U-IHE CAROLINA TIMES SAT.. SEPTEMBER 27, 1980'
.SOMETHING BLACKS CAN DO NOWFOB THEMSELVES...
REGISTER-VOTE
YOU MUST REGISTER '-YOU MUST VOTE
YOU MUST LEAR NC0N0R$5 ACTED
SUIFTLY IN PASSING THIS ACT INTENP TO
ACT WTH EQUAL DISPATCH IN ORPER TO
Durham Moves Backward
The appointments that were
made on the three committees by
a majority of the Durham City
Council members, Monday night,
September 15, should be regarded
as an offense to both civic
minded whites and blacks who
have worked untiringly to create a
i climate of racial harmony and
p-i "prosperity for the City of
Diirham.
, .i''The old statement that "the
.tlfest persons were chosen for the
, jbbs" is paternalistic at best and
b atant v racist at worst, it im-
our failure to create a political
system that includes all of
Durham's citizens has played a
major role in constituting the pre
sent political situation.
The city government of
Durham belongs to all of the peo
ple and the time has long passed
for all of Durham's citizens to in
sist on a government that is sen
sitive to their needs.
The gains that were made by,
women and minorities in the six
ties, gains that are steadily
eroding, came out of a determina-
To Be Equal
GOVERNMENT'S RIGHTS ROLE IMPORTANT
v By Vernon E. Jordan, Jr.
The experience of the 1970s erosion of
limited black gains, urban decay, and a
growing conservative national mood has
led to disillusionment and to questioning
civil rights strategies.
Perhaps the single most important factor
in the growing cynicism is the rightward drift
of American political opinion. The over
whelming majority of blacks reject the new
conservative thrust, but perceive the wall of
white resistance as higher and stronger.
So some blacks and whites question the
valye of federal programs and even the
wisdom of looking to the federal govern
ment for answers to problems faced by the
black poor.
Traditionally, black people have equated
states rights with state's wrongs, and have
looked to Washington and to the federal
courts for protection from local abuse. The
failure of the private sector to generate
enough jobs and to give blacks their fair
share of the available jobs has led to em
phasis on federal job programs.
There's also been an emphasis on federal
transfer programs such as welfare, food
stamps, health assistance and others. While
some have charged such programs breed
dependence, most blacks look upon those
programs as essential survival mechanisms in
a society that refuses to encourage in
dependence through job opportunities.
Affirmative action is another area in
which black people traditionally look to the
government for action. Left to themselves,
most employers would probably be indif
ferent to black demands for equal employ
ment opportunities. The threat of federal ac
tion has been a major factor in private sector
affirmative action efforts.
The conservative view appears to be that
black progress has been limited because
federal programs are ineffective, and
therefore those programs should be aban
doned. But it would be more fair to say that black
progress has been limited in part because
federal programs' effectiveness has been
limited, and that a massive federal effort to
bring equality to blacks was never im
plemented. Job programs, for example, serve only a
fraction of the unemployed, but that is no
reason to de-emphasize o creation. The
fact is that many black people were helped
by those programs, people who would be
much worse off today if those programs did
not exist. The answer lies not in abolishing
the programs but in expanding the ones thai
work while fixing the ones thai don't.
We should not forget thai good programs
have been torpedoed by Congressional
politics and by executive penny-pinching.
Some promising programs wore underfund
ed to the point where liiey could not make an
impact. Others were broadened to the point
where they became so diffuse i hat they failed
to help the neediest.
For political purposes, definitions ic
target populations are often broadened to in
clude more people and more congressional
districts, so funds are diverted from truly
needy areas to better-off ones.
Federal programs leave much to be
desired, but they shouldn't be replaced by
panaceas and slogans that appear to offer
even fewer prospective gains to blacks. Just
dumping on government isn't enough; we
have to ensure that government programs
work the way we want them to work.
. And no one should write off the private
sector, as a contributor to future black
equality. The 1980s should be a lime of
building coalitions and creating public and
private programs that result in black advances.
WORKERS AND DEMOCRACY
By Bayard Rustin
A. Philip Randolph Institute
There was something immensely in
vigorating and exciting about the recent
strikes by workers in Poland. Although the
strikes occurred in a faraway country whose
people live under a dictatorial regime, every
American, black and white, could identify
with the drama that daily unfolded on our
television screens and in our newspapers.
What began ostensibly as a strike for
higher wages, and against the Communist
equivalent of inflation, was transformed in
to a struggle for democratizing an
authoritarian society. When finally the strike
was settled and the workers went back on
their jobs, they had succeeded in extracting
wide-ranging concessions from the Polish
government involving the right to trade
unions independent of government control.
If the Polish government lives up- to the
terms of the agreement, Poland will have
taken a significant step in the direction of
democracy, -:
Qualified "blacks, whites are
the only qualified persons.
still
Moreover, these appointments
in the aftermath of the statement
by the Durham City manager,
Mr. Del Castilho, "that Durham
has not moved rapidly enough in
its hiring of minorities and
women," do not demonstrate
that all of the members of the pre
sent City Council are dedicated to
a fair and equitable climate for
the City of Durham.
These appointments, never
theless as insulting as they are
should cause us to evaluate
ourselves and to determine how
trie - nature o
politics. It involved the conscien
tious efforts of those in high
places to protect the rights of
those who were less fortunate.
Now, we must ask ourselves
whether or not this trend still
prevails, or whether or not too
many of those in "high places"
have forgot that they must be
responsive to the process that
yielded their "high places."
It. is truly time for soul
searching, after which there must
immediately follow a decisive
order of business if this backward
movement is to be stopped.
rtt tithflw Fniisrr leadersnir. . , nressurca ov me
Soviet Union, may revoke the terms of the
strike settlement and plunge Poland into a
period of social unrest and harsh govern
ment repression. This is why newly-formed
Polish free trade unions need the support
they are, getting from American organized
labor, now more than ever.
Blacks who remember,, the days of the
freedom rides and of the murders of black
civil rights activists in the fifties and sixties ,
understand the true heroism of the Polish
strikers. They literally were risking their lives
for a better, more democratic, and more
humane society. Of course, the repressions
and harassment which black and white civil
rights activists suffered in the United States
was not the consequence of official federal
government policy, and so the situation is
not entirely equivalent. Yet the courage that
was required to take on Jim Crow is similar
to the courage that was required in 1980 to
force the Polish Communist Party to relin
quish some of its dictatorial control over
Poland.
The strikes in the Polish shipyards are a
significant historical event because they re
mind us all of the commitment of workers
and independent trade unions to the
democratization of society. Workers and
workers' movements have historically raised .
ticonomic questions. And workers often
f . HffrtljftjitfN their-
ecQhpjfnw5iwje
woefully ignored by the press and the public
is the commitment of free trade unions to ex
tending democracy.
Organized labor has a proud history of
fighting to defend and broaden civil human
rights in the United States. Labor organiza
tions like the AFL-CIO and the United Auto
Workers arc also in the forefront of defen
ding the human rights of imprisoned and
beleaguered trade unionists and democratic
activists in such countries as Cuba, Argen
tina, Chile, the Soviet Union, South Africa,
and Poland. Union members and union
leaders know that without the freedom of
trade unions to function democratically and
without government interference, there can
be no true advancement of workers' in
terests. Thus it was both ironic and hypocritical
that Ronald Reagan should so vocally claim
to support the interests of the Polish
workers, for Reagan and the conservatives
around him have traditionally adopted a
hostile attitude toward trade unions. Reagan
is a firm supporter jf so-called
"right-to-work" laws which seek to weaken
unions in the United States. And in the past
he has even proposed utilizing anti-trust
legislation to bust unions. So there is no
small measure of irony in the fact t hat he is a
staunch supporter of the efforts to establish
-fFe&4radeHinkms in-faraway lands, and yet
.xppbses their interests in his o-wn country.
Blacks and" other workers who watched
the heroism of the striking Polish workers
understand that unions free of government
harassment are a cornerstone of democracy.
They know that without strong and free
unions society itself cannot be free. Unfor
tunately this is a lesson that Ronald Reagan
has failed to learn.
Business In The Black
ANDERSON HAS AN ANSWER, RONALD REAGAN
IS SOME KIND OF STRANGER
By Charles E. Belle
A New Building At Last
After forty years, North
Carolina Central University's
Albert Louis Turner Law School
finally has a new $4.25 million
building of its own after dedica
tion ceremonies of the facility on
September 19-20.
Chartered in 1939 by the North
Carolina General Assembly, only
one student showed up. Thus, the
opening of the law school was
postponed until September 14,
1940.
Since the 1940 opening, the
NCCU Law School has tread a
path strewn with rocks and full of
potholes disastrous fire,
threats and. efforts to close the
school by former Governor Dan
Moore, and others. The institu
tion has undergone three name
changes, i.e., North Carolina
College for Negroes, North
Carolina College at Durham and
North Carolina Central Universi
ty. Yet, dedicated faculty and
staff members have trained black,
white, and Indian lawyers who
have raised the legal representa
tion of these groups in the state of
North Carolina.
After the initial instruction by
Duke and University of North
Carolina faculty members in the
early years, Dr. Albert L. Turner
became the first black dean in
1 942. He served until his retire
ment in 1965.
; Daniel G. Sampson assumed
the deanship in 1965 and served
until July 1, 1969.,
When LcMarquis DeJarmon
became dean on September 1,
1969, sixteen days later, a
disgruntled student set the raging
fire that burned out the former
law building. DeJarmon's tasks,
under these conditions, were to
rebuild the old school, and con
struct the needed addition to the
existing facility while fighting for
funds for a new facility, and to
keep the school from being clos
ed. Under his leadership, the stu
dent enrollment rose from 68 to
300.
With all of the criticism heaped
upon it, and with all of the limita
tions of faculty, staff, funds and
facilities, the law school at North
Carolina Central has trained the
bulk of minority lawyers in North
Carolina. Between 1940 and
1966, only NINE blacks received
their training exclusively at the
state's threemajority schools,
UNC. Duke and Wake Forest.
NCCU trained the first Lumbee
Indian lawyers in the state. One
serves as a judge and another as a
legislator.
Facts reveal that the number of
black law graduates from the ma
jority schools is still small in pro
portion to the majority group and
the great majority of blacks do at
tend NCCU due to its special mis
- sion.
The new Law School Building
is indeed a welcome facility and is
long overdue. It must continue to
stand for opportunity for those
who have long been denied a legal
education.
Ronald Reagan is actually running after
the black vote like no other Republican
Presidential candidate, since Abe Lincoln.
Linking up in broad daylight with Benjamin
Hooks and Vernon Jordan is no joking mat
ter, it's making modest progress to gain
black American acceptance.
There is some real substance to the
statements by Reagan like his "black
Americans don't lack capability. They lack
opportunity. Given adequate opportunities, .
black Americans can be as successful as
anyone else in this country." These words by
him were spoken before the aghast audience
of the Annual Convention of the National
Urban League in New York City.
Considering there were no promises in
Ronald Reagan's platitude, it was a plausible
performance. Presidential candidates have:
come before previous predominantly black
American audience howling to the moon,
making a "sound and fury, signifying
nothing." No one truely knows if Ronald
Reagan will run to the right so far as to sink
social security and other social programs.
Progressive social programs certainly have
not been one of his strong points in fhe past.
Presidential candidates often take cover
behind Colossians 3:12 "Put on . . .
.compassion, kindness, lowliness, meekness
and patience." Take notice that progress is
not one of the words to live up tol
While Reagan is running for the White
House, it is wise for black Ar ericans to peer
back at his past. President Donald Reagan
might well appoint more black Americans in .
cabinet positions than the current President
of the United States. The former California
governor appointed four more black
American state department chiefs than his
predecessor Democratic governor. Getting
the Reagan for President Committee to
come up with key black American member
ship will make the difference in his campaign
results in November. There will be no need ..
to argue if he promises as much as Carter. A
little!
No black American can conceive of
Ronald Reagan as a friend until Reagan can,
like every previous Democratic Presidential
nominee since FDR see fit to select black
Americans among his advisors. A stranger,
according to Webster's New Ideal Dic
tionary may be a "guest, visitor or in
truder." Invariably Reagan will be con
sidered an intruder by Democratic regulars,
an uninvited guest by intellectural snobs who
'take the black American vote for granted
and alas a "visitor" to those who have "no
pertinent friends only pertinent interest."
President Carter should not be allowed to
. take wholesale advantage of the entire black
American vote. The black American vote in
this country is not some old hag who is
helpless to save herself. Sacrificing in the
short-term, a term or two for a responsible
Republican administration after these many
score years ago might just be what 1 he doctor
ordered for Democrats.
President Carter has hand jobedthe black
American community with record '
unemployment and no future promise to
even stop misusing the people. Presidential
candidates Carter and Reagan are both by
passing the swelling unemployment problem ,'
of black Americans.
All the average black American can ask
for in this agonizing situation is to see the
appointment of concerned black American
citizens in presidential cabinet positions.
President Carter "previously" had his
"personal" one black American friend.
Ronald Reagan cannot just visit for the
summer in the black American community.
Comes the fall, he must have already proved
he is really ready for all the people by placing
some black Americans on his high echelon
staff.
If there is no struggle, there is no progress. Those who pro
pose to favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation are men
who, want crops without plowing up the ground, they want
rain without thUnder and lighting. They want the oceans ma
jestic wqves without the awful roar of its waters.
. Frederick Douglass
Standing in the wings waiting for -ai
answer is John Anderson.
North Carolina
Black Publishers Association
(USPS 091-380)
L.E.AUSTIN
Editor-Publisher 1927-1971
Published every Thursday (dated Saturday) at
Durham N.C. by United Publishers, Incor
porated. Mailing Address: P.O. Box 3825,
Durham, N.C. 27702. Office located at 923
Fayetteville Street, Durham, N.C. 27701. Second
Class Postage paid at Durham North Carolina
27702. POSTMASTER: Send address change to
THE CAROLINA TIMES, P.O. Box 3825, Durham,
N.C. 27702.
SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $12.0.0
(plus $0.48 sales, tax for North Carolina
residents). Single copy $.30. Postal regulations
REQUIRE advanced payment on subscriptions.
Address all communications and make all checks
and money orders payable to: THE CAROLINA
TIMES.
NATIONAL ADVERTISING REPRESENTATIVE:
Amalgamated Publishers, Inc., 45 West 45th
Street, New York, flew York 10066.
Member United Press International Photo Ser
vice, National Newspaper Publishers Associa
tion, North Carolina Black Publishers Associa
tion. Opinions expressed by columnists in this
newspaper do not necessarily represent the
policy of this newspaper.
This newspaper WILL NOT be responsible for
theTefurn of unsolicited pictures.