ll-THE CAROLINA TIMES
SAT.. OCTOBER 4, 1980
FIFTEEN MILLION BLACKS ELIGIBLE TO VOTE-
BLACKS HAVE TH TOOLS
TO 00 THE JOB
THE ORGANIZATIONS ARE
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SEC THAT THEV
REGISTER ANP VOTE;
To Be Equal
Black Pulse Survey Explodes Myth
By Vernon E. Jordan, Jr.
A major barrier to social progress lies
in the yawning gap between white
perceptions and black experience.
That's why the National Urban
League's Black Pulse survey is so impor
tant. It represents a massive, systematic
process of face-to-face interviews with
about 3,000 black heads-of-households.
That makes Black Pulse far more
representative than polls using relatively
small numbers of people. And unlike
opinion polls, Black Pulse is a needs
assessment survey, focusing on people's .
needs and experiences.
The first findings are important
guides to policy directions the nation
should follow.
Although the interviews were made
before the full impact of this recession
it, unemployment was tlearly identified
as the number one 'problem in the black
community. Discrimination ranked se
cond, and inflation a poor third.
The concern with the problem of
unemployment cut across class lines. In
fact, a slightly larger proportion of
middle-income blacks identified
unemployment as the number one pro
blem. That finding is contrary to opi
nion polls in the white community,
where middle income people show
greater concern with inflation. Secure in
their own jobs,, the white middle class
just doesn't rank joblessness high on the
list of problem areas.
Most blacks are concerned with infla
tion. The vast majority report their in
comes have not kept pace with inflation
and nearly half say they are worse off
financially than a year ago.
So the inroads of inflation have
resulted in a decline in black living stan
dards, but uniting all classes in the black
community is a shared realization that
astronomical- unemployment rates are
having an even greater devastating effect
on the community.
All income classes in the black com
munity are atso united in identifying
discrimination as second only to
unemployment "among the problems ;
black people face. j
Many Americans believe in the myth ,
that blacks have made it into the middle j
class and that discrimination is no longer
a major problem. But Black Pulse found
that over two-thirds of all blacks say
blacks today face a great deal of '
discrimination. Seventy per cent of the-over-$20,000
income group agreed an .
even higher percentage than among
those in the under-$6,000 income group.
That .finding reflects continuing
discrimination in jobs, housing, loans,
and contacts with public and private of-.
ficials.
, Again in sharp contrast to current
mythology, three-fourths of blacks say
the push for equal rights is "too slow."
Ten years ago. a public opinion survey :
found less than half of all blacks saying ;
the push for racial equality was "too
That indicates that while many
Americans think the nation ,is traveling
on the road to greater equality, black
people know it is not. And again it is
among middle income blacks that there
is the most dissatisfaction with the pace
of progress.
Another myth Black Pulse explodes is
the extent and nature of black
unemployment. Most Americans are
dimly aware of a black youth unemploy
ment problem. But Black Pulse, which
asked heads-of-households directly
whether they were working and whether
they wanted work, . 1 found black
unemployment double the official
figures.
That throws a spotlight on the official
miscounting of the unemployed, and
demonstrates a real Depression is under
way in the black community.
In the midst of a hotly contested
presidential campaign, these findings
suggest the candidates ought to be more
specific about what they intend to do
about the core issues of concern to black
people jobs and discrimination.
Things You Should Know
Win,
Liam
t
...Negro author and
an agent of the
Underground Railroad.
Known as the
"Brakeman," he was
Secretary of
the Philadelphia Vigilance Committeel
The New York Office had a fund-raising
appeal in June, .1844 In the ten years
before the Civil War, The "U.R.'s" 3,000
members helped 75,000 slaves escape to
freedom!
JOBS NOT WELFARE IS STILL THE ANSWER
. ;. By Congressman Augustus Hawkins
This country which mounted a campaign
against poverty in the early sixties (and gave (
up by the late sixties) has virtually lost that
campaign and the so-called "war" that ac
companied the campaign.
We have not, to any great extent, since
then made any real dent in decreasing the.
number of poor, nor do we seem to be that
concerned as a nation, with the problems of
the poor. In fact during the two recessions in
the period 1968-75, not only did the number
of unemployed double, but the Bureau of
Census says that there were 500,000 more
poor people in 1975 than there were in 1968.
As difficult as it may be by some segments
of this society to accept the idea, poverty
breeds! unemployment, and causes it to
mount higher and higher when unemploy
ment increases.
Worse still, when unemployment hits the
working minority poor, they almost never
receive the cushion of benefits designed to
ease their economic stress. Yet, throughout
this country there is a fallacious assumption
by many policy-makers and other decision
makers, that . the brutal tentacles of
economic hardship are almost non-existent
for the working minority poor because of the
programmatic benefits of unemployment in
surance, public assistance, food stamps and
other income supplements.
But what about these programs? Just how
effective are they in providing relief to the
jobless, to the poor, to the young, to the
handicapped, and to the infirmed?
There is now increasing evidence that most
Federal, state and locally administered in
come support programs are not reaching
millions of those that are in the most need of
assistance. This is especially true in the black
community, and in related minority com
munities. Dealing with the question of "income
cushions," the National Urban League
recently released a devastating report on this
issue which said that the nation's black and
minority populations "are not being reached
by most of the government income transfer
programs for the poor and jobless."
One would almost automatically assume
that an unemployed black breadwinner .
would be just as likely to receive unemploy
ment compensation, for example, as a while
unemployed breadwinner.
This is an incorrect assumption because
the national Urban League found that '
"Seventy per cent of all unemployed blacks
never received any jobless benefits." If we ;
use the latest figures of black unemployment
(1.6 million), this means that some 1.1 .
million unemployed blacks must find other
resources to support their families because,
they are not participating in any unemploy
ment compensation program at this time.
These other resources, if they are govern
ment administered income support pro-j,
grams, may be as unavailable as in the case
of unemployment , compensation. Such,
unavailability occurs all too often because
blacks and other minorities may be totally
unaware that such programs exist; they may
refuse help because of their pride; they may
be denied benefits for racial reasons; they
may not be "eligible" due to unique state
regulations; or they may become inadvertant
victims of the budget cutting and budget,
balancing mania that has swept the country.
Here are some additionally startling facts
for the period 1979:
only one-fifth of all involuntarily
unemployed blacks are currently receiving
unemployment benefits.
almost half (46 per cent) of all low in
come black households (with incomes under
$6,000) receive no public assistance.
65 per cent of all black households
receive benefits from only one or none of i he
seven income support programs for the poor
(welare, supplemental security income,
medicare, food stamps, free school lunches,
public housing, rent subsidy).
one-third of half of the non-welfare
public assistance recipients received benefits
from only one or none of the other six in
come support programs.
These statistics are shocking!
What they clearly reflect is the dispropor
tionate impact that the 1969-71, 1974-75,
1979-80 recessions have had on blacks and
other minorities.
What they further graphically indicate is
the absolute necessity for the fullest enforce
ment of the Full Employment Act by the cur
rent Administration. Reforming some of the
problem areas of income support programs
would also be helpful, but essentially what
the majority of unemployed persons want,
are jobs. They want the opportunity to
become self sustaining, to pay their fair
share of taxes to run this government, to
feed, house and clothe their families.
Only in a full employment economy
, through an enforced Full Employment Act
can these things be achieved.
E9S33
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION
PROFESSIONAL SPORTS
By GtriM C. Haiti, Etqeire
3
The recent hiring of ex-Dodger great
Maury Wills as pilot of the last place Seattle
Mariners in an ironic way only highlights the
continuing racism that stains professional
sports.
Blacks have been "allowed" to play pro
fessional baseball for over thirty years now
and have produced some of the game's most
enduring stars. Hank Aaron, the slugger;
.Lou Brock, the base stealer; Bob Gibson, the
ifireballing pitcher. The list is veritably,
endless. Yet, somehow today there is only
one black manager and a hand full of black
coaches. The number of blacks in front of
fice posts isjess.
Nonetheless, one sees a Gene Mauch,
skipper of the perenially second-division
' Minnesota Twins. Mauch has managed for
over twenty years and is continually hailed as
. one of baseball's "finest minds." Yet, this
fine mind" has a career losing record of
1,500 wins, 1,676 losses but could still pick
' and choose just about any dugout or frdnt
office position he desires. Can anyone im
agine any black manager lasting twenty years
in the big leagues with a losing record. Those
who say blacks have to be better are not in-
, accurate and expose the "Big Lie" that affir
mative action hiring violates the so-called
"merit principle." As real life demonstrates
time and time again, the exact opposite is the
case.
Baseball's record of rewarding ineptitude
' is matched by professional football. Dick
' Nolan, coach of the New Orleans Saints, has
a losing record in ten years of coaching and
was virtually run out of San Francisco on a
rail after running the 49'ers into the ground. .
Nonetheless, he remains in the saddle and
few doubt that if he were fired tomorrow, he
'would have little trouble in hooking up with
another squad. The same holds true for Bart
Starr, coach of the Green Bay Packers,
whose winning percentage after five years is :
similar to Nolan's. Nevertheless, this former
used-car salesman (who was also one of ex
President Nixon's biggest boosters) con
tinues to produce one lousy year of football
after another.
But the racism in professional sports
unfortunately runs much deeper than the
issue of who gets hired. James Rodney
Richard, towering hurler of the Houston
Astros, had to go to the brink of death
before the press and certain white team
mates would acknowledge that he was ill. In
deed J.R.'s plight stands starkly as a
metaphor for all blacks whose employers
have lambasted them for "loafing" when
they actually were in dire need of expert
medical help. Teammate Enos Cabell's com
ments that if J.R., had been "white" he
would have received better medical attention
and less criticism from the press, hit the nail
dead on the head.
But the treatment of high-salaried black
athletes by the media and retrograde fans,
reveals racism even more clearly. The Ku.
Klux Klan has been able to grow and gain
. adherents byxronvmrimj whites' whoarehr
fact crushed by the monopolies, Exxon and
the like that the real reason for their
perilous economic condition is that "blacks
are getting everything." And when certain
whites see a Dave Parker earning SI million
a year or a Moses Malone pulling down
$900,000 per year or a Reggie Jackson get
ting $600,000 plus from the Yankees, it
makes their blood boil. Their racist notion is
that here you have blacks of all people
in these inflationary times making more
money in a year than they'll make in a
lifetime! The result? Ask Dave Parker of the
Pittsburgh Pirates who has to wear a helmet
because of fans throwing bottles and bat
teries at him as he patrols the outfield. Why
..isn't similar ire expressed at soft-rock musi
cian Paul Simon who has a contract with
CBS record that calls for $13 million a year
for several years. Or Clint Eastwood, who
for his last movie received a cool $10.5
million.
Why don't fans express their ire at, say,
Yankee owner George Steinbrenner whose
income dwaifs Reggie's and besides charges
them a whopping $1.25 for a small cup of
warm beer at the old ball park?
Obviously, it is in the interest of certain
' circles in this society to direct the anger of
millions away from real culprits and toward
.those who, in fact, wield no power and who
are working stiffs albeit well-paid ones
just like the rest of us.
When future historians look back and
begin to chronicle the Saga of professional
sports, they will no doubt be astounded by
these racist double standards. Black Pitt
sburgh infielder Bill Madlock waves his
glove in the face of an umpire during a
heated argument and the umpires threaten a
strike unless he is suspended. White Phillies'
pitcher Dickie Notes throws a bat at an um
pire and.no similar charge emerges.
Sad to say, historians may be even more
astounded at professional football's record.
Ed Garvey,. head of the NFL Players
Association, rightfully blasted the league as
a "monument to racism." Doug Williams,
the only black starting quarterback who
plays for Tampa Bay, echoed this allegation.
He pointed out that Phil Simms, another
first round draft choice and quarterback for
the New York Giants made $75,000-more in
his rookie year than the gifted Williams.
What is to be done about this lamentable
state of affairs? For one, mor? accurate in
"Tofrnafion has to be reported on what is ac
tually happening in professional sports and
the establishment news media must be press
ed to print it. Not only the racism but also
how privately owned teams are ripping off
tax-payers' money. For their own gain. Take.
Yankee Stadium, for example, which was
refurbished with $100 million in public
funds, while the rest of the South Bronx is
allowed to wither on the vine. That $100
million could have gone for day-care centers
for working mothers or improved mass
transit. Further, full support should be given
to the effort by Rev. Joseph Lowery's SCLC
and the Affirmative action Coordinating
Center to press both football and baseball to
improve their sorry records. The importance
of professional sports should not be
underestimated. Jackie Robinson's integra
tion of baseball in the late 1940's was a
precursor of and signal for integration of
other areas. By the same token, the throwing
of batteries at a Dave Parker if it is not
halted in its tracks could be a precursor of
and signal for the throwing of grenades at
black communities across this country.
North Carolina
Black Publishers Association
4
The March For Black Colleges
Staff Commentary
The march in
Washington Monday,
September 29, for the
predominantly black col
leges, is indeed a healthy
sign. It gives hope that a
flame of pride for black
institutions is rekindling in
the hearts of black
Americans.
This march may not on
ly symbolize that a new
surge of black identity is
surfacing in the 1980's,
but it should also serve to
remind us that the
predominantly black in
stitutions lay at the foun
dation of the educational
process that transcended
us from slavery to the pre
sent. For example, in
1870, 817. of all blacks
were illiterate and
segregated institutions us
ing funds from northern
white philanthropists were
established for blacks. By
1900, 34 colleges for
blacks were functioning
throughout the United
Slates.
Moreover, court cases
such as Thomas
Raymond Hocutt vs. the
University of North
Carolina, 1933; Lloyd
Gaines vs. the University
of Missouri, 1936; and,.
Ada Sipuel vs. the Univer
sity of Oklahoma, 1946'
resulted in the further1
development of1
predominantly black in-;
stitutions of higher learn
ing. "
Thus, black protest for
integration, which began
in the mid 1950's, would
have been futile had not
graduates from the
predominantly black in
stitutions come forward
and proved that they were
equally as qualified for
jobs as those who had
graduated from white col-
legcs.
The march for black
colleges should further re
mind blacks that their
thrust for integration has
set them upon a confusing
course. Too many blacks
who attended
predominantly black col
leges now believe that
minority institutions are
too inferior for their off
springs to attend. Unlike
two decades ago, when
black institutions struggl
ed along without adequate
funds, with poor equip
ment, and weather-worn
buildings, blacks believed
that these schools were
what they made them. We :
generously gave these in
stitutions our support, our
money, our talents and
our prayers. We believed
that if they failed, we were
Continued on tt$J6j
lifts
(USPS 091-380)
L.E.AUSTIN
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