Newspapers / The Carolina Times (Durham, … / Oct. 25, 1980, edition 1 / Page 2
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2-THE CAROLINA TIMES SAT., OCTOBER 25, 1980 BLACKS DESTINY IN OWN HAWS.... WE HAVE BEEN AWAKENED TO - JUSTICE BY SOUND Of SONGS T AND- SERMONS, SPEECHES AND PEACEFUL DEMONSTRATIONS. BUT THE NOISE- JL LESS SECRET VOTE, WILL Ss. 1 THUNDER FORTH A HUNDRED ()0 C fVy) LYNDON 8. tOHhfW " AC"K 6 To Be Equal Affirmative Action: The Ku Klux Klan, The Media and The Police It has now become clear that the Ku Klux Klan is no joke, no laughing mat ter and needs to be taken quite seriously. Some might recall that at one time Adolf Hitler was not taken seriously, that his movement started off at a level lower than the Klan's and that some of the same forces ad vocating not to take the "Brown Shirts" seriously were the same forces secretly backing him. Recent events reinforce the growing strength of the Klan, which now has an estimated membership of 10,000 and growing. Item: In San Diego, Ipng-time civil. .rights activist CharTene Mitchell was beaten after speaking to the Democratic Party Central Committee requesting that they withdraw their nomination from Klansman Tom Met zger, who is given a good chance of winning the race for Congress. Item: After blacks in Jackson, Mississippi protested the shooting of a pregnant black woman by whites, the Ku Klux Klan sponsored one of their largest rallies in years in that part of the country. Item: In Tallahassee, Florida, at the home of Florida A&M football coach, Rudy Hubbard, a cross was burned on his lawn and his house was defaced with spray-painted racial obscenities. Item: Up North, in supposedly "liberal" Connecticut, the KKK held a sizeable rally accompanied by the blaze of media attention that has now become commonplace. This raises another issue. The KKK probably gets more free media atten tion than the three major presidential candidates or a professional sports franchise. Though those who own the major Establishment newspapers, TV, and radio stations, are fond of lambasting "extremists of the left and right" and piously placing themselves in the so 'called "vital center," it is curious that Klansmen, e.g. David Duke and Bill Wilkinson, have no trouble appearing on the "boob tube." On the other hand, when was the last time you saw a so-called "left extremist," e.g. Angela Davis, on a talk-show? If one goes abroad, say to Africa, and is asked about, blacks, other than Muhammad Ali, Angela Davis is the person most I frequently asked about. Yet, Ms. Davis is running for vice president on a plat form calling for outlawing the Klan, but has received minimal media attention. The question arises: Is a double standard at play here? Why is it so ap parently easy for a Bill Wilkinson to ap pear coast to coast on the "Tomorrow" show and other programs, while those who would ban the Klan are invisible. It is reminiscent of coverage of, the re cent war in Zimbabwe, where massacres of blacks received little or no ink, while the death of one white farmer would bring headlines. But if the issue of the media and the KKK is a problem, the issue of the police and the KKK is downright spine tingling. In fact, the two are connected as the constant pressure of the KKK' line reinforces the biases of police, just as. exposure to "Kojak"-type gun play on TV contributes to their being trigger-happy. Recent revelations have shown "law enforcement" per sonnel in Louisville, Pennsylvania, New York, etc., were card-carrying Klan members and the spate of police killings of blacks by white officers can not be separated from the atmosphere that would allow the KKK to fester in a . ?olice department. In "liberal" New 6rk City in 1979, police killed 36 peo ple and wounded seventy, a dispropor tionate number of whom were black and Puerto Rican. Police officers claim that is due to their being attacked but in New York which is not atypical police were fired on in less than twenty per cent of the cases when they fired their weapons. Indeed, in 1978,, more city police committed suicide than were killed by civilians! This, the opposite side of the coin of affirmative action. Blacks are more likely to receive bullets from police guns than jobs from the police depart ment. A similar pattern emerges in the over all criminal justice system. Blacks are about eleven per cent of the United States population, but over for ty per cent of death row inmates. Sixty per cent of the victims of homicide in this country are black, yet over eighty per cent of the people who are sentenced to death had white victims. Apparently, in this nation's courts, the life of a black is not worth too much. In this case, prosecutors, judges, jurors and others that Benjamin Hooks has termed men in three-piece suits with a "Klan mentality" have acted concrete ly and implemented their racist beliefs. Fortunately, there are remedies available. In numerous cities, citizens have pushed for civilian review boards effective in rooting out racist sym pathizers. As for the media, it should be always kept in mind that radio and TV stations are licensed by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). It has not happened often but it is not unknown for a license to be lifted, such was the case for a particularly segregationist station in Jackson, Mississippi. In any event, mailgrams should be sent in protest to the station and FCC whenever a Klansman appears on. the air; they should be kept off the air waves. Such actions must be done on an individual basis and also in an organized way via churches, communi ty groups, unions, etc. The fact is if blacks are not be push ed deeper into some racist's "Beulah Land" type fantasy, action must be taken immediately, if not sooner. Which Way Will The Black Vote Go? By Vernon E. Jordan, Jr. The 1980 election campaign is moving toward the finishing line, and the outcome may hinge on the black vote. The can didates have been courting that vote but none have managed to fire the enthusiasm of black voters. According to various polls I've seen, President Carter is the clear favorite among black voters, although there is general disappointment with his failure to deliver on his 1976 campaign promises. Like other Americans, many blacks ex press dismay over the inconsistencies and policy shifts over the past four years. And more than most Americans, they are con cerned with economic failures and the con tinuing devastating unemployment in black communities. To counter such disillusionment, the Carter campaign team has pointed to his accomplishments: federal job programs, tougher civil rights enforcement, a broad youth employment plan, expanded urban aid, and other steps of importance to black voters. And they rightly point to Congress' failure to act on Presidential initiatives in welfare reform, national urban policy, and health insurance. Also on the plus side is the appointment of many blacks to high positions in the Ad ministration and to federal judgeships. To such positives, they've warned against the possibility that a Reagan ad ministration would stack the Supreme Court with extreme conservatives and pur sue drastic cuts in programs that affect blacks. Several Supreme Court justices are over seventy and some are rumored to be in poor health, so it is likely the next four years will see some new faces on the Court. such "scare tactics" have undoubtedly swayed many who might have deserted the Carter camp if the Republicans had nominated a candidate perceived as more liberal. Governor Reagan has espoused a con servative economic philosophy that holds limited appeal to the vast majority of blacks, who are low income. His call for across the board tax cuts would dispropor tionately benefit wealthier people, and his calls for cutting the federal government's role in the economy while boosting defense spending are not likely to win over many black voters. In fact, the polls show Governor Reagan likely to win less than a tenth of the black vote, despite widespread grumbling about the present Administration. Although it lacks appreciable black sup port, the Reagan campaign is making a strong effort to convince black voters that expanding private sector incentives will ' pay off in more jobs. That's a refreshing approach since conservatives have simply ignored the black stake in jobs in the past. But those arguments still meet with suspi cion in a community convinced that the private sector has never managed to create enough jobs for all. AnHarcrtn Polls show Representative Anderson running surprisingly well among back voters, although I believe some of that support will melt away. The Anderson alternative functions as a vehicle for a pro-; test vote, but on Election Day it is likely that many people will decide that only two men have aclear shot at the Presidency and will switch. And many of those who say they don t like either Carter or Reagan will probably vote for Carter. I suspect that man) purists who say they won t vote for th lesser of two evils" or that "it doesn t mat ter who wins" will remember the 1961 election, when that attitude led to Ine elec 'tion of Nixon over Humphrey. There is of course another possibility that many blacks won't vote at all. Tha would be the most damaging course Of a for black interests. Not voting is a vote against participatin in the political process. It's a vote again increased black political influence. Its vote against making black interests a ma ter of importance to the candidates. Ar it's a vote for black powerlessness. Black voters are sophisticated enough recognize the dangers of a purist stanc to vote in large numbers on Election D and to vote for the candidate whose recc and platform offer the best prospects black people in the next four years. Spectacles: A Closer Look UNC vs. Department ot Education, A No Win Situation! By Ada Ml. Fishei The UNC Board of Governor's system has always discriminated against black col leges as have the system's predominantly white colleges done to its black students. That really isn't the issue in this court fight and to become bogged down by concerns over discrimination misses the main issue which is whether traditionally black institu tions can and will be allowed to survive with a black majority while receiving federal and state funds. Integration has meant that publically . funded black institutions may have to change their complexions to ensure Department of Education funding. If one segment of that department haS'tts" way, the black colleges and universities of the system will become forty per cent white and sixty per cent black while predominantly white institutions will be less than 25 per cent black. This is signifi cant because in no instance has a major white university in this country allowed, blacks over ten per cent representation across the board, though with integration movements, many of our black institutions have become predominantly white. This il lustrates the point that if we don't act, we may lose our black institutions not to regain the lost seats or faculty oppor tunities on white campuses. In this year's UNO budget of over $480 million, it is estimated that UNC-Chapel Hill may receive 25 per cent of the monies though there are sixteen total campuses in the university system. The forty million dollars annually requested to upgrade the state's five traditionally black colleges is' less than half of that used for the Chapel Hill campus alone. As Watts Carr has pointed out, this reflects a state legislature which swells with members who are alum ni of UNC-Chapel Hill. Black student enrollment in the undergraduate sections of the university system's white campuses is still less than five per cent across the board though UNC-Greensboro boasts more than nine per cent and the medical students at Chapel Hill and East Carolina University have greater than ten per cent minority representation. The accurate and mere realistic picture is n,jn,flepartm;ent$or the exception; but rather in the total pic ture where black full-time faculty at the predominantly white institutions is less than three per cent and our student enroll ment doesn't reflect our proportion of the population. It is ironic that black administrators have chosen to support the UNC position even though it is dear that their Institutions haven't gotten their fair share of the pie,. One black chancellor featured in the Raleigh News and Observer even implied that he had no interest in maintaining his school as a predominantly black universi ty. He wants it to be a regional university. In discussing the black UNC Board of Governor's members in the recent federal hearings, Watts Carr's remarks ring true the system chooses blacks who will say what it wants them to say even though it may not be in the best interest of the black communities. Carr is quoted as depictii these black board members as "Toms." r could have extended his remarks to tl black chancellors who have not seen tl need to preserve the traditionally black ii stitutions as our major entry into th country's educational system. Say what w will, it must be noted that though black co leges and universities make up only ac proximately five per cent of this country undergraduate institutions, they award 3. per cent of those degrees received b black college graduates. I unfortunately am compelled to suppor f UNO's, ixjsitiqn, in this 'Vgument, . no because" I don't believe that the discriminate against black students, facui ty, and institutions; but because I firmly believe that the Department of' Educa tion's position, if upheld, will mean th closing or merging of traditionally blackH stitutions into white universities. The neec to preserve our institutions as entry points for our black students outweighs any drawbacks this duplicity may have. r t September 29, 1980 was Black College Day a day dedicated to the preservation and reinforcement of black colleges by the black communications industry. Black Peo ple, Wake Up! Stand up, speak up, and give to the black college of your choice as evidence of your support and belief in our institutions. Remember that "if we are not , part of the solution, we are part of the problem." JL Presidential Candidates) Must Face The Full Employment Test By Congressman Augustus Hawkins Ifihere is no struggle, there is no progress. Those whoprp pose to-favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They want .rain without thunder and lighting: They want the oceans ma jestic wqves without the awful roar of its waters. Frederick Douglass Historian tay FranotV King Louii XIV was known a tha "Sun, King" because ha pppaarad at iha tun in tha Ballet dm la Nuit, a ipaetada that lattad ovar 12 hours. In the midst of the 1976 Presidential campaign, the late Senator Hubert Hum phrey and I were working to build a broad based liberal coalition to achieve a Full Employment economy, mandated by law. It. wasn't until two years later, however in October 1978, when all the elements of a successful mobilization came together, that the first step of this objective was, achieved when the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act became law. Back in 1976, one of the first steps need ed for a successful effort, was to get a President into the White House who was committed to signing a full employment bill. At that time, President Gerald Ford came out against us, while candidate Jim my Carter, after much negotiating agreed to support our bill and was therefore sup ported by the groups, individuals, . and organizations who made up the full employment coalition. It was this broad based support which provided the small margin of victory for candidate Carter in 1976. i Now. again, in 1980, the Full Employ ment Action Council, an outgrowth of the earlier coalition, which is7 headed by the v courageous Mrs. Coretta King and hard working AFL-CIO leader Murray Findley, are again plugging for full employment as an issue in this year's campaign, this time, their job is even harder, for the three ma jor candidates are evasive on the issue of full employment and have spotty records. President Carter who signed the Act in 1978, has failed to implement it and has openly violated its major policy provisions,! moving instead to create more, not less, unemployment and condoning high in terest rates, and decontrolled oil prices that hfe added considerably to rising prices and increased unemployment.. Currently, due to lack of a coordinated Administration effort, various anti recession measures in the Congress are headed for defeat, or at the very least, ' damaging delay. These measures include public works, economic development, general revenue-sharing for states and ocal government, anti-recession aid to ocalities, continuation of public service jobs, and a youth initiative to attack the nigh unemployment among young people, ; aged 16-21. Secondly, the Carter administration has undercut a full employment economy by its tacit support until last week of the runaway interest rates of the Federal Reserve Board, that have literally wrecked the housing industry and caused a massive drop in consumer -spending. Since taking office, Carter has named a majority of the members to the FED, all of whom have worked against growth in the economy, which is needed to stimulate more jobs. Thirdly, another violation of the .Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act : has been the continued widening in the dif ferentials in the rates of unemployment suffered between whites and blacks. Last . month, for example, while the unemploy ment rate for whites went down, by .6, black unemployment increased by .3, Thus, blacks who support Carter more loyally than any other group, are hurt the most by his economic policies, i On the other hand, Governor Reagan is constantly stressing jobs in his campaign, and is attacking the President on the very issues Democrats usually use against Republicans: jobs, inflation and reces sions. Although one may differ as I do with Reagan's proposed solutions (giving big tax cuts to -the "fat-cats", deceptively or otherwise), his implied support of what he calls "full employment without inflation . through economic growth" is having a tell ing effect in the key industrial states where , unemployment is the highest. He's actually ' earning what he doesn't deserve. ; ' (USPS 091-380) L.E.AUSTIN I Editor-Publisher 1927-1971 ' Published every Thursday (dated Saturday) at Durham N.C. by United Publishers, Incor- . porated. Mailing Address: P.O. Box 3825, Durham, N.C. 27702. Office located at 923 Fayetteville Street, Durham, N.C. 27701. Second Class Postage paid at Durham North Carolina 27702. POSTMASTER: Send address change to ' THE CAROLINA TIMES, P.O. Box 3825, Durham, N.C. 27702. ; SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $12 00 (plus $0.48 sales tax for North Carolina 1 ESS?.' fin9'e copy ,$.30.. Postal regulations i REQUIRE advanced payment on subscriptions. Address all communications and make all checks ajd money Orders payable to: THE CAROLINA TIMES NATIONAL ADVERTISING REPRESENTATIVE: Amalgamated Publishers. Inc., 45 West 45th Street. New Ydrk, New Yerk 10066. v p , Member United Press International Photo Ser vice, National Newspaper Publishers Associa tion North Carolina Black Publishers Associa tion. . . . Opinions 'expressed by columnists 4 in this newspaper do not necessarily represent the ' poflepjf this newspaper. - . - This hewspaper WILL NOT be responsible for
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