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x t t- i.. fjjTjjj' , ;? si f .; - - '. . ' '; , 1 r , --' ' 1 " 'T ii nf miiiitritr s Toi. 18. FfclDAY, APRIL W, 1814. RALEIGfl (N. fc) fJlINtEDTwEEKLT, BY ALEX. tVCAS. 7Mif of subscription : Three doUan per ycai, one riatf fo Be paid in advance. No paper tobe continued longer than three I month after a year's subscription becames due, and notice thereof shall have been given. ' jtiherlisement't not exceeding I lines, are inserted thiice for one dollar, and for twenty-five cents each subsequent inser tion ; and in like proportion where there is a greater naruber ol line? than fouiteen. - . I Congress. , MR. PEARSON'S SPJ&ECU, On the bill authorizing a loan of $25,000,000. (cONTIMtJEEl.) - Mr. Chairman, however much this war was justly deprecated, in ifs origin however dis astrous and hateful it may .have become. in it Jirogress, I acknowledge, with peculiar tatis .tctiuia, that my apprufWeu for tte etiat CRce of my country its laws iind institutions, have greatly subsided, The events in Eu- rope, as unexpected as iney nave been sudden and glorious, have cleared the .ancient hori zon of the gloomy despotism which had -well nigh overwhelmed and extinguished every ray of freedom in Europe, have; dispelled the mist whicli has o long clouded our atmosphere, and exposed to public view the, tendency of our ill fatsd policy. ;Ye, sir, for-my country and for the cause of humanity, I do rejoice that the charm of Napoleon's invincibility is broken, that the chains he had prepared for mankind are rent asunder, and that, his power is about to become harmless, if not totally annihilated. A new birt h has been given to liberty in Eu- rope, ana i trust it wm be cnerisnca with a holy zeal. With ourselves, I no longer con sider the unfortunate contest in which we are engaged, as involving the question of the guillo tine i no longer whether w;e " jall or not be a people." Many valuable lives may yet be lost in the prosecution of this war, the country may he overwhelmed with a debt, whieh ecn- tunes of prosperity - will scarcely enable our posterity to pay ; much individual suffering ana privation may oe inmcted, ana thousands f corrupt and corrupted sycophants of power stay feed and fatten on the public spoils; but the balance of power in Europe restored and ' .preserved, the goo4 Serise-of this nation must and will rid us of the war our liberties will out-ride the storm, and ear constitution sur vive the wreck. Suppose the scene to hare banged, and Bonaparte at this moment giving aw to the whole continent England, our pre- sentjenemy, might and (, probably would fall r 'in ' - ii ' i. . V TT?i"" I 'T ' LiAj-2L 1 ""'r :,v " " r ' ' ' ' v .- . " ! .' i m w.. ...... . 1 mmm mmm in, i ., i mmm i - V.4 .j-it ? Ift ?0i xV$4&vtm ef MM, aaypew wjiaterer, not in, the milftart feet t ?U eoAtineatol .ystewVln what It serri ofthe' hwj. la the observations ?t " M ' ticularljr the law of March. 4811. mn Va1. jKi n,t.: : !..- .. j.' j "v vivii v(ix iu uts tuc uwi ucnieui - - thus successfully thrown off on tyrant, will immediately bend, their necks ,to another ? sir, 1 will not believe so meanly of tbem. lhey have an interest i the proper limitati- . ' i i f ..i '...'. ... , uii9 pi powcriney nave h .interest in com merce and in the oceanthey have laa interest in our friendship and our prosperity. These considerations, whilst they tend to lessen the inducements for us to desiro peace : thev im- perauveiy aemanu mat we should repeal the I 1 1 il. -1111 . t m .- cmuargo, auu lue wiioie wiacK catalogue -or re strictions on commerce, which serve only to impoverish your citizens! and . make sport for your enemies. AH imaginable . inducements for continuing your suicidal restrictioes are now at an end all the ports of the continent are now open to us and to Great Britain, she can neither be starved by our embar&q or 1 thrown into msurrcpdnn hv - , J " -a, a - ori urse -repeal then tour embargolet our industry find its ward in, tfca 5uogFf miikeU of Eui-f thi will gite eoterpntKo to seahh, and raisnjthc drooping spirits of the laboror.' Ih revFcwing the leading poliey of tJie admin istration for the last six, or seven Years, the! leciemrofm ine loiiowiaeextract from the Jf, -Wi-A- f-. -v-ty! . , t -furnn, UU-U3ba uvnitia IIUIU lU Wf DUIU IUBUIT LUC" I 1 A thority published in Aftil, 1811 ftef speak ing of measnrcratfopted against Enfeland, uy uw vwpBoa auie qi, ranoc- The A' m.rilnn." f. . , 'T,TT7!l '"111 UVU UUl w wigimur m iub new world, anonici rnn; tinental System, which draws stU! closer thel blockade to whick England has aubjeetad her self by jnsnacin. France, &e." v.The ,French Gazettes all. hold a 8imi&rlaH?uae. nd rnlr- it. or graatfed that we hare become members of tne in&erwl'MKgw--thejse opiatons emanate from the emperor, himself i. If fur '.her evidence, of the dewhds of Bona parte w (his country, ta conforci to his system. contmuaiiefl of iti exercise.- JBu M ViAi ij denied, and on the best grounds" Ih the pro gress of the diseuwionf en the iubjett of im preesmeni, we aie informed by Monroe and Pinkney the British commissioners fel the strdDg$t Wpugianee to a formal rennneiation ; of their laira take from oujr vessels, on thi'; high 'seas, such seamen as shottld aDDear toJf' thetrAovta subjects j and they pressed upW ui with muifh Jtealj a a substitute for such an a batidccnent, a provision that the nersons nomi posing the crtws of oar shipsjshould be firrAish ed withcathenticdocttBients of eitiaehshio, t?te nature' and form of whieh should be settled by - M werees.iorMhat notlitng short fkttaty that th doeaments shduld complete i . . , i . v i . i land, wo correspondence of Mr. Barlow, ear late n in isterhi Francewhen this gentleman snbruit ted his nroiect for neeociation. anrl ta mind is struck with the peculiar tendency he saysl our relations in & rnuVt nf iln. (whatevermay have been the motives) of that i novel and impressive, the enmernr .1,M ni i policy, tb a direct and uneriuiVocal co-opera-1 how he could reconcile the provisions to ihp ;nn ...:ti. .... j L--i- .A tx An ,i . ' .. r wuu mm mo avuweu uhjccis oi j; ranee, vv nat i pi muipies oi ms great continental system. But has been the creat and primary dbieet of sir, in the absence of all other ;mnV ul France ? The destrnctionof England-tlespair subjeet, I have a document before me the au ing of effecting his purpose by invasion, or the thenticity and oflicial character of which is eliances of ordinary combat, th tyrant of now no longer to be denied or questioned, whieh France conceived the gigantic project of accfim- proves the most' unequivocal and formal de plishing the destruction of Great Britain, by aimand on our government to' accede to the wr total interdiction of her commerce with allothet Htlnu confederation. I allude to th iwKrfi nations.- All the great powers on the continent j letter of Gen. Turreau, late minister of France of Europe, were either compelled or seduced; to Robert Smith, Esq. late Secretary o'fStatp' inn ,.,..(:.. lit. il.;; . il J.t.l ..n. .' . . . J lal-c' 'into ao-operation with this great continental ejatciu, wiiipji, m tue language of Uonaparte, ihorfer to be effectual, must be complete ui mc various uecrees anu regula tions by which this system vas to hind up the Commerce, of 'the world, and the practical con formity of this government by its embargoes, hoh-intercourses. non-imnortutiMis. Sea. ha a w been so fully and clearly stated by an hon. gen tleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Bigelow) as to forbid even an attempt at repetition. That hon. gentleman, however, seemed to think, that whilst France demanded and enforced compli ance from thenationj on the continent, in the most public, official and dictatorial style, there was no official document to prove that a similar dehiahd was made oa the government' of the United States. ." It is. true, sir. the nubli h SVP lint liAin na euliarly favored with ojiai knowledge of our dv would fall ilrplnMnii. UU . 0 Of ihe niighty tyraqt what then would be oHr deems fit io eummunicate. and some of tho fate r Is there a virtuous man among us, what lover ot his country, whose nerves are so strong as not to tremble at such a prospect? uur own country, tne oniy then remaining nursery lor. any tmng nice the great principles of free government,, would have fallen a prey to the great spoiler. Our liberty alone would afford a sufficient temptation, and we should toon experience the reality of a tyrant's love.; Some gentlemen of the majority, particular ly the hOBorable member from -Louisiana, (Mr. Robertson) shudder at the idea of Eng land's increased power and influence. It would have beep well for the country, had those gentlemen calculated differently and more accurately the . doctrine of chances, before we were involved in this war. What their cal culations on the events of Europe really were ipretend: not to say, 1 he prospect was too oig aot to have peeu See, and ought to have been regarded by all prudent politicians. I well know what were my own fears, and those of ray political friends the very reverse of what has come to pass. It cannot be forgot ten, that the storm was gathering on the con tinent, whilst the clouds were lowering here v uuiet ujjuw jl,hsiu aimost at me same mo ment it flashed ipon as the legions of France poured into Russia,' whilst iur forces marched tdwards Canada; This extraordinary coinci dence could hot well have been the effect 'of aceidenLor-ehanee. Gentlemen could not but reneet on tne consennences and the effect of our apparent co-operation. , If they regret the result of the European contest, they must have desired the succfes.8 of .Bonaparte ; fhey must have 1 prepared thjemselyea to eneounteft the te'enes wlicfFareu(sb 'feebly "desdribed, and whieh have filled my mind with so much secret dread and inward honor.v v The present situation and' prospects of .Eu rope, so far from threatening the xistenee of ur country, anorovto my understanding the animating prospect of returning peace, and - eught stimulate, our desires and efforts to most secret and confidential! it is not a mat ter of surprise, that such a record as the gen tleman speaks of, should not be found on our tables in haed verba but, sir, we are not with out evidence, and that too of the most public and positive character, given by Bonaparte and his ministers oh this very point Turn to the Berlin decree of 1806, and the Milan decree of 1807 : there you will" find all nations, with out exception, required to, conform to the ma ritime code of France, and . denunciations, lureaieningtne enraged vengeance oi France, to flight on those who refuse or neglect to com ply. When jthe American minister at Paris, numoiv asKeu, whether the treatywhich then existed between this country and France, was iuusjojeuoiaiea oyncluding America in tue scope oi nose decrees : thfl dated 14th June, 1809 Anions the r th abominations contained in this letter is the fol lowing paragraph : t I have thought it was not incompatible with my duty to submit to the wisdom of your government, the new fchances, which the changes brought about in Europe, offer to the commercial interests of the United States, and the inconveniences which may re sult from their refusal to accede formally to the principles of the maritime confsderation." That we have been formally and officially required to eonform to the views and policy of France, I think 1 have fully established Mnnnrfar two restore its blessings. ; Englandit ICftue, has no less to fear : she fnav trive mnre effint protectibn to her Canada possession, and in crease the annovance of our PTnnapH ipn nacf . ,-but her power is not essentially increased, our . country , is in no danger of being overrun vere this attempted, it would become the ho - ly cause rpf defence, in which there would be no division in such a case, even weakness ": would become-strcngth.'1 WerVit-neeessary, security against the power of England would -foandilhoseaUonVho-iaveUately-. deemed themselves from the' yoke of Bona- rarie. loaff-u be believed, that the spirit which animated thp Wimr Sr,n;'ri? ..J . armed him with all the energy of despairj the 'Ptt which nerved the arm ofjhe Russian La?d Jtitfdled up aholy ; flameamoBg the sub jected nations of Europe, will be to easily ex tinguished? That (hose nations who have answer was at. first a little eouivocal. but soon bpp.nmp cnr. tain by the capture, and condemnations of our vessels, and the explicit declaration of Cham Pa5n7) " that the law was general, and admit ted of no exceptions." What demand could have been more public than those decrees whatmbre explicit than their practical opera tion on our commerce, and what more official than the written declaration of the minister of foreign affairs ? I as$ gentlemen, what bet ter testimony could we have given, of prompt and ready acquiescence, than by oii'r embargo of ' December 1807 : the -recommendat inn-of whica was the immediate consequence of dis patches lrom .trance, and not a knawlpdirp ot the orders in council of G. Britain. This spii-uesiroying measure met the wniies and approbation of Bonaparte t he Pronounced it majjMauuuuus regisiance to the maritime tv imuj ; u urea uriiain. w hilst this mea a ii lA 'nro a Anni!M.l ' . l 1 . i- juic hu vuuimuea hdu emorcea witn niir. : i i j i - . . ot. 7 ik w auuiuucUY tne ereat author of thn cpnunenia system. Whenever the sufferings and clamors of our own oppressed citizens caused a temporary relaxation, we were de nounced and punished for disobedience I will not tax you, sir, with the disgusting rceital of mo munipiieu ano unuorm declarations of the Emperor of France, and the language of all siaiepauers, snewing me character of his continental system, and proving the estimate placed, by him on our compliance. - Those de crees are declared to be the fundamental law of bis empire the-flag is to be .considered an extensiQn oUerntory, and the nation which suf iully established h nw fur wi have yielded to those views and that policy, by our restrictive systems, and how' far embraced them by our war, I leave to history to decide, and the impartial world to judge. , Mr. Chairman It is time we should pause it is time we should seriously reflect, whether anyi and what essential, practical, attainable good is to result front the bresecutirHi thi rotj e?f t Uject fnrVhich it wa dccla. - ea, tyeoi jen in coBneil, htiqw eeased to e- isup ihe question of impressment alone re ucsihhi a uo oeiieve ean be so ar ranged as to exempt.our native seamen from a buse, and give to Great Britain reasonable f.'ii. riLy against me employment 6f her seamen on board our public and private vm1 ti.. right asserted by Great Britain, to impress her " on ooara our merchant vessels may retrain undecided, The abuses of which we complain, have arisen in a great degree from the troubled state of the European world, and the peculiar inducements which our merchant service held out for the employment ef foreign seamen j and not solely from the assertion of an abstract principle a principle, which I may be permitted to say, is recognieed, and prao twed on by France and every maritime'nation of Europe. - But; sir, if the right is denied, if vv, wuiui, BCt up ujr ureai oritain, to impress l.(UHti3.- sioaers WEgre asfced to elate. w4iat eedfyulrn they could offer, for securing toX3reat BritarfiT1 the services of her seamen, if the right jf im ' pressnient were abandoned. The enly proposition in reply, was, that prb vision might be made for giving-the aid of the local authorities of the United States to appre hend and restore deserters thm their vessels -and that laws should be passed to be reciprocal making it penal for the commanders of Ameri i'. ean vessels to take deserters from the public or private vessels of Great Britain. . This prov position only relating to cases ofreoi desrtion was ot course not deemtd a sutheient equivalent Had we then thought of going the length of excluding British seamen from oa board our vessels (as has been Since dene bf Wuat is call ed the seamen's lili ) the result might have been different. If indeed our administration were disposed, at that time, to accept a treaty on e ny terms. . - The British commissioners having assured Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney that their govern- ' tilentwaa willing to do any thing in its power to satisfy the U. States on the ground of their v. eomplaints, which might be done without a re- i linquisbment of theie claim. They presented a note 'containiug aa ar ran cement en the sub- ject of impressment, which was acceded to ly , our commissioners, and of the contents of which they thus speak We persuade ourselves that by accepting the invitation whieh it gives and proceeding. in the negociatien, we shall place the business almost, if not altogether, on aft good a footing as we should have done! by trea. ty, had the project we offered them been adopt el" This arrangement, (sis I before stated -was rejected by out cxecirtive, and whether the pi j w oi mis war win purenase a better a r range meat, or give greater security to on r seamen, u to my mind extremely problematical. V An hon. gentleman, (Mr. Ingersol) I .wil not say the "principal representatite,,, but certainly the principal speaking representative from Pennsylvania, in an elaborate apeeeh the other daypassine the orders in. eouneil, and scarcely glancing at he question of impress ment, in his deep researches, brOucrht forth a new, and hitherto, nnforseen cause for the war k and an additional inducement ftr its eontino aace''' ' . ' Thh diseoreTT is found bV that Gentleman in the violation of the principle " that free shipe -T make free goods.' Thie principle mat be, eon- venient to k ranee, or' nations nossessine' littl maritime strenstb, and who are frequently en- gaged in wire 5 bit to us, who ate eapable of Being our own. earners.-whose-interest it is tr 4 her oien subjects, is totally unfounded, have we I have ourown vessels employed ineur own trade, the power of compelling her to abandon it ? Is land not ia that of dther nations s and who are; , ;"B,c a gtiuicmaii in mis nouse is there an intelligent man in the nation, who does, or can fers it to be violated, forfeits its neutrality. In March, j; S i I, previous to a knowledge of our unfortunate non-intercoursTTaw of thsit themperor in an-address 4o hi council tf com merce, thus expresses : himself : ",The fate of American commerce will abon be "decided I win layour it 11 tue united states eonform them selves to these decrees. In a contrary, case their vessel? will be driven from my empire. The commerejal relations with England must cease." i bus, sir, we are not lelt to eonjeer ture to know what was the iudrmtuit nf helieve that the abandonment of tlijs riacht'ig to be extorted by the war in which we are engag ed ? I beUeye not, sir. It is not a little remarkable, that, we should now, be at war for an object which did not pro euc.e the declaration ol war for a principle which was never even attemnted to ai;Hsrfpj by thenprf s1lHtdministratioii7fev1Wtre commeneemept 01 hostilities, and which wm to tally yerlooked or disregarded iu the arrange- iimv n.iMxiAi. ukaiuc in ana is not, named in any of the; conditions to our ree- 1 1... t ' . 1 . . 7 "vim vj iwuica cuuimcrcc ana. inier- eourse svere to be restored with Creat Britain. This perhaps exhibits a phenomenon in the his try f wars and politics.' Believing the nues tion of impressment susceptible of practical ar rapzepacnt, I have always deemed it uhforlun- ate, that the instructions given to Messrs. Mon- re aau jriujtney, intne attempted negoeiation, during the administration of .Mr. Jefferson, re quired an absolute abandonment of the risht. 1 - 1 ' j. j . .... . . :7 uisicuAi ui. scavuiz a ujscrenon witn the com missioners, or devising some equivalent by untouched, and reasonable security afforded a gainst the complaints of both parties. , To shew that our government, in their negociatians on the subject of impressment, uniformly stickled for the abandonment of then ight, instead of at- iKiLHR lurccuittic usexeicise. 1 mit refer to tfcejnetrajBUona or Mr. Monroe in 1804, and the correspondent ty-witn treat-llritaininBi!rued"bv otlt comrnis- 8ionersrMonroe and Pinkney, and an arrange ment on the subject of impressment, w hich those gentlemen declared to be both safe and Conora ble to the U. States But all of which, unfor tunately, were rejected by Mr. Jefferson. ".; The first article in those instructions requires from G. Britain the renunciation of the " tlaim le take froto on beard our vessels; k wa the high or may become, a great commercial and mari time power, "such a principle canuot be desira ble. That it i jiot the established law af na tions, I have no hesitation in asserting. It ir unnecessary it wohld be worse than idle now to discus the principle which the, gentleman has so itiuck labored. Let it .suffice to know, that every Administration in this country hats- practised oil the contrary doctrine, and no ona OT tuem,eHldd nov adratiiN ed, as beings necessary for the interest of this country, or sanctioned by the law 6f nations. The treaty made by Mr. Jy with G. Britiii i 1704, contained no such principle. The cele brated instructions to' Monroe and Pifikiiey, Written by the prpsent executive, and sir.aioned by Mrv Jeffewob. expressly diselaimetl, such a principle.. For the satisfaction of tiie gentle man; (Mr.Ingersol) and that only, I might add the authority of Mr. Clay, one of the commis". sioners intrusted with the negoeiation to be 0- ' pened at Gottenburgh, directly militating a gainst the doctrine " free ehips make free - goods.'.' Haying mentioned the name of one of our negeeiators, jir. iiay; a (may oe permit ted here to observe, that although I am not without hope and expectation bf a favorabfe ter- urination of the war, bottomed on the proposi tions of the British government, which have been aeceded to by our administration, I confess this hope" and expectation is not strengthened by the knowledge I hate of the sentiments of (lie gentleman to whom I have alluded on the con trary, I do not conceive, that any attainable : V treaty witn G. Britain can be signed by that v ..... . publicly uttered in this hall, and afterwards de iiberatery writtenand published to the world. That I may be distinctly underslood, and avoid doing the least possible injustice, to a gentle-. man who has Lis admirers, and who is not pre sent to hear mc; 1 wilh not trust to my rccollec- . tioqfor a recilal of his opinions, but refer to a sp'eecjh delivered by him bu tji ftarorjin th tihz Si
The Raleigh Minerva (Raleigh, N.C.)
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April 29, 1814, edition 1
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