profes
sionals in underserved areas. This would
mean access to professional services hopeful
ly at reasonable costs. It would guarantee ex
perience for professionals in the "real
world" where poverty and illiteracy are all
too real while caring for those in need. And
most importantly, it would mean service to
Having done two years of service in rural
America,- I'd heartily recommend it for
anyone. Since the costs of all professional
education are underwritten by taxpayers, it
is reasonable that they should be served by
those they have paid to educate.
For non-professionals we could expand
roles in forestry, the environment, construc
tion, recreation, education, etc. We could
put our money where our mouth is and start
improving America by having the people
serve their country. I'm not advocating
government take-over. I'm advocating peo
ple participation. Imagine a small town
without water, sewage treatment, a
backwards school system, a plummeting
economy and no money. Lend them the
resource people through the draft to help
train their citizens or improve their com
munity. Watch the change. Watch them
grow. Reasonable legal aid, medical care,
social services, etc., could be had with a little
imagination, thought, planning and less
bureaucracy.
If we do have a draft for the military, both
sexes should be selected to serve. There are
many jobs from clerks, nurses, physicians,
teachers, mechanics, engineers, pilots, etc.
to combat troops which must be filled. There
is a place for women as well as men in to
day's military.
Having come through the 60's and 70's;
lived through many war protestations;
witnessed the death of hundreds who gave
their lives for this country only to have their
family and friends denied entrance to
restaurants, restrooms, etc.;' seen people
fight for freedom of the press and free
speech to have these very freedoms infringed
upon; now again watching as those who ex
ercise their right to protest in America, a
democratic country, being photographed
and having dossiers compiled on them; hav
ing done and experienced all of this, many
Americans are not sure which side is right.
We cannot fight wars for the profits of
business; yet we cannot sit back and let
democracy get trounced. We cannot fight
for human rights abroad while denying these
and civil rights at home. We cannot be a
government by, of, and for the people unless
we are willing to be with our people to feel
our hurt, to listen to our woes of anguish,
and to deal upfront honestly and truthfully
with our problems. We cannot be a people
without creativity and vision. We must not
live a lie.
America needs a service force reflective of
Her people its good and bad, strong and
weak; but mainly of Her compassionate. If
we do not serve Her, then we cripple Her;
possibly leaving Her to be run by those who
do not have the best interest of Her
Democracy at heart.
Black People Wake Up! Either we choose
the direction we will go or we will be chosen
and told where to go. Don't delay, register to
vote and let your sentiments be known.
by Norman Hill
The Black Middle Class - No Silent Minority
BEGRUDGED CRUMBS
The pathetic wailings of the
'haves' over ten per cent of all
federal public-works contracts
going to 'have nots" would be
ludicrous if that ten per cent was
not so essential to the survival of
many minority firms.
Edwin Feulner, president of the
Heritage Foundation, a right
wing, Washington-based public
policy research organization, in a
July 17 column entitled
"Affirmative Action Fallout",
decries the July 3 Supreme Court
decision to uphold the 1977 set
aside law for minorities. He ob
jects to those who have had no
chance at all because of the fat
cat's greed, selfishness, bigotry,
et cetera getting even an op
portunity at the ten per cent
crumbs.
It is somewhat amusing to
listen fo foes of affirmative action
justifying their objections to op
;ortunity for a segment of the
population for whom opportuni
ty and justice were denied (and
still are) for over three hundred
years. .
Feulner and other affirmative
action opponents talk about the
"American way," the ideal of
"American equality" and other
such high-sounding phrases. We
hope they know in their heart of
hearts that their tongues are in
their cheeks and that those
phrases signify nothing for
minorities. Until, they have suf
fered three hundred years in an
effort to balance the books in this
cp mtry, they ought to shut their
m iths about what is 'just' and
wfr jt is 'unjust'. j
jverybody has to pay for
hisher sins sooner or later its
be?n that way since the beginning
o? time. So, opponents of affir-.
rflRtlve action, you created the
shoe that pinches, so wear it withi
gfCe until you make a better one.
Black Enterprise
Magazine recently polled
its readership on a wide
range of social, economic,
and political topics. The
results of this poll, the
first such comprehensive
study of the attitudes of
middle-class, college
educated blacks, are
sometimes surprising and
always illuminating.
Most importantly, the
Black Enterprise poll's
results belie the claims of
. pundits who have sug
gested that the black mid
dle class is becoming in
" creasingly conservative,
complacent, and content,
and that its interests are
somehow at odds with the
interests of working class
blacks and poor.
More than nine out of
ten of the poll's
respondents indicated that
, they felt a moral obliga
tion to help those blacks
who are educationally
andor economically
disadvantaged.
Moreover, middle-class
blacks are aware of the
debt they owe to the civil
rights movement. Ninety
one per cent of them agree
that the gains they have
made are a product of the
movement of the 1960s.
This is not, however, to
suggest that all is well or
that the war has been won.
Seventy-two per cent of
the respondents in fact felt
that racism is no less
prevalent today than it
was a decade ago. In ad
dition, virtually all the
respondents (95.6) felt
,that whites harbor some
form of racism toward
blacks. And 78 admit
ted to having some
negative feelings toward
whites.
The poll likewise reveal
ed a deep sense of frustra
tion with the political pro
gress of blacks. Over 31
per cent of those polled
felt that blacks should
form their own political
party. Such a prescrip
tion,, however, is not only
unworkable but would
spell disaster for blacks
who today are already
woefully under
represented in govern
ment. The discontents of the
black middle class have
not made it indifferent to
political differences bet
ween the parties. And this
is a healthy sign which
flies in the face of the
substantial sentiment the
poll revealed for a black
political party. Nearly
two-thirds of the
respondents believe there
is a difference between the
policies of the Democrats
and Republicans.
Moreover, a similar two
thirds feel that black
mayors elected without
benefit of a black party
have -produced better
government. In addition,
nearly 50 of those poll
ed stated that blacks
would be unable to attain
equality without forging
an alliance with whites. A
healthy political sense was
also revealed in the poll's
finding that middle class
blacks rank the labor
movement and white '
liberals number one and
two, respectively, in a list
of the most loyal allies of
the black community.
These results appear to
' suggest that middle-class
blacks will continue to
take part in the coalitions
which are today so vitally
necessary. Yet this should
not blind us to the poll's
alarming indication that a
number of misperceptions
' exist, concerning
economic reality. Over
two-thirds of the black
middle class may feel that
blacks as a group are bet
ter off or as well off
economically as they were
ten years ago. But, alas,
this sentiment is not sup
ported by the facts. Clear
ly those blacks who
entered the middle class in
the 1960s and 70s are
reflecting their own
economic progress rather
than that of blacks as a
whole. .According to re
cent statistics, since 1970
median black incomes
have dropped from 64
of white incomes to 59.
Moreover, this erosion has
occured at a time when the
purchasing power of the
take-home pay of all
workers has been steadily
declining. It is precisely
this decline in the standard
of living of all working
people, black and white,
which needs to be address
ed. And the goal of
educating middle class
blacks about certain
economic realities remains
a critical task. Indeed, it is
one of the central tasks of
an effective black leader
ship. Needless to say,
' blacks usually do not find
a frank discussion of their
economic status in the
mass media. Many of the
uncomfortable statistics
remain poorly analyzed
and under-reported. We
can only hope that when
the next Black Enterprise
survey is held on that
magazine's 20th Anniver
sary, the sentiment that
blacks as a group are bet
ter off than they were ten
years ago will be borne out
by the facts. But this will
only happen if an effective
coalition is built . for
economic democracy and
justice.
In the final analysis, the
poll's results are largely
encouraging. They in
dicate that middle-class
blacks are not prepared to
abandon their service to
the black community or to
jettison a strategy of
working in coalition with
white liberals and labor.
These are the healthy signs
which point the way to
victory.
Black Publishers Association
LE. AUSTIN
Editor-Publisher 1927-1971
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