Newspapers / The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, … / June 15, 1864, edition 1 / Page 2
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THE WOK111 CaKOUHA filAlSDAKD: WEDNESDAY. JUNE 15, 1864. SB VS.: 8 at.- ti: m i 1 Aj toit!)-f Molina tautei Remarks of Hon. Nathaniel Boydea, or BOWAN, ; Delivered in the Senate of North Carolina, on the subject ,.' of the suspension of the writ of i6o Corpt Mb SrsAXsa:-! am aware that 1 am subject to some suspicion on account of the strenuous and determine! op. position I mide to secession. Thisupposition was nothing mora nor less than the discharge of what I conaidered my duty aagod citizen of North-Carolina, aa I thought I eon Id foraset the-inevitable emiwqueace nf soch a sUp; and duty, a I honestly believed, required ma .10 make known to the people,1 what would, as surely as night fol lows day, follow secession. I hare not been at all disap pointed in what has followed, and I hare never bad cause . to regret the course I took, although i know it baa had a tendency t arouse suspicion against me. But I inteud till to pursue tha even tenor of my way snd tak9 the eon sequnnees. I always hire true and faithful allegiance to the old government while it lasted, sod wonld have cnun-. ned to do so had not :he Slate seceded; and I urtend to be true to my allegiance to the pr. sent government But I am to " use mv owu judgment as to what constitutes true allegi ' one. ' No man 1a to dictate to me in this matter, and if ever I hare said word or dune an set tending in anollwr direction I am not aw . of it. I hope I have credit tor a little common sense at least, and I know that we are all on board of the same ship of State, and if she (bunder we must all share the consequences. . Oue word more before I proceed to tbe disoussun of the questions nHaw. I know, Mr. Speaker, that I am an im puleive man, and in tbe heat of debate, aa I always speak txtetnpon, sometimes use language too strong and which seems harsh and uakind. sd which I ofteu bare cause tc regret, and I desire therefore in the outset to crave the rad'ilgeoee f tneSenate Should any apparently unkind or harsh remark escape me in the heat of debate, 1 con assure tbe Senate that I neither have any unkind feeling, nor do I intend speaking unkindly of auy one. 1 bold it 10 be the duly of every good citizou to bear true allegiance to tbe constitution of his country, and to contribute the most eftec'ive aid in his power to bring to a successful termination the terrible strngg'e iu wbich we are now Involved, and to take care that we do no act to diaeourage our brave troops, or those who command in the Held, or in the national councils. I shad now proceed to give mr opinion npon the law and constitutional questions embraced iu the reports and resolu tions before tht- Seuate in my usual manner. Thiawill ba 'done with the single purpose of maintaining tbe constitution nd laws of tbe country r I understand them, aud without impugning the motives of th ate who entertain conflicting opinions, us the country at this time needs tbe hearty anu united rapport of us all With these few remarks I will proceed to the question of law involved in the reports and resolutions. - First, as to the Ket suspending tbe privilege of the writ nf ktlu curpu. This is a uew condition of things in this country and involves legal and constitutional ques tions which have never before been presented for adjudi cation, and it is not at all surprising that very diftereui and eoofl cting views and opinions should be held by Senators and by the legal profession. But it n to be h-iped that after a full and free discussion of tbe questions involved , these cotiDictiug views and opinions may hi some extent ul lean be reconciled. That Congress possesses trip miwer to snsnend the privilege of the writ of hubeu torpu. and that they are tha judges ol tbe necessity of fnicu suspension, is not ueuieu , so iiwk um uo 4Mcan-.ua involved are in what cases can Congress suspend tbe writ, and what is the legitimate operation and effect of a constitutional suspension, iu regard to crimes agaiust the ranaral a? ivernment. over which Uon;re8 possesses tbe IMiwer to suspend the writ of habwi enrput. - All jurists will, I think, eauut that tbe power ot uongress 10 su i eud tbe privilege i f the wTit of hubau corpus is eonlined tu tbe writ of habea to-pu ad eutjiciendutn ; and then Congress can only suspend the privilege of th-s writ in eases of crimen against tbe Confederate Government which endanger the public safely, and which are more or less ' conneciei with, or grow out of, tbe "rebellion", or u invasion " which caused tbe suipensiun ; and that Con gress possesses no power to suspend the several other writs of Alitor eurpu, which have been framed for tbe investigation of civil rights and remedies. This much 1 th.uk all jurists must admit. Tbe suspension, bear in mind, can only be made in coses of rebelliou or invasion, whta the public tafrty require it, and thus it would seem tu follow that its suspension could uuly apply to crimes endangering tbe public safety. In my jud ruieut thus far and no farther does Congress possess the power to suspend the privilege of the writ ii( habfu corput, that preat writ of liberty framed witn so moch care by our British auccstors to protect the citizen agaiust tbe arbi trarv and uulawful arrests and imprisonments by the cnverniuent and its agents, especially iu times if war and great civil commotions But Congress possesses no more power or rightful authority to tuspend those other writs of halitia eorpui, framed fur tbe investigation of cnl rights and for granting relief in such eases, loan it has to Kiinpeud the writ of uespass on the cute, or auy other writ fur the trial of civil suits between the govern ment and individuals, or between ind v. duals alone. These positions then being established, as 1 shall take for granted, to wit: That Uongresa can only suspend the - writ uflultuttrpu,ttubjicudum, and then only as to crimes endangering the public safety and growing out of, or in ennneclion with, the rebellion or invasion; the next o,uMion is, as to what effect the suspension of tbe privi lege of the writ has npon the well-established forms of jtate'e nut-rant issued agaiust persons chiuged wiib crimes against tbe Confederate government during the suspension? Permit me, Mr. Speaker, to assure the Seu ate inai aitniiDgn tnese are new questions nere, ana as rar as 1 know nave never been adjudicated in this eountrr. still, h that couutry from which we borrow most of our .n( win., . lav inn ft.nwia iv Gnnn u j Mala T. . I li . ... tious now under ouusideraiinn, they have been dia- (lnll. ,inA kv ih. htnl.oot I..1 I , In the rase of King s Uespards. to befr and fcaees reporis, vol 7, pageTSgV,, in lbe ki Bench during the siispnsfihe Wege of ihe wril'lf hobtac- pu, inJTeorge 111, in the year ITlM, these queiitioiisiftrtinoily raised and solemnly adiudicatad llie court. In that case the defendant. l)esnartl. had been arrested uuder a warrant issued by the Duke tf Portland, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of -State, charged in said warrant with t'two taliU firucucti. and imprisoned iu the House of Correction, was brought up in oustiidy of the (ioveroor by virtue of a writ uthabea cnrpiM, issued out of tho court of King's Bench, upon the motion of Mr. Ferguson, who moved that the warrant of commitment, returned ami produced in court, might be read, which being read, it appeared that the defendaut had been committed for "treasonable practices," by a warrantor the Duke 'of Portland, one of his Majesty's principal .Secretaries of State. An act' was passed in tbe present session at l arliament, 8k, Ueorge 111, I. for suspending the kubrut eutput act, whereby it ia enacted. 'That every person or persons that are or shall be im prisoned, wiioin tue Kingdom of Qreat Britain, at or upon the day on which the act should receive the roval assent or after, by warrant of his Majesty's roost honorable privy council, for high treason, suspicion of treason, or treason ab e praciiws. or by warrant signed by any of his Majes ty s principal Secretaries of Statu, for such caases as aforesaid, may ha detained in custody, without bail or mainprise, until toe 1st djyaaJjphjTttrv, 17ti, and that no judge or justice of tbe peace shall bail" or try any such person or persons so coruui tied, without order from his avinavtt, because be said ibis was esse withm the above statute f the 88, George Ul, by which the court Could ueither bill or discharge tbe detendtnt, and therefore tbe wru uku nut hi uave oeen granted. The coort refused to quasn the writ saying, " That it did not folio that be- Cause tbey might neither discharge or bail the defendant after having the case argned, therefore the writ waa ' finprovidently issued. Thereupon, the return being first Bled, Ferguson moved that the defendant should be-dis- -charged for insufficiency of the warrant of commitment it being for treasonable practices generally, without specify ingtbe particular nature of them. Ferguson then cited the ioi corpus act Car. II, 0. a, which be asserts wsa passed to afliruiauee of tha common law, in order to carry i; more effectually into execution tbe provision of a former act of 1, Car. II, 0. 10, S. 8, assuring to the party com mitted by the king or say of bis privy council bis wrrt'of habea epu, and requiring the return to certify tbe true cause of such, his detainer or imprisonment, and that the. . eonrt shonld proceed to examine and determine whether tbs cause of such commitment, appearing upon tbe said return, be tost or not. and ahnuoi iV. .rj.. i.... isticesboejM appuikatu, either tj tttliscrino, bailing: or lemandiDgtheprtsoner. The act of tbe 8l,Car. ILpoTnU tut the means by which tbe writ is to be execnuSTand with respect to State. othcers it enacts that if a person be committed for high treason, plainly and specially expressed. be shall be discharged, and as to less offenees the court is to examine the war.aut to see whether it contain . legit charge of any offence. And thus under these three Ss. tbe courts are bound to examin, into the legaliVy of the warrant at common law, d adjudge according And h" "l uf ""V8 Oeo wbtchiSd. the .rj.et for.limited'lime, tu respjt (STrsons 3a LS'Kbl"!,,,n' u'Pii0 f treason or sonatjle practices, was not nteuded. nor doea it n.,.-.lT htatmV ii hJiLUr pot mtb eonitrucKon unou the JSLU bbertief uf he prilr.oTinTtb Ur fuirn uudaT! i ZtZ n,.m,B4t be iu rego, ofleocawn aw"? "' no nw form eomitnt?hatiM u"' " !& 'Tmtd counsel sitempu e resorted to, tbe wa, a kVaud sfdiaS 1 aoooNi W brweuia U u i... V, .T . vuouoe, ana r " atsebtrge of the nnsonernnn. ,V grounds TheAl of aiguia warrant tk- A SA ' ' nZ-L"'n' -'entio. rt-iUih any olber lo7m ,hTTI ononUw, but gd rW thi.V "V "m"' by tbe been in conauu.. ..T1 " rwimitment had oeen in constant use at Tesat .i. n?fmenl btl liamtotLen,-.,, J'!t the time of Kln Wil tbeauKinnt ,t abuw Tf. 1!?. T precedents 0 Willumi, (iueen A.hl "'.'Wb 'P .f. King . aau 111. or aim i I.. members uf tha ' Lord Nottimr. liT- "ir f-eaaoiiabl. 2V wo.lcn were ubjectisns wera t.k. . nole praciieea.f and th.i ri awj in sin i " Wd Keuyoo, Chief JosCL .r!',w Irigbt rtJrZrT." " he l-ii:ared that i.!j "la waMaots oraoir,.: " - dimeulty iu siaysiy s privy council, signed by six of the sad urivv , I 106 b:lorj or tbe times in tsngmna, trom wnich sprung council. Ml thalatayofFibrutry, 17."- The Attorney- 1 these great innniments of civil liberty in the Britirb Cou Ueneral first moved to auash the writ out. uu.u.-. I s'.itution and which our ancestors have so wiselr incomora- a nnmiimania. k privy council, torn, c.fI,aVj"d bam, burners and Co.1. e.aigued b) Secretaries of State have a right to commit. That this right bad not even been doubted by Lord Camden, who expressed as great anxiety for the liberty of the subject as any man, and proceeds as follows: In this ease two que; tions were made f irst, wneiner, me act 01 auspeusiu authorized any new f inn of commitment, but this question, said the court, was at rest almost as soon as it was raised. "The Attorney-general vary properly admitted that that att made nn alteration lulbe forms of commitment." The other question was whether this commitment oe a good commitment at common law t vra Kenyon, . j., alter some omer remaras, pn fallows: "The oommitmentg prior to the revolution were complained ol aa grievous and probably gave nee to the habea cor put act, and if the instances of commitment mentioned on the part of the Or .wu bad happened in the reijjn of Charles 11, or James II, I should not have relied muob upon tbcuv. cut toe esses now eiieo uappvucu tha revolution, a time that Mr. Justice Foster and other .great bm considered aa an atwpieious period for this country, when tne liberties 01 ine suojeci were wen -stood and nobly asserted Then let m see what was after tbe revolution, and particularly in the times of that great man, Ixi rd Uolt. Vol or toe many cases inai nave uow mu mentioned, I have selected nine thai cannot be distinguish ed from the present case, where tbe commitments were fir trejtonnlie practice generally, and where Lord Holt and tbe rest of the coort were baund by their oaths to discharge the defendants, if tbe commitments were illegal, and j et the court did not discharge tbein. Pending these eases, 1 willnot now inquire whether or not Lord Holt de cided rightly. X have ao sources of intelligence' from wbich I cuu d make the inquiry. The records of the court furnish me with tbe law ot the laud Lord Qolt was a man above all praise, and he was assisted by able judges, one of whm was Mr. Justice Powell, who fell little short of Lord Holt himself. I will not overturn the law of the land as handed down to me It is not for the judges who watch over the law to oveiset it. Therefore, 00 the author ity of the preeedeuts, trine of which are precisely in point, I tin clearly of the opinion that if we were to yield to this application, we sbouid torget the duty we owe to the public." . .' Tbis case settles beyond a peradveulure that in case of the KuspensiuD of the' privilege of the writ of habtat ear put, all warrants for arres s in times of the suspension of this privilege, must be in tbe welt established forms re quired when thdre is no suspensum of the privilege ul the writ. And it settles another question, to wit: That the writ is still to issue, and if the charge iu the warratit is not sufficient in pointer law, ihe eourt 'is bound to dis charge (be prisoner For iu tbis ease tbe first motion or the attorney general was to quasb the writ, quutimpr vidt tmanavit, because he said this wag a case within the above statute f the 88, Geo. III. by which theoonrt could neither bail nor discharge the defendant, and therefore the writ itself ought uot to have been granted. But the court refused tu quash tbe writ, saving that it did uot follow that because they might neither discharge nur bail tbe defendntit after bearing the Case, aiujd therefore the writ Wa. improvidenliy issued. Tms cass then settles these important questions. First, that notwithstanding the suspension, the writ is to- issue npon appHeation, and that the warrant must be in the establixued form and must contain a sufficient cunrge.; that tbe caarga in I the warrant tbe court will exaiuiua, aud it insumoicui win discharge the prisoner ; and that the officer must return tbe body and the true cause of tho writ and detaiuer It being clear law, as i conceive all lawyer must admit, that the Mtsjieuaion of the writ can only apply to limit crim-g agonst the laws of the Confederate Slates, snd then only to such us endanger ttu public safety, aud that warrants in tbe mual firms mnst tssus, 11 oeema mi i follow as s matter of course that that portion of tbe J act, wh;ch authorizes the President or Secretary of War j to issue varrants or orders, is unconstitutional, for tbe reason that issuing a warrant is a judicial function, and under our firm r government all j'td;cial power is denied r the President aud to oil executive officers, and can only -be vested in the judiciary. To this it may be rep ied that in England during those Suspensions, the King and his Secretaries of State and the oieuiberaof the privy council, issui these warrants To this I reply that under the constitution and laws of Eng- land the Kiug and all those great olticers of Stale, possess judicial powers and have always been considered couserva- ' tors of the peace, and in that character they hare always possessed tbe power of issuing warrants; but here the ex ecutive aud judicial departments of the government are eutiiely distinct, and caunot by any law of Congress be vested in tbe same person. Aud it also follows tha' at least all that portion of the act that puts it in tbe power of the President or Secretary to issue orders or warrant . in certain ciee specified, wh.ch does not embrace a crime against the Confederate Stale, is nucoustitmional. As tor instance. No. IV, "of conspiracies, preparations and attempts to incite servile insurrectiuus," and No. Y1I ' " by holding correspondence with the enemy, witho it ne cessity and without the permission of tho Confederate States." and No. XII, "of unlawfully burning, destroy ing, injuring or attempting to burn, destroy or injure any bridge or railroad, or telegraphic hue of communication or property, with intent of aidiug the enemy," and above all of attempts to avoid military service, us construed to . apply to the principals of substitutes applying to tbe jo dieial tribunals of their country, to determine their civil rights. . Congress bas just as much right to suspend a writ in -an action on the case. They possess not 'be shadow of a power to suspend any writ nf habea corpus sued out to determine any civil fight whatever. Nor have they the pretence of right to suspend the privilege of tbe wnt on account of any alleged or actual commission ot crime which is a crime against tha State government, and not against the Confederal States. I see, Mr. Speaker, by the late messsg3 of tbe President, that oue of tbe main rea sons for its suspension, was to prevent the principals of substitutes from apply. ng to the judicial tribunals of th country to test the civil right of liability to miljlarv . vice, and tbe Senator from New Hanover tS"us thii was one of the etoses of the supfltf6ii. ft' as this aimed a North Carolmt ?Ao4'in liero be a judge found in this ''e.wuiKiijeriiJiiurelycinSideriuf thisquestion, cunnoid - i - jg - T; Jonaress pb asesses the power in this way to prevent the i X .. J A . Un sit ..wa I '. .11 via tmm inwMlifTMitinfr State Judges and the State Courts from investigating civil rights? ' But it is maintained by the Senator from New Hanoret that the suspension df the privilege of tbe writ of halnu. turpat, suspends tbe 4th, 5th aud litb articles of the amend menu to tbe Constitution, and likewise all other articles and sections and clauses in the Constitn'ion, that in any way interfere with his idea ef the ohject of the suspension Now, in the first place, when the Feleial Constitution ws adopted, it certainlv could not have had any reference ti the atb, 5th and tub articles of the amendments, fur the reason tb it they thea formed no part of the Constitution, and the Senator to make good his theory must read all tbee ameudmeuta, with the proviso added, nniess tbe mil itary necessities of thecouutry iu time uf rebelliou or in vasion shall otherwise require. Aud it seems to me, that Bccoiditigto the idea, tbe Senators on the other aide and alJth last Coutrress interpret tho Constitution (al though ' adopted during the existence of this very war) as having this proviso attached to. every command and injuactiou ' oniess the military necessities of tbe times shall otherwise require." Now, sir, I cannot agree to in terpolate this proviso in any part of I he Constitution, and I protest strainst this latitudinarian construction of the Con stitution. But the Senator from New Hanover informs as ! that all these safeguards attempted to be thrown around the libertiesand the properly ot the cttixen were Intended 3 t -V m . , ' W m io operate ana nave meir im lores ana eueci in limes ot pence aud harmony at home and with foreign nations, aud not wjieo. wo are laboring nnder -great ervil ooairo'itions. 1 nave not so read h's'ory. l must nave been taught in a wrong school of politics, and must have misunderstood ted in our fundamental laws, I had supposed, when all was peace snd harmony at home and abroad, that there was not so much need of. these great bulwarks of liberty, and that tbey were not often atled iuto' action at such harmonious times; but that it was especially for times of civil commotion like the present, when all the baser passions of our nature are ex cited Io tbe highest degree, and when those in power, not unfreqnently in high parti times, exercise the most cruel tyranny upon tbe people, that these guarantees are needed. It was, as 1 had supposed, to secure the personal liberty of the people in troublous times, that enr British ances tors, with sword .in baud, forced from their sovereign these glorious muniments of civil libeity. But it seems that in' this historians bare been mistaken, and (bat it aa for the purpose of seenrinr th liWtv -f sen inttbe piping times of peace, that these proriic- 1 object of these noble safeguards of liberty, by writing a ! history of those times. The late act of Congress for the suspension of the priv I ilegeof tbe writ of Aefes corpu,, is an oddity, and is wholly unlike any act of suspension in England or that passed by the Senate of the United States in iho7. when U met with an indxruant rebuke in th. TT.,.,.-. d' " " tatives bj a rejecuon upon its first needing That trill id t far as it. Went, followed somewhat the Knglish note of ua j pension, snd especially as to crimes, in regard to which it !i ProPJ to suspend tbe privilege,. Thstbill diduot pro. I KHn l'.sPewl olher d'l"ct and emphatic injunctions of w"i"wh wu icuneu me oruar or warraul for tbe arreatto be supported by an oath, charging iheuffease and the person to be arrested To tbis safeguard every perso n i entitled, aud any arrest without it ia wholly illegal and will snbieot every man engaged io it when the war is over to n Hnkm cf trespass snd false imprisonment ;and 1 hope the juries of the country will make the offenders smart for It . . , ; j,j v .- . I do not hesitate io declaim the last eonsrription act ut terly unconstitutional in its assuinotion uf nowara iut i. consistent with tbe fundsiueiiol pnncip'es of our form of rv.i un .... . ' ..,.uu.cu,. cur, t cannot, for a moment, agree that the illustration of the Senator from 1W HsnoTer wis st all ppronrjate, when be likened these tn4 oiUey unvwuting sets pr the general government, eonseriotion and the su pension of tne groat writ of libertv, to the case of a man tH. JfrvT6 '1?' r'" repelling the ees.s tauee of his neighbors in extinguishing the flames and saving bu property from the d -Touring eitaent. No. Sir I cannot tee the force of this illo-lrstiTin. To me S mw k. I si - " - " "i,,III 1 ttale himself into tL, .f ! ilo tBJ affectio'ns'Jf &?.&iZ?, a apulrinsr the tomb a.4 .i. JTi .11.. w! vi ma aoaau ) snd tbethy prei ,'ltxl tav as Irmn i li ucand not aral TXiil fV.-Poo the OonsUWio, -XL? fTJ'Vf "f elity.andIfullv ,,nTr:.7i: eowtilaUon of it ewnSLi 7? of At m.j.riiy Wen of sacb cu wrong faith in Conzre- an ihTi' F , tost tbey Vur libeitia in ihi. I" F "na .u,y Course u .aeoura a - a l'l full and freerwih off,, M Pn " make a fi.taii " .J?"" ,,rll our chartered -i. .. ,k. orand msBiu.nimii.'. M una oi o.ccutiva iwiaui. a a . . . - .ms Ea ae war Z r, ' esin, t Is over. I have aot so read history ; but I have been taught that eternal vigilance alone could preserve oor liberties; and if surrendered, nothing shorter s revolution eooldlre siorethem. But tbis course involves questions of con stiiutional power to make this free will offering. I would not make the surrender to any man that ever breathed rhe brent b of life. We have all taken an oath to support the consiilntion of our country, and we are bound to main tain it and take the consequences no matter what they are ; and until the courts are constituted that can make authori tative decisions, we must all maintain and support it. ac cording to the best of our ability, as we understand it, against all assaults, no matter from what source they come, and we are as much bound to maintain it against tbe assaults nf Congress and tbe Executive, as we would against assault from any other quarter, ao matter in what disagraaMh and daagertjus predicament it may place ns. I kuow that there are some of tbe boasted States rights advocates that really believe that the constitution of tbe eonavy hat somewhat the quality of india-rubber, and will expand or contract exactly to suit their views or wishes That when in power it WiH eapand suffieiently to make any enactment of Cougress constitutional which the necessities of tbe time to their judgments may re quire, snd particularly, should it be a military necessi ty; aud ibat it will contract so as to prohibit the past age of any law to wbich tbey are opposed. Against any such intei pretation of the constitution I protest, and I bold that ao far as legislators and tho judiciary are con cerned, tbe constitution ot tbe country U as fixed as fate ; itself, and will ueiiber contract nor expand, however great . the uuasauily, even though tbe necessity should be a miU turg necessity. Whatever the constitution authorises Congress to enact into a iaw tbey may enact, if tbey deem it expedient to do so, and w are bound by tach enact ments. But whatever laws tbey pass which tha constitu tion nroliibila exuresslr or bv implication, we are bound -as faithful representatives to oppose them, whether we de sire to do so or not. But the suspension of the writ of habem carptu, so far as it was luutnded to prevent the principals of anbsitMalea from applying tu the judicial tribunals of the country to determine their liability to .military service, is not only manifestly nucoustituuoual, but is an outrage upon the public justice of the country. The conscription, with the suspension of the writ, enters tbe dwelling of the, poor widow, whose lather, aud husband nave Ulleo iu bat tle; it linds there the one sou of tbe military , age aud a number of helpless aud dependent 4aughjfrs Tbe son is tbe ouly one upju the farm capable ot fblrawiog the plowshare, and is the whole stay aud support of the family; and to procure his exemption and keep Mm at houtc, this poor, distressed and heart-broken widow, wider the solemn plighted titith ul the government, has sold her whale uainmoiiv rece ved uD m tue death of her lather, aad hiied a stout, able-bodied substitute ttrer. lit'ty years of age,- at the price of bve thousand dollars, and tbe substi tute is still serving iu our army. - But ibis-couseripttoa law, uuder the clause requiring, tbe principals of substi tutes to be conscripted, iu a steru aud uureieuting voice, command i the last hjoo of this desolate widow to the army, tie leaves his weening mother 'asfr sisters, enters the army, aud in a tew weegg the news arrives that ne too lusgoue the way oiail ihd earth, and the stricken mother, uuder her heavy troubles, is lust siuotug to the grave. All this would have beeu saved that poor woman had not Congress passed this act suspending tbe writ of htiim CM-jai, cutting olt an appeal to the evil tribunals of tbe country, for the decision of th.a question of tbe civil liber ties ul tms y.mujj man aud a s pjxr utjuior, woollier ue sh uid be torn from his home slier she had sold nearly sal ol' ltd estate to purchase bis txemntion. Mr. Speaker, it ia tomewbat mortifying to ' a true son of Aortb-tarotiiia to be compelled, tu believe that tbe act sus pending tbe privilege ot the writ tf sjftita ourpiu was passed for the special benefit of this State, and that npon tbe advice of certain letter writers and newspaper scrib- oiers iu naio.gn uua also npoa lue ounce 01 some 01 our members of uongress And it is still more mortifying to tbitik this cour.e wui recommended tu overawe and con trol that small number of people in tbis State who voted f r Uov. Vance at tbe last election, and elected two thirds of ilits Legislature. No douoi, Mr. speaker, these letter wn.era and these members uf Congress who gave tho President thsi advice, did to I rum the burliest aud most nat- riouc motives. How could men of such Iran seen dan l tal ents such exaited imiriotisiu. and sucb intense loyalty be moved by auy other motive than the highest good of their country ? J well kn-w that there are munao uncharitable as to believe tint these high-minded patriots were m .ved to this course by tbe I nr aud coutemptibie motive of avenging tbemseivtsupon those who refused to endorse their Course iu the last buognssioual election, and to compel them to vote their ticket iu the comiuir summer election. But Mr. Speaker, let me say 1 h.ve uo patience with persons SO wanting iu cuuruy aud ot such a suspicions turn ul minu. Give tueni credit for pure motives, at least, in their inju rious course so for as the character ot the good old North ouiie is coucurnea. From Ihe N. C. Standard, July 2J, 1351. ttouia-Caroiina. The sentiments expressed io this State, oa the last An niversary of American Independence, were, for the ntrst part, of a moil hostile aud bitter obaraeter towards the union. n-.ny ii not q ute nil the speeches snd toasls nreameo aenanoe to ttie tree states, and contained deciara tions looking toaepirato State aotion. Here and there, it ia true, we cuu perceive evidences of a disposition to poet. I'ouo ik ti "i aepa-aniw, ana to await further aggres sions and a combined movement of th-' slave States gener ally ; but the great weight uf public opinion m gtuL for UniPiltA ?1iiIh iMiliiin kn ik.l'....i.tl. L..k 1 t " -m vvuvv'UMuuwiivuiaio assem ble in February next. . .- - - It is eWUratsji majnrity of U.e people ufSontb Carolici.ive despaired nf ;,nton haTe abandoned aVtonet.f reinrby th-geueralgoverument to the true princes i, he Constitution We deplore this state of public opinion in that gallant Slate; and if our voicecould be heard by her people, una cou d have any eflect, if beard, we would appetl t" ibeui in the kindest and most affec tionate terms to pause in their Course. Their interests are the interests it. commou of ihe pe ip!e of all the slavehol diug Stales; aud the blow whieb is intended to strike down South-Carolina, will nut fii upon her bead alone. Her cause is tbe cause of tbe South ; aud ber true policy is, therefore, not to separate herself, by ker action, from tbe other aimrehoidiug otates Should s!.e secede by borself she will draw no State after her. Htr s'ster slaveholdiog States will neither go with her, nor wilf they see Iter coerced aud trampled down ; their judgment has b.su pronounced, and th-y will not reverse it. The cause for secession, at tbis time, is not sufficient ; it tnag be, in tha jsmrse of a few years, or tbe Union may live on, acmid.ng tu tne Constitution, gathering new State within ita loids and adding new Inure to tbe com mon flag. One or tbe uiher God ouly knows which ' We trust, alter all, that a sounder feeling will spring ap in that State ; and that the people will instruct their Ue'e gates io Convention wf to out loose from the Onion at this time. The time between this and the period for the meet ing of the Convention, is ample for a re-action of public opinion in ibat State. "We trust that this reaction will take place, and that South-Carolina will determine to abide the judgment aad share tbe lot of tbe other slaveholdin Slateg. ; From ibe N C. Standard, Jnne llth, 1860.J A Coustitntionitl Union. . , ' -North-Carolina has been for the space of seventy years a member of the federal Union. She entered this great sisterhood of States after mature deliberation She did so believing iim would thereby best promote ber own inter ests, and nwreefjfcctnaily than in aiiy other situation pro tect her self from enerosphmeots by foreign States. Strong in her own arm and in he)-own determined purpose to main tain the right uuder all circumstances, she. was neverthe less not nnmindful of th'e fst that in anion toere would be strength beyond tbst which any individual State could posses. Luring this long period she has been faithful tu all her 'Constitutional obligations; and on the other hand, while her rights as a slavebobiing State have not always been as fully respected and inaintaiued as they should have beeu, yst.no'deliberate wrong bag beeu put upon her. and none of ber vital interests have been assailed or threatened I by the common government When her eo States ol the .Siuth have eomplained of unjust tariff law, or protested ogaiuM the encroachments of this oon-slavehold-tng States up..n their rights ia the common territories, rho.bas syarpithwed with them in these complaints and protests; but when they have nullified tbe laws, or taken bas mildlj hs: ;; Uiwrposcd to prevent tbe calamitous oonscqueuces which would flow from nullification and dis : union. Sos has never been either s nullifying or disun ion State, and she is not so now. Some greet sense must move her -aome great wrong mnst either beinflictedor must cvershadowlier, before she will seriously oontem plate" by her own ac a severance of tbe Union,. Sbe feels thut wb'le Virginia, and Tennessee, and Maryland, and Kemosvy are safe in tbe Union abe will be safe also; end that her uouor, a sensitive und nutarnisbed as flieirs, has .been coatioed to ber own keeping, and not to that of South Carolina, Alabama, And Mississippi. Sbe is a breadstaff rather than cotton Ulate." Her interests are central -among tbe southern States, reiving as she does for protec tion not mora ou tile slaveholding States south of ber then on those of the norih sod west. Sbe is not so mnch of a " cotton Sfnte" us to be ready jnst now to pitch into tbe vortex of discnfcm and revolution. She will not rush into this vr;ex herself, and she will hold others back, if she can. . . " j .- During thin long period of sweety years, Nartharoli lins bas euh'yed almost on interrupted repose. The batilee rendered ncceswry by s just regard for the honor of the country, hare been fought elsewnere than oq ber soil. Her people are avow Contented, prosperous and happy. Iter fields smile with plenty, and the hum of industry i i-eard iu all her verkahops - Her' oreduV.in the saonsy market is equal tp Vhe best. Her ivtemai iatprovementa eae prngreasin. .W prospering as 3bey progress. Common School iwea-is tbe best wall the Southern Slates. Her slave property in seoate S o messes even s uttered against ber. . Wey tbe wone radical portloa of the black Hepublicaua. .. Tbo on tutu 1 1 ilejnoorats of the Dun-slavehi!diog States h vre tlnfended and ere defending, her rights ss a slaveholdiukT &te both in Congress and before their feliow-citizens v j lot ward, no Knum xistkr North Cao ins shcM eouleniplateatibistimea diss Wattiou of tba Union. .. -. While we wou d surrender u nht of. oorState, am while we would preserve her Ik too untarnished among ber sister, yet disunion is one the last things to . be thought ot Disnnion would be ft Sternal strife, mril and servile war, mirdr, arsou. pillare, ' obosry, aneULve an4 blood lhtough long and cruel ysai ) It would sxtsettte ail business, diminish the vslue of all property, pmX the lives of both sexes andsl agiesin feril, and launch' the Htateson a sea of scenes wbicri nu ey e bas acanned aavi no .navigator sounded. It wouM brinf; tiebl, ad misrale, aad ooureaaire taxaa. to bo followed . nerJialM, by tbe xaUUnrr m e of titled tyrants. s It wonbil wravcli apart tbe tender ly entwined atfectionaof millions of hearts, making it n erime in tbe North to have iieen b-wn in the Soath, and a crime in the' Sooth to bve been- born in tba North It wield covert tbe g, eat body of ibe soasarva tive ssn of the North, who are n OW our friends, lata eith er (kadly enemies or iudifl'ereutajptvtators of itar intsstiaa al. which would increase in Intensity nntil law, .irderTjustioe, and civil rale would oe torgotwn or J ... . l I- WaiI mmnmm mHW. till ioe, and civil rale would be forgotten or wa re repeat, there is no good cause not? tor tbe Union; The druse may arise, but let uvea to make or" ," meet- it. -Who oesirais Known, we dissolving ... 1 L... it now! Who would cause itr Who wouia precip tote the States" into bloodshed and revolution " , WHO U9 UU Umo- I.U v - : - , would darken tbe stars that, now flash in toe nag 01 the Union ? Who, without osuse and tor no anmetcBt rea son, would nave war instead nf peace, discord in the place of concord, and all tbe calamities which nutt result from the dissolution of a government sacb as oursf If such s mast exist, let him stand forth to be blasted by the iodtg nan maledictions of patriotic millions Voices from tbe past, voices innumerable in the present, appeal to us not to peril rashly our Constitutional Union. From all battle fields where Southern blood has ming'ed with Northern blood beneath one common and glorious banner ; from tba shores of lbs Delaware, over whose breaking ice, on that stormy night, pressed tbe weary and bleeding feet of those two tbottsand soldiers the onlv, the forlorn, tbe. last hope of greet WashinotOK himself: from the kingdoms of the earth, in which the down-trodden millions struggle beneath tbe iron hoof of despotism, easting lung ng aud hopeful glances towards this, tbe first, as it may be tbe last great experiment of self-governuicut aaiong men; from tbe who e civilised world, interested in our material prosperity and in the progress aud happiness uf mm,' there eotnes up to os with thundering sound add over nil of it, nod ringing tbrongb all of it as with the blast of a trumpet, the spirit-voice of the immortal Jackson, speaking from bis record and from bis whole mttitary and civil life "Tut Kedebal Union IT MUST ANU SHALL Bfi PBESEBVEUt" Preserved not as a --consolid ited, aggressive, usurping Uuioo, but ass Qjmtitutionat Union, protecting all equal ly, and dispensing its benefits and blessings, as much, to one section as another.' Let us cling to such a Uuiou as " tbe mariner clings to his, but plank whan night and the tempest close around biui." As iong as the Constitution is preserved invfolata we shall have nothing to fear. It will be time enough when that mxtramenf, whieb is the bond of the Union, shall bare, been broktn, or its spirit disregarded', to dissolve existing relations aud provide new guaros for future security. fFrotri the If. C. Standard, Sot. 89, I860 - Secession ana Hevolation. A good deal is said jnst now aboat the right of a State o secede from tbe Union. We believe that the Constitu tion adopted by tbe neupie'of the States in.1789, establish ed a government ul delegated -powers ; that the Stales parted With unly so much of their sovereignty as was nec essary to render tbis government efficient as a common agent ; that the powers not delegated were reserved to the Suites respectively or to. the people; that this oernmot consists of three departments; that these departments were intended toct as checks upon each other, toprotMt the Constitution and tbe respired rights of tbe Stated f sad that if this government shall violate tbe Constitution and attempt to oppress or injurs the Minority, i net tho majority thus controlling the gsverumaut on violating; tbe Constitution will have committed a revolution ; and that io such an eveut tbe minority Stales would be releas ed, aud would have the right to secede from tbe majority and establish a hew federal union, or to take any othir steps which they might deem necessary to their protection, prosperity and happiness. - Tbia the true doctrine, call it what you wi'L It may be secession, or it may be revolution, or it may be rebellion, or it may be a war between States and their agent wbich bas usurped undelegated powers. We have never advo cated, and never expect to advocate tbe right of a State to secede from tbe Union, and to that extent break up the government, from mere whim, impu se, or caprice The infraction uf the Constitution titntt be clear aud palpable to justify a Slate in dissolving its relations with tbe Union ; or tbe danger which impand over the State must be so serious, so imminent, So certain that no hope is left tu it but in seceding from tbe Uuiou. Tbis bas been our position from the first on this question. We have uni formly held the same doctrine both as an Editor and as a citizen. In an addre a which we bad tbe honor to deliver before the people of Raleigh, on the 4tb of July, 1 3-"rt, we said : " If this Union should ever be destroyed, it will be done by sucb a triumph and sucb s predominance of see tions I power as to leave nu hope to tbe minoritr; or by a palpable violation or disregard, by all the departments of the government of the Constitution, which is tbe bond of tbe Union. Either would, io itsjlf, be dissolution." But has that time arrived? Has tbe Constitution been disre garded or violated by -all tbe departments uf ibe govern men ? " Has it been violated or disregarded by auy vue of these departments No one will eayHhat it baa. Ba there been such a triumph of sectional power as to lesve no bops to the minority f We thiuk not. The South yet has two departments of the roreroment against one ; end in the recent contest for tbe Presidency the people of tbe non slaveholding Stales polled nearly as many votes against Lincoln as for him. Is there, then, no hope f We think there it ground for hepe. We are, theiefore, unwilling to go with the disuniouists in their efforts to dissolve at this time our relations with tbe federal government. That government was established more by the sacrificea, the wisdom, and the blood of Southern nieu than by the blood and wisdom uf the North. We at least have as dem an iuterest in the Constitution, and in the government which,. 11 esiauiixueu, as ioe norm uas. we ere not yet prepared to abandon tbis government, end to take a If ap. into tbe darkness beyood. Let liaawV-sv prepared tikj, tt. leap say so ik cea, and cut resort to sw-Tei eomb iia ttims, to intrigue and .maanestemmit tbe people of tbjs8tateagutMtt-wtoijwilioll Md ciTil,WlMl; From the N C. Standard, Dee. 1, 1860 J Oisnnioa for Existing Caases. A Confederacy or Union composed of the fifteen slsve boldiug States would, after awhile, encounter some of the sanio difficulties which now beset tbeexistmg Union. The States south of us would produce and export cotton, while the middle or breadstuff States would i eeome deeply in terested. in inaonfactures. Foreigners from Europe and tbe North would pour into tbe latter, and push tbu slave population farther south Manufacturers would demand and obtain protection, and free labor would contend with aud root out slave labor in the middle States, nntil at length tbe Utter would commence to agitate against the cotton States as the North is now agitating agaiust n. As new regions towards the tropics should be acquired by tbe Southern Confederacy, and as the demand for cotton increased, tbe policy of re-opening the African slave trade wonld gain ground, and ultimately that trade woo d be established, and would be carried: on openly under the Southern flag. Tbis would be a death blow Io slavery io the middle States. It would at once reduce the price of our best slaves from twelve hundred to four hundred dol lars, for the Southern planter wonld much prefer a bar barian at two hundred dollars to a civilized negro at five huudred. In ad iition to this, sucb a policy would expose the Southern Confederacy to the hazards of war with the Northern Confederacy and with European powers. The two Confederacies, the'jjforthern and the Southern, would meet as rivals at foreign courts sad in foreign markets- Their ministers and merchants wou'd partake of the spirit of the people at borne, aud they would cripp'e each other and involve themselves in endless and most injurious complications in their intercourse with foreign powers These foreign powers, stimulated by the hope of gain, and disliking us for our popular firms of govern ment, would insinuate themselves into tbe very heart uf our system 'would foment jealousies between' the two Confederacies, and lay one or the other under obligation to them for aid or midi:ition in tht sidt of airfltx and wars; and the end vroald be frrtiom. infiutnr in all our v : i - : . t ii ' i , , , councils, loreigu lunnucra 111 an our social waias, ana or igtt goU n tbe hands of unscrupulous demagogues as tbe price of turns portion of their country's liberties. In ease of oensratiou, party spirit, tbe excesses of which are now so obvious and injurious, would rage with tenfold heat. There wonld be parlies in each Cou'tederaay against each ; there would be parties opposed to and in favor of foreign influences there would be parties advocating dicta . torial powers in the central governments and parties advo cating the largest liberty or least restraint ; there would be parties advocating and parties opposing tbe acquisition : of more territory; there would be parties aiding with tbe , great Indy til the people, and parties endeavoring to grasp . exclusive privileges dor tbe few at the expense of the ' many. Iu the midatof aH this war wonld most urobablv be waged along tbe lines of she two Confederacies war in terrupted only by bollow truces, or by compromises made ' but never intended to be uburvfcd-or itj mediation at tbe bawls of foreign powers.! Of course as the result of nil . this industry wonld languish, trade would be obstructed. ' ' education would be negleeted, internal improventewa of -all kinds wonld be arrested, and the morale of society . would be injured. War wonld raise up standing armies, which would obstruct civil rule snd eat out the substance of the people. TnU wonld be Ae ease especially in the' Southern States, where urge armies wonld be necessary ' not only for defensive operations against the foreign North em States, but to keep the slave population in subjection. The result wonld be military detpotum. Tbe Legislatures of the Southern States would have to sit perpetually or clothe their Uoveroors with urge discretionary powers ' These powers would be abused, and the voWot law and ' the chums of justice would be unheard amid tbe alarxna of -. . war. Qnutitutionai liberty would no longer be tbe birth right of our people, bnt inBteatf thereof we would bars discretionary powers, martial law, military rule, oppres sive taxation, perpetual contentions, nod servile war. ' Such are some of tbe evils whieb would most probably result from disunion for existing canses. . Disunion at tbis . time will certainly occasion war. If a peaceful separation .in the last resort eouldcbe effected, the twfi Confederacies, or say number of Confederaeiee rnijkt tread tbnir repee- ' tite paths without enaging iomoraf ounflict. . TbeyxatjnU at length re-unite in a near union on foundations more -lastxuT than the present : butif anyone State ahall t waa sua iwHnn ui urw-io- ovner otaiea alter ner, witn ins cipwiwa oi orawiog otner states after ber. tbe end will be civil war. The States thna fomut i thoogh they will sympathise with the State wbich commit ted them to disunion against their will, snd though tbey may stand bv her and detend her in her extremity, vet they will dislike ber abd watch ber aa aa evil star in tbe new eonstellatiou. A violent separation wonld, thereto; sow the seeds of discord in the new Confederacy.,. It would commence its career with growing antagonisms in,. ita asembeas. ft would be a forot . union which tune .would dissolM or passion fret to pieces ' - . ' . There is oniy ae evil greatar than disunion and that is the loss of honor and Constitutional rights: t That trii th people of the South wll ueoer tubmit iJoooer than sub mit to U they would put their shoulders to the pillars, aa tiamson did. and tear down tbe temple, though they them selves should perish ia tha rains. But our honor aa a people is stilt .untarnished oor Constitutional rights, so far aa the federal government is concerned, are etill ua touched if the feoeral government should attempt even to tarnish tbe oae.or ta deprive ns of tbe oi ber, we for On would be ready to .res wit, sad ready to dissolve the Union without regard to.consegueooas nt mot mne the noa slaveholder says not note I- the slaveholder, whose prop ty civil war woulfl involve in im ninent peril, says not now! miliums of our friends in the free Stales ear not now l If jre nmtt dissolve the Union, let us do it at one people, and not by a bare majority. Let ua wait until the people of the State am ,mqce nailed un the anbject than tbey are now. Depend upon it oar people are not suomis sionists. If their rigbU should be assailed tbey will defend them. But it tbey should not be assailed, and ana niiaiti ia the government with safety and honor ourselves, In the aauie of all that is aacred let us do so. From tbe Standard, Dee. 11, I860. r r Wkat hull he Doaet Should tbis State aeeede with South-Carolina t Wa think not. Should sbe, in any event, separate herself from tbe middle, breadstuff States, snd nnite ber destinies with tbe cotton Stales t We think not No cotton State has thus far even consulted ber, though several of them are preparing to go out It is true no middle State baa con sulted her, bnt this fact affords tbe best proof thai tbe middle States are not et en contemplating dissolution. The interests of North-Carolina are much more identified With Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Maryland than tbey are with South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas. When they manifest a disposition to dissolve the Uuion It will be time enough for ber to mora. Any attempt to es tablish a " cotton Confederacy " will fail. It might last a few years, and it might escape a degrading dependence on foreign powers; bit tbe people of such a Confederacy wonld uot be able to subsist on cotton A king ia noth ing without lords and oommons. So it wonld be with eottoa. Ut if alt tbe slaveholding States should go off together in the last resort, snd if the public property could he fairly divided, and permanent arrangements made with reference to the- mouth of the Mississippi, thev mirhfosoape en tangling alliances with foreign . nations, avoid war with the Northern States, and prosper for awhile. We eay this vtifH be so, bnt no one ean be certain of it. '" War would come at last war between, brethren of the Mate blood and speaking tbe same language war, which would convulse this continent acd shake the world war, which would leave behind it, in ite bloody and am iking track, military despotism, enormous taxes, corrupted moials, and a famished and ruined people in both Confederacies We are not ready to incur these hazarda now. . We will chug to the Union as long as we ean do so with safety and honor: and when safety is threatened or honor touched. we will leave it, ir that day should ever come, without counting the cost, boning for repose and independence under new forms, and ready to incur all the consequences wbich may follow dissolution. When that day comes the middle States will be ready, but they are not ready now We are utterly opposed) to tbe recommendation of Gov. Ellis ti consult tbe people of other States before onr own people are consulted We know of no conclusive reasons at tbis time why a Convention of tbe people of tbis State should be called, bnt wa are not afraid to trust tbe people with tbis or any otbei question Indeed, our complaint has been that Oor1 Ellis and .hie partisans are afraid M trust tbe people, and are seeking to commit tbein to dis union before consulting them. If two-thirds of the mem bers of tbe Legislature thiuk a Convention should be call ed, let them say an. Less than two-thirds cannot call a Convention: and any attempt to ea'l a Convention br a bare majority of tbe Legislature would- be a violation of toe iionsuiuunn, ana would be resisted or aisregaraea oy tbe people. Let these fire-eaters who are thinking of such a course, beware I If they shall dare to begin tbe rewiu llottio North-Carolina by trampling on the Constitution of tbe Stale, tbe eonsequences be on their heads. But if a Convention shall be called, we shall insist that the ac tion of the Convention tkall be niimUted to th people at the ballot-box for their approval or rejection. We repeat, we rely nn the piople, provided fair play is shown by tbe pehticisns; aud if fair play is not shown, it will be demsoded and bad at all hazard. These are stormy times. We are in the midnt ofrihese times, and we are prepared to bear oor part ia them. ' IT at hi I with 'ihert to guard t'.t interetle of the mutt anaiiut tht tchtvte of ditmaoie- uU and demagogue. We intend to do iW The people of ioisomh! snail not De committed to any step, ir we can prevent it, without being allowed themselves to take that tep. If the State is to stay in the Uuion and to give Mr. Lincoln a trial, let them say so; if the Stale must go out, let them say so. But let us have no consultations aremt cousultations it may be with other States before our own State ia consulted ; and let us have no attempt to call a Convention by a bare majority uf the Legislature. Old Joe Brown and his Pets. Special Correspondence of the Constitutionalist. iffur JCJitor :Qot. Brown appeared in the camp of t; , u " ""erooou, ana as soon aa it Oeoaine rumored that be was actually here, a perfect rush was made to wards Wavne's quarters st which place they found located the veritable Joseph in purtona Every msn iu camps, amounting to at least , gathered around tbe tent oc cupied by the Governor. It was indeed amusing to hear tbe remarks made in tbe dense ciowd that aawmbled and also in hearing of Joe himself, some of which were these ; "Where is old Joe?" "Hush, boys.be is in tbe tent 'here. "Come out of that, Joe. we know vou are in there Come out. Governor, and tell the Pets all you know.it won't take long" Hush. I tell you be ia right in there." " Don't care a d n if he is, hurrah for old Joe, give ns your ideas." About tbis time tbe Colonel's canvass was lifted and ex posed to tbe view of tha excited mnltitnH a nt kit plainly dressed little man about fortv-fiv years or age and aoout live feet ten inches i height, and whose bair soawraai spritiKiau. wttn gray, ano wuo stooa.looEed upon the vast crowd with the utmost stray raid.. soon aa he waa sbotat In view anrns fellow in the crowd "sung out at lbs top of his voice: ''Governor, here is your mule." Governor could no longer restrain hi melf. trat-i burst into aloud laugh ' A.sr e great deal of solicitation from some of his intimate friends, and calls from tbe crowd, he consented to give as a short speech. Arrangements were soon made and he passed through tbe assemblage, mounting a mess table and look ing calmly around until all the noise end bosilj bad sub sided, waved bis band to tbe right and then to the left, when all sank upon the fallen leaves of the beautiful forest where we aie encamped When all was still he said : Gsntluibn of Gboboia: 1 am exceedingly proud of my Pels. (Immense shouts.) I did nut etme to your camps to make yon a peech, but upon important Dusi ness Tbe time for making speeches is past, nw is tbe lime for action and I know you too well to think for a moment, that yon are here for anything else but prompt, immediate and decisive action. As vour Governor, and seeing tbe peril of our State, I called upon you, I knew- juu wuuiu reapouu; i xnew i naa out to tell you tnat Georgia was threatened, and you wonld rush to arms and to the front; yon have responded nobly, gallantly. You bare been stigmatised as 1'eU, or as is said Joe Brown Pets, but ita only by men who ran for the same office as yon did und got beat, and by a few others who are biding behind some detail or Confederate exemption and who are afraid tu march to tbe front themselves . and face the musie. I have issued a proclamation to-day, calling npon those men. Let tr see how tbey Will respond. The Government can do without them a tew days, if tbey have got soul enough to march to the front with you aud share your dangers and honors. It was a pain ful necessity. Gentlemen, to call yon from your homee at tbis critical season of your crops, but Geneial Johnston wanted men and unlets we all do our duty we ean never whip tbe fight. Some have asked why I did not eall out the whole militia force of tbe State? I answer because it would bare been too great a drain npon tbe producing class ot tbe State; to have called out every man from to to 17 snd from 50 to 0 w mid have endangered our sub sistence, and subjugation wonld be threatened. It ia al leged by our opponents that I am ever coming in contact with the Confederate Government. It is not my intention now to do so or ever baa it been, unless preserving the State Government be eouflicf. If it. is we. do conflict.. Georgia is an independent sovereiirntv. If she was not abe never could bare seceded from the Lincoln Govern- inent, and as long as 1 remain your Givernor, State or gs ni it ions shall remain intact Georgia .has never surrendered her rights to any power, nor ever will as long as yon have tbe right kind of men at the helm Lincoln bag not got ber vet, nor ever will as long as there are such men as you at the front. But we are about to come into a conflict, but it ia with Sher man s army. I expect Gen. Johugtno will be glad to see such conflict. I know not where Gen. Johnston jnay or der ns. He commands this department, and may order us immediately, bqt whether to the front or Atlanta, let us do our duty as become mea and Georgians.- 1 am endeav ing to arm you as fast as possible, for I should feel very badly if some of Sherman's raiders were to make a sweep around here and take you all priftmeta without arms (Here some one asked, incase we wera taken prisoners, would w receive Confederal?- prbtectioa.) He said, 1 thauk you for making that point, most assuredly yon would, for you to go into Johnstons command, and he is e Confederate General, and of course the same protection will be extended to von.. . - r. . Gentlemen I have every confidence fa you, and when yon march Joe Brown is ready to march with his Pais, snd if need be to die with them. 1 am willing to risk . my wife and my children, my property and my life in ' your hands; I know that sacb men as yon ean never re turn home oowards or delinquent io duty. That you will gallantly confront the vandal foe whether on tbe basks of tbe Chattahoochee or in tbe at recta of Atlanta, and eve - ry man that I hare called upon who does not do it will no longer continue to be one of Joe Brown 'a Pets. - nesars juniors please state for the information of :. friends et borne that we are all hearty and doing wei L looking for a general wngagemeut. every day. Belief oiunuiwaaare aireaoyawnt to tbe front and we are ex peeting orders every day- - , -. j Baspectfully yours, J. B 0. . v. . , . . ! . 1; :, From tbe Atlanta Oinfederaoy. ' Irmcnsa iHeiDsxr. Durtax one of the serlaw of n. gagementa which have recently coma off at tbe front, aa - .. - . . n . .t yr j-.-t .. r" a "uj ui our oavair, was owosj oniiy porsusa oy tne eu- Inrt BttM IkA lull Afitaa nfiui. I ..1 J t A : the tegs of a brave fellow of the infantry, who w iIM, . j.--- - - n. uwmi vi vm m um iwii, sou pavteu oetweeu .'in tbe rear of the eo airy, and in thaaetof steppiaw across . wvuvu. ouw Kra in u is panka) were aimosi torn Ou, : bnt ao damage waa done to the soldier further than tha lore of a finger Be stood perfectly amazed at bis almost miraculous eseepe. vrnue sun a in g thus, tbe voonr ear t alrvman. near whose head the ball haaV naaaUS k. tbe ay aa brave a boy as ever bestrode a bona or rfit a Yankee to bia lair rode up and remarked: "That is tbe answer to a pious mother's prayers ' The soldier was uSKa3 to tne heart ; and bnrstior into tears, said yes, he had a moos, good mother. He felt that in answer to her prayers he had eseaptd almost unharmed from the deadly missile. .- . , . - Mothers t let your hoys in the army know that you pray for them, and they will be braver and better boys j motnera prayer ta a safer shield lor ner boy than bomb pnws. fonineasjona. fro THE YOTERS OF MOORK inn M MONTGOMERY.-I anaoaoce myself a aandidata to represent the people of Moure and Mnntstimory Oountiea ia the next Senate of North-Carolina. My principiea are Conservative " alter the straitest sect.'' and ara w.ll knn.. to all who know tne. I shall explain ' them more ful ly at bo proper ume. J. A. 0ABBKTT. Carthage, May 5th, 184, l-td. From tbe Daily Progress I The Salisbury Wntchmnn. Mm. Ewtob i In an i escrupnlons personal hnon ma in the Daily Walchna . r jl... inff aontnmeliina lansnan ia nut . ajr1 'be fcTrS f! whiir:..; iect of individual supporters of Mr. say we have at last sound one who ia . him. lie is at Mill RiiL Cabarrus en . I ...t 10 uD er in rather odious repute ataotrr his hrn... WlP'eM trouble with bim some months ago on the tut-' has Sotflbern institution." Row I " have to sav'' nJ ufIit 5 base, wilful and infe.noue falsehood, as Ihe test. " S :' my brethren, in tbe ministry, will abundantlv .i11"'' H t nnluiuil tmiikl. tinthmn k.a i. """W. Tl matter whieb occurred, not a stated, but over too year ago. r-l . ----- J . District Synod, tbe formation Synod was uuder discussion. 1 and there opposed tbe measure, solely on th it was not tbe proper time, as a full deli-mfL ! ujuvua, hiiihi waa very aesirablcctiniji owing to tbe state of thecouutry. be presenL ,"'H sattsbtctory land-marks could not then be etUbli.h Daring tbe discussion some remarks about luvaii disloyalty were made by an injudicious member h , 14 a word i ben, before nor since, was uttered in I. u. :..M4 1- Ht,:k 3 - e ' u iron.. mm i, 1 1 ... h , icntii 1 " our Southern institution.1 prsvity the heart that is capable of perpetrating M bull -"-. ucvoicu inenasbtn mnA. - erons support I receive from the people of mr ri, and the citizens of this community all good and trn?" ever was or ever will be " tbe sanctimoniom r.;. !? : r Til. mMMUu tthlnM 1 - J g. , . . feclion that presides over the WM&.mi"-t,;0?. ,? r ! foaadedi and matictoaa character of his eha., . vile a calumniator I cannot but apply theworrfi .7" Paul tn Rlvmaa tl fi.ll f .11 ..Xl.l'.. "l?"'.?' f 8l - v w v wa vain muu mil miu.l . thou child of tbe deeiL thou enemy of all righuSz wilt l boo nut cease to pervert the right ways of theL?l The object of the above flagitious assault npon mebii fold, first, to seek revenge for a tuvpoted insult S secacd, to injure Mr. Holden by attempting to creit. it doubly false impression that he is supported by a , few only, and those sucb a are untrue to their count No gentleman, of tbe slightest respectability would actuated by either motive. The first is devilish th. .T ond is little better. ' Finally. I would recommend to tbe serions consiim. lion of Mr. Bruner, tbe very tapieat editor or that wortil." less Destructive sheet designated the Salisbury wIZ man, a sublimely interesting passage Of Scripture. wSS he will find by referring to ftTTti chap., stb versT Lt v Wr clause. "A LUTBEBAN PBKACHEB" "SgBWaaaaaa-aMaaaaa .p- TO THE SOLDIERS AND CITlZPiia (VOTERS) OF NASH COUNTr.-As it will be L!! : possible for me to see you all between now snd the fi ' ' Thursday in August, I take tbis method ot niakine knn to yon my "principles and views." I am in favor of!. honorable peace as soon as it can possibly be obtaiJi l and think that efforts should bar been made lone Z?Z ! stop this cruet, bloody sod desolating wir. ? I was never a secessionist always opposed those who said secession would be peaceable, or if we had war ih : wonld pay the expenses with ten cents and wipe no til -the blood with a pocket-handkerchief. 1 am not oot of "the last dollar and last man " gentry. I thought aod still think tbe people have tbe right to hold meeting, t oonsult together for the promotion uf their uwn interest. am cppoi.t to a turptntvm of th wrti of habtat corpu and placing th whole pomr of th country in the hand, of one man. In short I am a Conservative of tbe " straiten sect," an out and out, through and through, up and down Conservative and peace man. If yon elect me I promi. not to vary a hair's breadth from tbe principles of tht 1 great and growing and glorious Conservative party. Yourbanibie servant sod friend, , " - JAMES D. MATTHEWS. June 9, 1884. - 87 te. WJB ARE AUTHORIZED TO ANNOUNCE E. M. VyELBUKN as a candidate to represent tb County of Wilkes in tbe House of Commons at the ensoinr June 6, 1864. 8 td fKlO THE VOTERS OF CHATHAM COIR. si TY. 1 take ibis method of informing my Irieudsaoi tbe pnblie that I am a ean -idate for tbe office of Sheriff ii the said County. My principles are truly -Conservative, and I will feel under many obligations for the support of my friends. 1 shall canvass tbe Couuty if my health will I1'- . P. SNIPES. New Hope, June 6, 1864. . 88 ttpd. TO THE PEOPLE OF RUTUEKFOltD AND POLK COUNTIES : - Fellow-Citizens, I aa. nounce myself a candidate to represent the people of Ruth erford and Polk in the House of Commons of the next General Assembly.' My uriociplea snd views are those of a Conservative after the straitest sect" lam for as honorabl e peace by negotiations ; and I bold that it is the duty of tbe representative to be gevtrned by the willof his constituents . If elected I will do all ia my power to serve you, and and our brave soldiers, and to secure en honora ble peace JAMES W. ADAMS. June,l64 84-tdpd. OHWfTOOf COONTY.-WE ARE AU- . ttonxedandiatrueeted to announce tbe foilowwr gentlemen as the Cousemative eandidajea to rereat 4he county ef Johnston in tbe next tfewral Assembly : Por tbe Senate THOS. D. SNEAD, Esq. For tbe Commons W. G. BANKS snd W. A. SMITH. This ticket was selected by tbe Reserves from Johnston, tn camp at Goldsboro', and by a mass meeting ot tbe citi zens remaining at borne, held at Smithfleld on the 88th of May. These gentlemen will be supoorted bv ell true Con servatives lbey endorse the platform of Vice President StepbeOH, Got. Brown and W. W. Holden, and if elected will do all tbey ean to procure an early and honorable peace. June 2,18m. 26 td. E ARE AUTHORIZED TO ANNOUNCE Capt. T. W. ElTrEB, aa a candidate for re-elee-tion to tbe House 0f Commons from the Coontv of Moore. Captain Bitter is a Conserrative "after ths straitest sect." MJl. 1864- u-id. AVrpsON COUNTY. WE ARE AU. tbonzed t snnormce LEWIS HANES, Esq ,at a candidate to represent the people of Davidson County In tbe House of Commons of tbe next General Assembly. MayH(,l8fi4, - Sltd. WE ARE AUTHORIZED TO ANNOUNCE Lieut. B- H., RAT, of tbe 47th N. C. Beriment, for tbe office uf Sheriff of Wake County, at tbe ensuing election in August next. Mayls1864. v - ia-td. E ARE AUTHORIZED TO ANNOUNCE COL. W. H. A. SHEER, of tbe S8th N C Troops, a candidate at the election on tbe 1st Thursday in August next, to represent the people of the counties of Yadkin, Snrry, Alleghstiny, Ashe and Wataugit in the Senate ia the next Legislature of North-Carolina. May ii, ta4. 19-tdpd. Bfrnftft REWARD. STOLEN FROM IJJWW tbe subscriber on tbe night of 8d instant. oue bay atAKK, three years old, large and-likely. Her mane lies on the left aide rather dapple bay. black legs, mane and tail. Taken br Vaughn's Cavalry. Any person that will return said Mare will receive the above reward. .u - .. JESSE VANNOY. vTilbars, N. C.May 23, 1884, 28-6w. tW All ibe State naoera codv sin waAi and forward - accounts as above. WANTED IHf MEDIATELY AT THIS office, two rood comDositora. Tha hivlual PH ..... . . ... . r June 8,11014. 25 tf. WANTED ANY NUlHBER OF PAM phlets in large or small lots. Apply at this office immediately, June 2, 1864. 28 tf. FAMILY FLOUB AND BACON HAMS. In store and for sale at lowest market rati ' .... James m. towlrs nwonrn, mmj ov, loo. Eft Y FT IAN CORN BONA FIDE QUID PRO O.U0. The subscriber offers to farmera through oat the eountrr tbe EGYPTIAN CORN, wbich, upon trial, mwma "....A .1 1 . I ... C i . I ' - iwuiiw iijicii tuujiMH ctco mi urat ui juiy. xt it es timated, from its very prolifie qualities, to yield 200 bush els per sere, ant weighs, by sealed measure, sixty-firs pounds to tne oaanei -. i'nia sjova waa prawaced from soots irocured direct from Mr. Jones, our Consular Agent, direct yon his return from Egypt. It; nofds oojdifferedt culture fran Ibat of other varieties and, io the South, two crops can be raised in one season on we same grounu. it grows in the form or a tree, ana twenty-two ears hargrowa npon one stalk, and will aver age front five to fifteen. Por domestic uae, it is unparal leled. When ground and Dronerlv hoi tad it is canal in otor and fineMn to wheatcn flour. As a' fKrare crop, by sowing in drills or broadcaft, for early feed, there is bo kind of oor 11 so well adopted to milch cows, snd none tbst will yiid heif tbe value in stalk or corn. It ean beauccreefully grown in any Btate. i 1 can give the most satisfactory reierences that the Corn is in every respect, what I represent it to be ; snd further I dm tbe only person throughout the country woo bu this variety of Corn. . Having secured quantity, I am now able to fill all ordeis for those deal root of testing it. To say person who will enclose, in a letter. Five Dollars tn stamps or currency, directed tome, I will send, postage Ciid, suffie'ent Corn to produce enough to plant.- tbe fol wmg year, from twenty to thirty acres. Also, direction for planting and cultivation. Any person who will get np a dub of I ve will receive a package gratis. Give your full name, poatoOee, county and State, writ ten plain, so that no errors may oeenr. Address FRANK B. G. LI1TDSEY, . Ravea'a Neat P. 0 Washiagton County, Vs. EGYPTIAN CORN. F. B, G: Undsey has presented ua a ear of his Egyptian Corn, heretofore advert wed in our paper. Tbeearossa solid gram. A lady, who raised some of it last year, sends ua a certificate stating that sbe saw some that bad not been plowed it was sown broad east that produced twelve ears to the stalk. Abingdon Virginian. May 24, 1844. - - H-wttpd JOB-WORK OF EYERY DESCRIPTION neatly and expeditiously exeeutsd at the standard joOatj. LAND DEEDS, MARRIAGE LICENSES, and ma ny other kinds of blanks now an band. May 12, 1844. ltf. few rnuuths ago tI7l SVtb . When at a awS.: Ss IWtl a. wiiu me - t , .is ..x -.vry of -sonthew ;-jmr L and tim. .u.1"!! .' i -T. "id iL - - . - twe- EI ; ajrK ' re tbe v i '. .tht bo to ' Pe Ul 8 ao ' Hi ic ."tt .'-.. 1 A r. 'I:
The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
June 15, 1864, edition 1
2
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