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bhm - - v - .- - . r-- THE liiirflj-Cttralina Itanktu "VlLl I A M W . HOI DEN, Editor and Proprietor. . FRANK. I WILSON. Associate Editor. TEilMS OF THE WEEKLY Two Dollars per an nvm , n advance. ' - ' "TERMS OF THE SEMI-WEEKLY Four Dollars per uiii. invariably in advance. "tEMSCF THE YVELKLY TO CLUBS: p, 1 " 15 yip-iprrsare discontinued atthe expiration of the time for which thru i'M betn paid. Terms of Advertising in the Semi-Weekly Standard. Our regular rates of advertising are as follows : One sti"iarc, 14 lines r less) first insertion, - $1 00 fc.ch sitfcscijueiU insertion, 5:5 Lousier advertisements in proportion. Contracts will be made with advertisers, atthe alow t,.i.:l,ir i-'itf.i, l',r six or twelve months, and at the cl seol" lu. (ton tract per cent, will be deducted froin the gross l;Sl'li:ilt. . j:. ios.s!nul or business Cards, not exceeding fivelines tn-iiisiried in either th - Weekly or Semi-Week-y, for f.-, six ii.outlis.or l for twelvemonths; or in bt th pa .H'i t'ir -jitf fr six mouths, or 1 5 for twelve months. Term of Advertising in the Weekly Standard. Ono dollar per square for the first insertion, and 25 cts. t'.ir each subsequent insertion. Xnh-d wtiui) wilt he made , II .- - ''v-rxfi,,f, no matter lime tony they mayrvn. Onlv a limited number of advertisements will Oc admitted into ilie Weekly. All advertisements, not otherwise direct ed, are inserted in the St mi-Weekly, and charged nccord- tiilv. When the number of insertions is not marked cn tie:iilvcrtisement it is inserted instil forbid. Money sent us by mail is at our risk. PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. " f'oir citizen of the Senate and House of Rejtresen tatives : When wc compare the condition of the country at the present day with what it was one year ago, at the .ueeting of Congress, wc have much reason for ;rr:l: iiu ie to that Almighty Providence, which has j,,v:-r filled to interpose for our relief, at the most entn'.il periods of our history. One year ago, the sectioned strife between the North and the South on the dangerous subject of slavery, had again heconie so intense as to threaten the peace and perpetuity of the confederacy. The application for the admis sion of Kansas as a State into the Union, fostered this unhappy agitation, and brought the whole suls jeet once more before Congress. It was the desire ofeerv patriot that such measures of legislation mi;ht ie adopted, as would remove the excitement iVom the States, and confine it to the Territory wh'"e U legitimately belonged. Much has been (I .;ie, 1 am happy to say, towards the accomplish ment of this object, during the last session ot Con- Tlte Supreme Court of the- United States had pre viously decided, that all American citizens have an eoiial right to take into the Territories, whatever is huM as property under the laws of any of the States, and to hold such property there under the guardian ship of the federal constitution, so long as the ter ritorial condition shall remain. This is now a well established position, and the iivti:ve-!.HV.;s oi ine last session nuc alone wanting to g ve u practical etieet. ine principle lias ueen ree'"ir;izei in some form or other, by an almost iHiMiiinious vote of both houses of Congress, that a Territory has a right to come into the Union either a free or a slave State, according to the will of a m ijoritv of its people. The just equality of all the Srates h is thus been vindicated, anil a fruitfuksourcc of dangerous dissension among them has been re-J ln-.ved. Whilst such has been the beneficial tendency of yo'ir legislative proceedings outside of Kansas, their ihihence has nowhere been so happy as within that j Te ritory itself. Left to manage and control its own j alf.iirs in its own way, without the pressure of ex ternal influence, the revolutionary Topeka organiza tion and all resistance to the territorial government established by Congress, have been finallj aban doned. As a natural consequence, that fine Terri tory now appears to be tranquil and prosperous, and is attracting increasing thousands of immigrants to make it their happy home. The past unfortunate experience of Kansas has enforced the lesson so often already taught, that re sistance to lawful authority, under our form of gov ernment, cannot fail in the end to prove disastrous to its authors. Had the people of the Territory yielled obedience to the laws enacted by their leg islature, it would at the present moment have con tained a large additional population of industrious and enterprising citizens, who have been deterred from entering its borders by the existence of civil strife and organized rebellion. It was the resistance to rightful authority and the persevering attempts to establish a revolutionary government under the Topeka constitution, which caused the people of Kansas to commit the grave er ror of refusing to vote for delegates to the conven tion to frame a constitution, under a law not denied to he fair and just in its provisions. This refusal to vote lias been the prolific source of all the evils whi. h have followed In their hostility to the ter ritorial government, they disregarded the. principle, a'-soiut'.iy essential to the working of our form of government that a majority of those who vote not the iinjority who may remain at home, from what ever cause must decide the result of an election. For this reason, seeking to take advantage of their own error, they denied the authority of the conven tion thus ele.-ted to frame a constitution. The convention, notwithstanding, proceed to adopt a constitution unexceptionable in its general fea tures, and providing for the subniission of the slave ry que-tion to a vote of the people, which, in my opinion, they were bound to do, under the Kansas ami Nebraska act. This was the all-important ques tion which had alone convulsed the Territory ; and yut the opponents of the lawful government, persis ting in their hist error, retrained lrom exercising their right to vote, and preferred that slavery should intume, rather than surrender their revolutionary Topeka organization. A wiser and better spirit seemed to prevail before the first Monday of January last, when an election was held under the constitution. A majority of the people then voted for a governor and other State officers, for a member of Congress, and members of the State legislature. This "election was warmly contested by the two political parties in Kansas, and a greater vote was polled than at any previous elec tion. A large majority of the members of the leg islature elect belonged to that part' which had previously refused to vote. The anti-slavery party were thus placed in the ascendant, and the political power of the State was in their own hands. Had t'oiigress admitted Kansas into the Union under the hoioinpton constitution, the legislature might, at its very first session, have submitted the question to a vote of the people, whether they would or would not have a convention to amend their constitution 'ither on the slavery or any other question, and h;ive adopted all necessary means for giving speedy tllwt to the will of the majority Thus the Kansas question would have been immediately and finally si'ttletL . Under these circumstances, I submitted to Con gress the constitution thus framed, with all the offi cers already elected necessary to put the State gov ernment into operation, accompanied by a strong recommendation in favor of the admission of Kan sas as a Shite. In the course of my long public life 1 have never performed any official act which, in hie retrospect, has afforded me more heartfelt satis wetion. Its admission could have inflicted no pos sible injury on any human being, whilst it would, Within a brief period, have restored peace to Kansas ami harmony to the Union. In that event, the fclavwy question would ere this have been finally pitied, according to the legally-expressed will of a inT f ll,e voters anjlpopular sovereignty would thus have been vindicated in a constitutional manner. . W Uli my deep conviction's of duty, I coa'd have pursued no other course. It is true, that, as an in- UlVKliitil I l...,l i . ' , , , , imi vAiiiRSKOfi an nmn nn imrn neinre of . , n.n the session of the convention, in favor tution, " Ulllllll lllf v n . i '"o remaining clauses oi the consti- People j weu as that concerning slavery, to the reiiul F any human authority had the power to d ir.. iv I)rociWngs of the convention, and de nullitv i0"81'11"1'011 wich it had framed to be a Ao ve done this would have been a vio Vol. XXIV. No. 50. lation of the Kansas and Nebraska act, which left the people of the Territory " perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States." It would equally have violated the great principle of popular sovereignty, at the foundation of our institutions, to deprive the people of the pow er, if they thought proper to exercise it, of confiding to delegates elected by themselves the trust of fra ming a constitution, without requiring them to sub ject their constituents to the trouble, expense, and delay of a second election. It would have been in opposition to many precedents in our history, com mencing in the very best age of the republic, of the admission of Territories as States into the Union, without a previous vote of the people approving their -constitution. It is to be lamented that a question so insignifi C:nt when viewed in its practical elfects on the peo ple of Kansas, whether decided one way or the oth er, should have kindled such a fiamc of excitement throughout the country. This rellection may prove to be a lesson of wisdom and of warning for our fu ture guidance. Practically considered, the question is simply whether the people of that Territory should first come into the Union and then change any provision in their constitution not agreeable to themselves, or accomplish the very same object by remaining out of ti e Union and 'framing another constitution in accordance with their will ? In ei ther case, the result woi.ld be precisely the sanie. The only difference in point of fact is, that the ob ject would have been much sooner attained, and the pacification of Kansas more speedily etieeteL had it been admitted as a State during the last session of Congress. My recommendation, however, for the immcdinti ivvuiiuutiiMiuii'ii, ininvivi, 101 me llllllieui.lie admission of Kansas, failed to meet the approbation of Congress. Thev deemed it wiser to adopt a dif- ferent measure for the settlement of the question. For my own part, I should have been willing to yield my assent to almost any constitutional mea sure to accomplish this ohjoetl I, therefore, cordi ally acquiesced in what has been called the English Compromise, and approved the " Act for the admis sion of the State of Kansas into the Union'' upon the terms therein prescribed. Under the ordinance which accompanied the Le compton constitution, the people of Kansas had claimed double the quantity of public lands for the support of common schools, which hail ever been previously granted to any State upon entering the Union ; and also the alternate sections of land for twelve miles on each side of two railroads, proposed to be constructed from the northern to the southern boundary, and from the cistern to the western boundary of the State. Congress, deeming these claims unreasonable, provided, by the act of May 1, 1S5S, to which I have just referred, for the admis sion of the State on an equal footing with the orig inal States, but 4i upon the fundamental condition precedent " that a majority of the people thereof, at an election to be held for that purpose, should, in place of the very large gi ants of public lands which they had demanded under the ordinance, accept such grants as had been made to Minnesota and oth er new States. Under this act. should a majority reject the proposition offered them, " it shall be deemed and held that the people of Kansas do not desire admission into the Union with said constitu tion under the conditions set forth in said propo- sition." In that event, the act authorizes the poo- j pic of the Territory to elect delegates to form a j constitution and State government for themselves, "whenever, and not before, it is ascertained by a j census, duly and legally taken, that the population of said Territory equals or exceeds the ratio of rep- j rescntation required for a member of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States." The delegates thus assembled "shall first j determine by a vote whether it is the wish of the ; people of the proposed State to be admitted into the Union at that time, and, if so, shall proceed to form ; a constitution, and take all necessary steps for the ' establishment of a State government in conformity : with the federal constitution." After this constitu- j tion shall have been formed, Congress, carrying out ! the principles of popular sovereignty and non-inter- j vention, have left "the mode and manner of its ap- ' proval or ratification by the people of the proposed ' State" to be "proscribed by law," and they "shall then bo admitted into the Union as a State under j such constitution thus fairly and legally made, with j or without slavery, as said constitution may pre- i scribe."? i An election was held throughout Kansas, in pur- i ! suance of the provisions of this act, on the second da' ! ' of August last, and it resulted in the rejection, by a ! i large majority, of the proposition submitted to the j ; people by Congress. This being the case, they are ; now authorized to form another constitution, pre- t i paratory to admission into the Union, but not until ; ! their number, as ascertained by a census, shall ' ! equal or exceed the ratio required to elect a member . j to the House of Representatives. j I It is not probable, in the present state of the case, j i that a third constitution can be lawfully framed and j ! presented to Congress by Kansas, before its popula- ' i tion shall have reached the designatccr number. I i Nor is it to be presumed that, after their sad exp?ri- j ence in resisting the territorial laws, tney will at- ; tempt to adopt a constitution in express violation of the provisions of an act of Congress. During the i session of 185U, much of the time of Congress was ; occupied on the question of admitting Kansas under j the Topeka constitution. Again, nearly the whole j of the last session was devoted to the question of its ! admission under the Lecompton constitution. Sure- J Iv it is not unreasonable to require the people of j Kansas to wait, before making a third attempt, un til the number of their inhabitants shall amount to ninety -three thousand four hundred and twenty. During this brief period the harmony of the States, as well as the great business interests of the country, demand that the people of the Union shall not for a third time be convulsed by another agitation on the Kansass question. By waiting for a short time, and acting in obedience to" law, Kansas will glide into the Union without the slightest impediment. KIKE FOU THE ADMISSION OF SEW STATES. This excellent provision, which Congress have ap plied to Kansas, ought to be extended and rendered applicable to all Territories which may hereafter seek admission into the Union. "Whilst Congress possess the undoubted power of admitting a new State into the Union, however small may be the number of its inhabitants, yet this power ought not, in my opinion, to be exercised be fore the population shall amount to the ratio requir ed by the act for the admission of Kansas. Had this been previously the rule, the country would have escaped all the evils and misfortunes to which it has been exposed by the Kansas question. Of course, it would be unjust to give this rule a rtmTwrriv amplication, and exclude a State which, acting upon the past practice of the government, has nlrp.ailv formed its constitution, elected, its legisla ture and other officers, and is now prepared to $! ter the Union. ' The rule ought to be adopted itMJier we consid er its bcaringthe peopiei itorics or up on the peonT-he existinfefSany or the serious dj tfwhich have ptt rongrcss and thiC country, would Avoid ed, had tk een cstaoiisneavw-aiwriiei nod ot tne JSIf"1- TmmPilmtlSlv't'iOtf thl i thk&rmation of anft Ternto- ry, people fromeCSTWes nu noraiorcign countries rush intoXiotA-Uaudable pW of improving their condition. TO;r first dutyo them selves is to open and cultivatfarms, to onstrtict roads, to establish schools, to 'ereet places of rehg ous worship, and to devote their energies generally to reclaim the wilderness and to lay. thejfoundations of a flourishing and prosperous commonwealth. If, in this, incipient condition with a population of a few thousand, they should prematurely enter the Union, they are oppressed by the burden of State taxation, and the means necessary for the improve ment of the Territory and the advancement ot their J . ' .-. f RALEIGH, I. C. WEDNES own interests, are thus diverted to very different purposes. . ! The federal government has ever been a liberal ! parent to the Territories, and a generous contribu tor to the useful enterprises of the early settlers. It has paid the expenses of their governments and legislative assemblies out of the common treasury and thus relieved thein from a heavy charge. Un der these circumstances, nothing can be better cal culated to retard their material progress, than to di vert them from their useful employments, by pre maturely exciting angry politicarcon tests among themselves, for the benefit of aspiring leaders. It is surely no hardship for embryo governors, senators. 1 i , . ' and members .of Congress, to wait until the number j of inhabitants shall equal those of a single congres sional district. Thev surelv ousrht not to he nor- nutted to rush into the Union, with a population less than one-half of several of the large counties in the interior of some of the States. This was the condi tion of Kansas when it made application to be ad mitted under the Topeka constitution. Besides, it requires some time to render the mass of a popula tion collected in a new Territory, at all homogene ous, and to unite them on anything like a fixed pol icy. Establish the rule, and all will look forward to it and govern themselves accordingly. THIS KUI.E SUOfl.n HE ESTAlU.IStlF.n BV COXGKESS. But justice to the people of the several States re quires that this rule should be established by Con gress. Each State is entitled to two senators and at least one representative in Congress. Should the people of the States fail to elect a Vice President, the power devolves upon the Senate to select this officer from the two highest candidates on the list. In case of the death of the - President, the Vice President thus elected by the Senate, becomes President of the United States. On all questions of legislation, the senators from the smallest States of the Union have an equal vote "with those from the largest. The same may be said in regard to the ratification of treaties, and of Executive appointments. All this has worked admirably in practice, whilst it conforms in principle with the character of a . government in stitute! by sovereign States. I presume no Ameri can citizen would desire the slightest change in the arrangement. Still, is it n-t unjust and unequal to the existing Slates to invest some forty or fi'ty thou sand people collected in a Territory with the atlri botes of sovereignty, and place them on an equal footing with Virginia and New York in the Senate of the United States ? For these reasons, 1 earnestly recommend the pas sage of a general act, which shall provide that upon the applhation of a territorial legislature, declaring their belief that the Territory contains a number of inhabitants which, if in a State, would entitle them to elect a member of Congress, it shall be the duty of the President to cause a census of the inhabitants to be taken, and if found sufficient, then hj- the terms of this act to authorize them to proceed " in their own way" to frame a State constitution pre paratory to admission into the Union. I also rec ommend that an appropriation may be made, to en able the President to take a census of the people of Kansas. VTA II TERKITOUV THE MOltMOXS. The present condition of the Territory of Utah, j when contrasted with what it was one year ago, is a j subject for congratulation. It 'was then in a state j of open rebellion, and cost what it might, the char- I actor of the government required that this rebellion j should be suppressed, and the Mormons compelled i to yield obedience to the constitution and the laws. I In order to accomplish ths object, as I informed you I in my last annual message. I appointed a new gov- 1 ernor instead of Brigham Young, and other federal j officers to take the place of those who. consulting ! their personal safety, had found it necessary to with- i draw from the Territory. To protect these civil of- j fieers. and to aid them, as a foxxe email it v, in the j execution of the laws in case of need I ordered a ' detachment of the army to accompany them to Utah. : The necessity for adopting these measures is now ' demonstrated. j On the loth September, IS.jT. Governor Young ; issued his proclamation, in the style of an independ- ; ent sovereign, announcing his purpose to resist by j force of arms the entry of the United States troops ' into our own Tomtory of Utah. By this ho re- : quired all the forces in the Territory to "hold them- i selves in roadin.es to march at a moment's notice to i repel any and all such invasion." and established ' martial law from its date throughout the Territory, j Those proved to lie no idle throats. Forts Rridgcr ; and Supply were vacated and burnt down by the Mormons, to deprive our troops of a shelter after their long and fatiguing march. Orders were issued by Daniel JI. Wells, styling himself "Lieutenant ' General, Xauvoo Legion," to stampede the animals i of the United States' troops on their march, to set fire to their trains, to burn the grass and the whole country before them and on their flanks, to keep them from sleeping by night surprises, and to block- j ade the road by foiling trees, and destroying the ! fords of rivers, &c, vc, Ac. ! These orders were promptly and effectually obeyed, j On the 4th October, 18.) 7. the Mormons captured : and burned on Given River, three of our supply ! trains, consisting of seventy-five wagons loaded with provisions and tents for the army, and drove away ' several hundred animals. This diminished tiie sup- j ply of provisions so materially that Gen. Johnston J I was obliged to reduce the ration, and even with this j I precaution, there was onlv sufficient left to subsist ! the troops until the first ot June. Our little army behaved admirably in their en campment at Fort Bridger, under those trying pri vations. In the midst of the mountains, in a dreary, unsettled, and inhospitable region, more than a thousand miles from home, they passed the severe . and inclement winter without a murmur. They looked forward with confidence for relief from their country in due season, and in this the- were not dis appointed. The Secretary of "War employed all his energies to forward them the necessary supplies, and to muster and send such a military force to Utah as would ren der resistance on the part of the Mormons hopeless, and thus terminate the war without the effusion of blood. Iihis efforts he was efficiently sustained by Congress. They granted appropriations sufficient to cover the deficiency thus necessarily created, and also provided for 'raising two regiments of volun teers, " for the purpose of quelling disturbances in the Territory of Utah, for the protection of supply and emigrant trains, and the suppression of Indian hostilities on the frontiers." Happily, there was no occasion to call these regiments into service. If there had been, I should have felt serious embarrass ment in selecting them, so great was 'the number of our brave and patriotic citizens anxious to serve their country in this distant and apparently danger ous expedition. Thus it has ever been, and thus may it ever Jbe lt The wisdom and economy of sending sufficient re inforcements to Utah are established not only by the event, b'ut in the opinion of those who, from their , iwsition and opportunities, are the most capable of i forming a correct judgment General J ohnston, the commander of the forces, in addressing the Secretary of Wr from Fort Bridger, under date of October 18, .1857, expresses the opinion that 44 unless a large force is sent here, from the nature of the country, a protracted war on their the Mormons' part is inevi table." This he considered necessary, to terminate the war u speedily and more economically than if attempted by insufficient means." In the mean time, it was my anxious desire that the Mormons should yield obedience to the consti tution and the laws, without rendering it necessary to resort to military force. To aid in accomplishing this object, I deemed it advisable in April last, to despatch two distinguished citizens of the United States, Messrs. Powell and McCulloch, to Utah. They bore with them a proclamation addressed by myself to the inhabitants of Utah, dated on the sixth day of that month, warning them of their true con dition, and how hopeless it was on their part to per sist in rebellion against tho United States, and offer- OAT. DECEMBER 15, l&OO- ' ing all those who should submit to the laws a full pardon for their past seditions and treasons. At the same time, I assured those who should persist in re bellion against the United States, that they must expect no further lenity, but look to be rigorously dealt with according to their deserts. The instruc tions to these agents, as well as a copy of the proc lamation, and their reports, are herewith submitted. It will" be seen by their report of the 3d of July last, that they have fully continued the opinion expressed by General Johnston in the previous Octolicr, as to the necessity of sending reinforcements to Utah. In this they state, that they " are firmly impressed with the belief that the presence of the army here. and the large additional force that had been ordered to this Territory, were the chief inducements that caused the Mormons to abandon the idea of resisting the authority of the United States. A less decisive policy would probably have resulted in a long, bloody, and expensive war." These gentlemen conducted themselves to my en tire satisfaction, and rendered useful services in exe cuting the humane intentions of the government It also affords me groat satisfaction to state, that Governor dimming has performed his duty in an able and conciliatory manner, and with the happiest effect I cannot, in this connexion, refrain from mentioning the valuable services of Cok Thomas I Kane, who, from motives of pure benevolence, and without any official diameter or pecuniary compen sation, isitod Utah during the last inclement win ter, for the put pose of contributing to the pacifica tion of the Territory. I am happy to inform you, that the governor and other civil officers of Utah, are now pei forming their appropriate functions without resistance. The au thority of the constitution and the laws has lieen fully restored, and peace prevails throughout the Territory. A portion of the troops sent to Utah, arc now en camped in Cedar valley, forty-four miles southwest of Salt Lake City; and the remainder have been or dered to Oiogon to suppress Indian hostilities. The march of the ami y to Salt Lake City, through the Indian Territory, lias had a innvcrfu! effect in restraining the hostile feelings against the United States, which existed among the Indians in that re gion, and in securing emigrants to the Far West against their depredations. This will also be the moans of establishing militiry posts and promoting settlements along the route. I recommend that the benefits of our land laws and pre-empt ion system be extended to the people of Utah, by the establishment of a land cilice in that Territory. AFFAIKS WITH CHINA. I have occasion, also, to congratulate you on the result of our negotiations with China. You were informed by my last annual message, that our minister bail been instructed to occupy a neutral position in the hostilities conducted by Great Britain and France against Canton. He was, how ever, at the same time, directed to co-operate cor dially with the British and French ministers, in all peaceful measures to secure by treaty those jut concessions to foreign commerce, which the nations of the world had a right to demand It was imos sible for me to proceed further than this, on my own authority, without usurping the war-making power, which, under the constitution, belongs exclusively to Congress. Besides, after a careful examination of the nature and extent of our grievances, 1 did not believe they were of such a pressing and aggravated character, as would have justified Congress in declaring war against the Chinese empire, without first making another earnest attempt to adjust them by peaceful negotiation. 1 was the more inclined to'this opin ion, because of the severe chastisement which had then but recently been inflicted upon the Chinese by our squadron, in the nipt tire and destruction of the Larricr forts, to avenge an alleged insult to our n-f; . The event has proved the wisdom of our neutrali- j ty. Our minister has executed his instructions with eminent skill and ability. In conjunction with the j Russian plenipotentiary, he has peacefully but of- j fectually co-operated with the English nnd French i plenipotentiaries; and each of the four p wers has ' concluded a separate treaty with China. ... a highly satisfactory character. Tho treaty concluded by our own plenipotentiary will immediately be submitted to the Senate. TKF.ATY WITH JAPAN. I am happy to announce that, through the ener sretie vet conciliatory eflbrts of our consul renoriil in Japan, a new treaty has been concluded with that ' empire, which may be expected materially to ang- ' ment our trade and intercourse in that quarter, and ! remove from our countrymen the disabilities which j have heretofore been imposed upon the exorcise of ! their religion. The treaty shall be submitted to the ' Senate for approval without delay. cheat, J:i;ir.iN visitation and seakch. I It is my earnest desire that every misunderstand- j ing with the government of Great Britain should , bo amicably and speedily adjusted. It has been the misfortune of both countries, almost ever since the period of the revolution, to have been annoyed by a succession of irritating and dangerous questions, threatening their friendly relations. This has par tially prevented the full development of those feel ings of mutual friendship' lwtween the people of the two countries, so iiayiraJ in themselves and so con ducive to their coninion interest. Any serious in terruption of the commerce between the United States and Great Britain,' would be equally injuri- j ous 10 uotn. in lact, no iwo nations nave ever ex isted on the face of the earth, which could do each other so much good or so much harm. Entertaining these sentiments, I am gratified to inform you, that the long-pending controversy be tween the two governments, in relation to the qucs- tion of visitation and search, has been nnmwbM&ik directly to him at Havana, wc arc obliged to present 1 istetL The claim on the part of Great Britat&fcryfvn through our Minister Madrid. -These are j ibly to visit American vessels on the higitsipwn referred back to the captain-general for infor- j time of ncace. could not be sustained under tlW'Wtf'ItoAtion ; and much time is th tut consumed in prelim- I of nation, and it had been overruled by lier0ftyg.5'. mvestigf most eminent jurists. This question was reV ??5aarid and C brought to an issue, by the repeated acts of yStff'' . com;cn cruisors, in boarding and searching our mcrcnSu vessels in the Gulf of Mexico and the adjacent seas-. These acts were the more injurious and annoying, as these waters are traversed by a large portion of the commerce ami navigation of the United States, and their free and unrestricted use is essential to the se curity of the coastwise trade between different States f the Union. Such vexatious interruptions could ;ot fail to excite the feelings of the country, and to quire the interposition of the government Re monstrances were addressed to the British govern ment against these violations of our rights of sov rcignty, and a naval force was at thj same time or ered to the Cuban waters, with directions 44 to pro ect all vessels of the United States on the high eas, from search or detention by the vessels-of-war f any other nation." These measures received the .nqualificd and even enthusiastic approbation "of the American people. Most fortunately, however, no jllision took place, and the British government roniptly avowed its recognition of the principles of iternational law upon this subject, as laid down by le government of the United States, in the noteof le Secretary of State to the British ministerrat Washington, of April 10, 1858, which secure the essels of the United States upon the high seas from isitatiOn or search in time of peace, under any ciK nmstances whatever The claim has been aban oncd in a manner reflecting honor on the British oveniment, and evincing a just regard for the law f nations, and cannot fad to strengthen the aniica le relations between the two countries. The British government, at the same time, pro osed to the United States that some mode should lie loptcd, by mutual arrangement between tho two juntrics, of a character which may be found effuc vc without being offensive, for verifying thcrnation lity of vessels suspected on good grounds1 of ear ring false colors. They have also invited the Uni .jd States to toko tho initiative, and propose xuoa- Whole Number 1238. sures for this purpose. Whilst declining to assume so grave a responsibility, the Secretary of State has infonned the British government that we arc ready to receive any proposals which they may feel dispo sed to offer, having this object in view, and to con sider them in an amicable spirit A strong opinion is, however, expressed, that the occasional abuse of the flag of any nation, is an evil far less to be depre cated, than would be the establishment of any regu lations which might be incompatible with thcfio dom of the sea. This government lias yet received no communication specifying the manner in which the British government would propos to carry out their suggestion ; and I am incline J u lelicve that no plan which can be devisvd, will lie free from grave embarrassment. Still, I shall fonn no decid- -ed opinion on the subject until I shall have care-1 hilly an l in the b?st spirit examined any proposals which they may think proper to make. the clayto.n-bvlwf.k tkeatv. I am truly sorry I cannot also inform you that the complications between Great Britain and the United States, arising out of the Clavton andBulwer treaty of April, 18."5o, have been finally adjuste L At the commencement of your list session, I had reason to hope that emancipating themselves from further unavailing discussions, the two governments would proceed to settle the Central American ques tions in a practical manner, alike honorable and sa tisfactory to both ; and tills hope I have not yet abandoned. In my last annual message, I stated that overtures had been made by the British govern ment for this purpose, in a friendly spirit which 1 cordially reciprocatciL Their proposal was, to with draw these questions from direct negotiation l)e tween the two governments ; but to accomplish the same olject, by a negotiation ljctwccn the British government and each of the Central American re publics whose territorial interests arc immcdiately involved. The settlement was to be made in ac cordance with the general tenor of the interpretation placed ujion the Clayton and Bulwer treaty by the United States, with certain modificatioiis. As neg tiations arc still pending iqon this basis, it would not 1e proper for use now to communicate their pre sent condition. A final settlement of these ques tions is greatly to be desired, as this would wipe out the last lemaining subject of dispute between the two countries. CONTINENTAL RELATIONS SPAIN. Our relations with the great empires of France and Russia, as well as.with all other governments on the continent of Europe, except that of Spain, continue to be of the most friendly character. With Spain our relations remain in an unsatis factory condition. In my message of Decetulier last 1 informed you that our envoy extraordinary ami minister plenipotentiary to Madrid had asked for his recall ; and it was my puqce to send out a new minister to tliat court, with special instructions on all questions pending between the two governments, and with a determination to have them sjieedily and amicably adjusted, if that were jtossible. This pur pose has lieen hitherto defeated by causes which I neetl not enumerate. The mission to Spain has lieen intrusted to a dis tinguished citizen of Kentucky, who will proceed to 'Madrid w-ithoutdclay, and make another and a final attempt to obtain justice from that trovcnmient Spanish officials, under the direct control of the ! captain-general of C uba, have insulted our national flag, ami in reeatcd instances, have from time to time inflicted injuries on the ersons and property of our citizens. These have given birth to numer ous claims against the Spanish government the merits of which have been ablv discussed for a sc ries of years, by our successive 'diplomatic reprcsen- I tativcs. Notwithstanding this, wc have not arrived i at a practical result in any single instance, unless we may except the case of "the Black Warrior under the late administration ; and tliat presented an out rage of such a character as would have justified an immediate resort to war. All our attempts to ol- tain redress have been 1 tallied and defeated. The j frenuent and oft-rccurrin'r chances in the Snanish i ministry, have been employed sls reasons for delay. We have lecn compelled to wait, again and again. until the new minister shall have had time to inves- tigate the justice of our demands. Even what have been denominated "the Culan claims." in which more than a hundred of our citi- Zens are directly interesicil, have furnished no cx- ception. These claims were for the rcfundins of duties unjustly exacted from American vessels at different custom-houses in Cuba, so long ago as the j year 1844. The principles upon which they rest arc j so'manifcstly cquitable-and just, that after a period j of nearly ten years, in 1854. they were recognised I by the Snanisii srovernment lrocecdinrs were af- terwards instituted to ascertain their amount and this was finally fixed according to their own stafre- ment ('with which we were satisfied) at the sum f one hundred and twenty-eight thousand six hundred and thirty-five dollars and fifty-four ccnts Just at the moment after a delay of fourteen vTitftrs, when we had reason to expect "that this sum rmid be re- paid with interest we haxctreivl a'nroDosal offer-. ing to refund one-third of that amount, (forty-two thousand eight hundred and scre'iity-cight' ilollars and forty-one cents.) but 'without interest, if wc would accept this in lull "satisfaction; The "offer is, also, accompanied byifk declaration that this indent- nification is not founded on any reason of strict jus tice ; but is made as a special favor. One alleged cause for procrastination in the exam ination and adjustmentrofour claims, arises from an obstacle which it is'tlMM&ty of the Spanish govern ment to remove. Whilst the cantain-reneral of Cu ba is invested with general despotic authority in the iroverniiieiit of that ""island' fhe nower-is withheld from him to examine and redress wrongs committed bv officials under his control, on citizens of the United States. Instead of making out complaints "j ry investigations and correspondence between uba, before the Spanish government proceed to negotiation. Many of the difficulties between the two governments would be i obviated, and a long train of negotiation avoided, if the captain-general were invested with authority to settle questions of easy solution on the spot, where all the facts are fresh, and could be promptly and satisfactorily ascertained. We have hitherto in vain urged upon the Spanish government to confer this power upon the captain-general, and our minister to Spain will again be instructed to urge this sub ject on their notice. In this respect we occupy a differcitr-position from the powers of Europe. Cula is almost, within, sight of our shores ; our commerce with it js far grtater' than that of any other nation, including Spain itself, and our citizens are in habits of daily andextended personal intercourse with every part of the island. It Is therefore, a great grievance that, when any difficulty occurs no mat ter how unimportant, which might be readily settled at the moment we should be obliged to resort to Madrid, especially when the very first step to be ta ken there is to refer it back' to Cuba;.--- The truth is that Cuba, in its -existing colonial condition, is a constant source of injury and annoy ance to the American people.' It is the only spot in the civilized world where the African slave-trade is tolerated ; and we are bound by treaty with Great Britain, to maintain a naval force on the coast of Africa, at much expense both of life and treasure, solely for the purpose of arresting slavers bound to that island The late serious difficulties between the United States and Great Britain respecting the right of search, now so happily terminated, could never have arisen if Cuba had not afforded a market for slaves. As long as this market shall remain open, there can be no hope for the civilization of benighted Africa. Whilst the demand for slaves continues in Cuba, wars will be wagcl among the petty and bar barous chiefs in Africa, for the purpose of seizing subjects to supply this trade. V: In such a condition of affairs, it Id uapob&iUe that tho light of civilization and religion can ever penetrate these dark abodes. THE ACQUISITION Or CTBJ. It ha3 been made known to the world by my pre decessors, that the United States have, on several occasions, endeavored to acq aire Cuba, from Spain by honorable negotiation. If this were accomplish ed, the last relic of the African slave-trade would in stantly disappear. We would not, if we could, ac quire Cuba in any other manner. This is due to our national character. All the territory which we have acquired since the origin of the government has been by fair purchase from France, Spain, and Mexico, or by the free and voluntary act of the in dependent State of Texas in blending her destinies with our own. This course we shall ever pursue, unless circumstances should occur, which we do not now anticipate, rendering a dejarture from it clear ly justifiable, under the imperative and overruling law of self-preservation. ' ' The island of Cuba, from it geographical position, commands the mouth of the Mississippi, and the im mense and annually -increasing trade, foreign and coastwise, from the valley of that noble river, now embracing half the sovereign States ' of the Union. With tliat Island under the dominion of a distant foreign power, this trade, of vital importance to these States, is exposed to the dinger of I icing destroyed in time of war, and it has hitherto been subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in time of peace. Our relations with Spain, which ought to be of the most friendly character, must always lie placed in jeoiwnly, whilst the existing colonial government over the Island sliall remain in its present condition. - Whilst the iossossion of the Island would be of vast iiiyjiortancc to the United States, its value to Spain is, comparatively, unimportant. Such was the relative situation of the parties, when the great Napoleon transferred Louisiana to the United States. Jealous, as he ever was, of the national honor and interests of France, no person throughout the world has imputed blame to hitn. for accepting a pecunia ry equivalent for this cession. The publicity which has been given to our former negotiations upon this subject and the large appro priation which may Ik? required to effect the purjxise, render it expedient, before making another attempt to renew the negotiation, that I should lay the whole subject before Congress. This is especially neces sary, as it may become indispensable to success, tliat I should Ik? intrusted with the means of making an advance to the Spanish government immediately af ter the signing ot the treaty, without awaiting the ratification of it by the Senate. I am encouraged to make this suggestion, by the example of Mr. Jeffer son previous to the purchase of Iouisiana from France, and by tliat of Mr. Polk in view of the ac quisition of territory from Mexico. I refer the whole su'iject to Congress, and commend it to their careful consideration. the a MIST All case. I repeat the recommendation made in my message of December last in favor of an appropriation "to be paid to the Spanish government for the puqtosc of distribution among the claimants iu the Aiulstad case." President Plk first made a similar recom mendation in DecemWr, I47, and it was rqicated by my immediate predecessor in December, 185:. I entertain no doubt that indemnity is fairly due to these claimants under tur treaty with Spain ot the 27th October. 17l'o; and whilst demanding justice wc ought to do justice. An appropriation promptly made for this puqnise, could not fail to exert a fa vorable influence on our negotiations with Spain. MEXICAN AH A IKS. Our jh sition in relation to the independent States south of us on this continent and especially those within the limits of North America, is of a Kculiar character. The northern lioundary of Mexico is co incident with our own southern lHiutxlarv from ocean to wean ; and we must necessarily feel a deep interest in all that conci-nis the well-being and the fate of so near a noighlmr. Wc have always cherished the kindest wishes for the success of that republic, and have indulged the hoiie that it might at last after all its trials, enjoy peace and prosrerity under a free and stable government We liave never hitherto in terfcred, directly or indirectly, with its internal af fairs, and it is a duty which wc owe to ourselves, to protect the integrity of its territory against the hos tile interference of any other power. Our geograph ical Hjsition, our direct interests in all that concerns Mexico, and our wclKscltlcd fiolicv in regard to the v- . 1 t " .? . l . 1 - oriii .viuencan continent, renuer mis an indispen sable duty. Mexico lias lecn in a state of constant revolution, almost ever since it achieved its indeH ndciirc. One military leader after another 1 a usurjKsl the gov ernment in rapid succession ; and the various consti tutions from time to time adopted, have lecn set at naught almost as sinin as they were proclaimed. The successive governments have afforded no ade quate protection, cither to Mexican citizens or for- I eign residents, agjiinsi lawless violence. Heretofore, ' a seizure of the capital by a military chieftain, has j been generally followed by at least the nominal sub- j mission of the country to his rule for a brief period. i k"t, not o at the present crisis of Mexican affaire. I A civil war has been raging for some time through- ! 01,1 the republic, between tho central government at i the city of Mexico, which has cndeavorel to subvert the constitution last frame L b- military owcr, and those who maintain the authority of tliat constitu tion. The antagonist parties each hold jios session of different States of the republic, and the fortunes of the war arc constantly dianginjr. Meanwhile, the 1 "most reprehensible means have lieen employed by lth jiartics to extort money from foreigners, as well j natives, to carry on this ruinous contest The truth ; isrliat this line country, blessed with a productive J ni a liigii climate, lias been reduced by civil I dissension to a condition of almost bo less anarchy j " imbecility. It would 1 vain for this goveni- j "cnt to attempt to enforce tay:nciit in n.oney of the claims of American citizens, now amounting to more than ten million dollars, against Mexico, be- ; caiac she is destitute of all pecuniary means to sat- isfy these demands. Our late minister was furnished with ample jkiw- crs and instructions for the a.ijustincHt of all -nd- ing questions wun me central government oi .ncxi ov and he crfoniied his duty w ith real and ability. The claims of our citizens some of thorn arising out of the violation of an express provision of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, and others from gross injuries to persons as well as projHrty, liavc leuiain ed unredressed and even unnoticed. Remonstrances against these grievances, have been addressed with- i out effect to that government - Meantime, in vari- . ous parts or the republic, instances have been mi merous of the murder, imprisonment and plunder of our citizens, by different parties claiming and exercising a local jurisdiction; but the central gov ernment, although repeatedly urged thereto, have made no effort cither to punish the authors of these outrages or to prevent their recurrence. No Amer ican citizen can now visit Mexico on lawful business, without imminent danger to his person and projier ty. There is no adequate protection to cither ; and in this respect our treaty with that republic is al most a dead letter. This state of aifcrs wa brought tn i crisis in Mar last, bv Ilie iirotnuleatioD uf a decree lc wing a roiiiribution pro rut't ;:pn all the eapiinl in the i ub lie. between cer- la:n hpecmea amount, tvneiucr ueii i f L- a 1 . 1: . " J lexicansor f.iroijjn- in th- lijc''t of a its aej.licati-'h to er. ir. rorartu, rejMraing mis ae--"forced Uiii."fomiil'r fineie4 ms his conn try men. ami advised them n in par ili- contribu tion, but to suffer it la be furc b'y v cled. Acting mmo thi adric, an American cilizeu refu . I to par the contri bution, and his prx.Tir was seized b armed moo to satis fy the amount. Nol cuntent with this. he pnvcrnn.ent pro ceeded still fiirt her, and issued a decree banishing him from ibe country. Our minister immediately nutitird ibeta tbat if tbis decree should be carried iuto execution lie would feci it to be bis duty to adopt the nMt decided measures that belong to the powers and obligations of the represen tative oSice Xotwiibstondinj lies warning, ihe banish ment was enforced, and llr. Forxytb prt.nij.ily announced to the government the sttspeuKion ot the political relatkiua of his legation with them, uutil the pleasure of bis own government should be asc- rtaioed. This government did uol regard Ihe contribution imposed by the decree of ihe l-'.ih May- last to be in strict ne a - forced loan," and as such prohibited by lbs lotb article of the treaty of between Great Britain and Mexico, to the benefits of which .American cilixens are entitled by treaty; jet Ibe imposition of-tbe contribution upon foreigners was considered so anjnstand oppressive tncaMire. liesides, in terest fart tons in other parts of Ibe republic were at the 'same lime levying sinvlar exactions o.n ihe property of .our citizens, and iutemiptiug their coinutrice. 1 litre had been an entire failure on the part of our minister, to secure re iress for the wrings which our citizens had endured, nol withstanding bis persevering efforts. And from the temper manifested by the Mexican government, be had re peated' assure I u lhat,n ftrorable change cxtM be ex pected, until the Uuitrd Stales should "give striking evi dence of their will and power to protect tbeir citifcns," tbat "severe chastening is the only cartb'y remedy S our grievance." From lhisstatemenloffctcis.it w u'd have been worse than idle, -to direci Mr. Forsj lb lo retrace bit stes and resume diplomatic relations with that govern ment ; and it was, therefore, deemed proper to sai.ctM.u bis withdrawal of the legation from the city of Mexico. Abundant cause now undoubtedly exists, for a rvswrt tjO.ntinm-d an. fomt th paye.) 1 I
The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Dec. 15, 1858, edition 1
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