Newspapers / The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, … / Oct. 12, 1864, edition 1 / Page 2
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THE WORTH CAROLINA STANDARDS WEDNESDAY, GOT. 12, 1864. -THE 'COUNTRY CLBRCYJIJUI. . Sear yonder copse, where once the garden smil'd, And still where many a garden flower grows wild ; There, v. hero a few torn shrabs the place disclose, The village preacher's modest mansion 'rose. A nun he was to all the country dear, And pissing rioh wi:h forty pourttM a year ; Rem to from towns he ran his godly race,' jr o'er had chang'd nor wished to change his place. .Unpractic'd he to fawn or seek lor power. By doclrjnes fashion'd to the varying hour ; Far other aims his heart hadloarn'd to prise, More sViU'J to raise the wretched than to rise r His house was known te all the vagrant train, Jlechid their wandVings but rolievM their pain;. . The long remeraber'd beggnr was his guest, W hose beard descending swept his age! breast ; Tho ruin'd spendthrift, now ro longer proud, . Olaim'd kindred there, and had his claim allow d ; Tho broker: soldier, kindly bade to stay, fiat Kv hit tfr anit ulic'd the nieht away, Wept e'er his wounds, or tales of sorrow done, Shoulder d his crutch, and show'd how fields were Meas'd with his guests, the good man learn'd to glow, , . And q'ltte forgot their vices in their woe ; Careless their merits, or their faults to scan, His pity gave 'ere charity began : . Thus to relieve the wretehed was his pride, And even his failings lean'd to virtue's side;; ' But in his duty prompt at every caH,' He watch'd and wept, he felt and pray'd for all ; . Ami, as a bird each fond endcarraenwirie. To tempt its new.fludg'd offspring to the skies ; He tr,-'d each art, reprov'd each dull delay, Allur'd to brightor worlds and led the way. Besides th i bad where parting life was laid. And sorrow, guilt, and pain, by turns disroay'd, Tbe reverend champion stood, at his control Despair and anguish fled tho struggling soul ; Comfort &ue down the trembling wretch to raise, And his last falt'ring acsonts whisper'd praise. At church, with uievk and unafleeted grace, Ilia looks adorn'd the venerable place; Truth from his lips provail'd with double sway, And fools who caiu-j to scoff reinain'd to pray : The service past, around the pious man, With rel-zl each honest rustic ran ; EVn children follpw'd with endearing wile, And pluck'd his gown, to share the good man's smile; . -His ready smile a parent's warmth cxpresi, Their welfare pleas'd hiin, and their cares distrust ; To them his heart, his love, his griefs, were giv'n, But all his serious thoughts had rest in heav'n ; . As pome tall ciift that.lifts its awful form, Swells from the vale and midway leaves the storm, Tho' round its breast the rolling clouds are spread, Eternal sunshine settles on its bead. Goldttnith. MR. IIOYCE'S LETTER. "Wissiboro', S. O., Sept. 29, 1864. nis'Eicellemy, Jefferson Davis: Sib: Tho Democratic party of the Unit ed States, in tlieir recent Convention at Chicago, resolved that if they attained power they would apjree to an armistice and a Convention of all the States, to con sider the subject, of peace. I think that action demands a favorable response from : our Government. You are the only person who can make that response, because our Congress does not meet until after the time appointed for the Presidential elec twin. If our Congress met in time, I should propose theaclion I desire taken to that body, and submit to its judgment my argument ; but as that opportunity does not occur, I have no alternative but to remain silent, or address myself to yon. I cannot consistently, with . my ideas of duty, re main silent. I therefore address myself to yon. We are waging war to obtain a mftisfaetory peace. By a satisfactory jl&si'ce, I mean a peace consistent with tho preservation af our free institutions. By a satisfactory peace, I do not - mean that cessation of hostilities which might, after a protracted contest, result from the ox- haustiou of the belligerents, whereby tho sword would fall from their nerveless hauls, their hearts a prey to the furies. Such a peace as tint would be but a hol low truce, in which-cach party would bo . incessantly preparing for a new, final aud d?cisive struggle. The peace which I mean is a peace which reconciles the inte rests and the feeling of the belligerents ; a peace, in short, which restores harmony. Unless we can obtain snch a peace as this, our republican institutions totter to their fall, and we become the subjects of a mili tary despotism. Every Government mnst . exist; that is the law ofits being. If it is attacked by great force it must bring a proportionately "great force to its defence. If its forjn is such as not to furnish military 6'rongth to the full extent of its means, it mnst 'disregard that form. Tho Republi can form, especially the form of a Confed eracy il" free States, is not the best adapt ed for war. ' In fact it is a peace establish ment. Tho form best adapted to war is a national military despotism. The Republic at war is gradually passing ino military despotism. As the war continues and the prossure of its enemy increases, this transition is accelerated. & Republic forced to the wall by a powerful enemy mnst end in despotism. If we turn our eyes to Europe we find only two nations . 1 V..nr itn.f tffi-ifir.no Umflf Kriroin on1 j Switzerland. Why is this? The reason s h obvious, lhe necessity ot oeing con stantly in the highest state of preparation for war, compels every country to the ut jriist development ofits military strength. ' Absolute . government is a part of that Plate of preparation, and therefore absolute .government is tho ordinary condition ' If ihffo wore no- other obstacle to France beinsr a reoublic. the immense standing .1. -.4. -1 .- '..1T,1 1 i..il... f J ujiuorai nis, wouiu uu whuiushu. rrmiuB r! is compelled to keep 000,000 men always in anus. France it obliged therefore to i bo what she i?, a military despotism. Take the case of LVussi i in the celebrated r l i.j I . ..,..... i.- .. .. oven years war. suppose ner institutions bad been liberal, What would have been the result 1 Frederick the Great would either have had to abandon the struggle, or seiza all power. . Kothir.g but absolute power in the hands' of Frederick euabled lii tut u come forth victorious from the con tost. II? sacrificed everything else fn Prussia to the one idea of military strength. As Prussia Ltd no natural defences, .ami was greatly interior in strength to the other groat powers, it was necessary to give exclusivTSd'e'vlopment to tho military idea ; UvrspfiiewSk did:" As Maeanly said, he made Prussia " ii'l stiii." This was logical in Frederick. To save Prussia it was neeussary to give her the maximum ot mil'tary ttriyigtli b, did tbi. Prnn- Kiastili has n. place o the map, bnt he made no effort to s.tve liberty.' Frederick HZArTi - V i V I leu it an entrencnea camp, inoonj was never thought of. It is impossible in her condition. Tf Ptaanfa. with her excelleafc population were at a viiaidistalico froml where she is, and protected by pceaos ana mountains. Riianicrkt ha a rettkblio: hilt where she faiitis ifflbossitrto. "tfe Ite conW tinent of Europe no State can exist with free institutions, becanso tho form of gov ernment mnst be snch as famishes the freatest amount of military strength. erhipsitmay be said that Switzerland contradicts my theory. 1 reply that Swit .sarhwd ia an exeeptional casoBfb'Wn eats' of poor people bnried in remote vallies surrounded . by inaccessible nionntains ; they are not worth conqnering. v Besides the imitnal iealonsy of the great powers is their real Safeffuard.- England ,m the only groat and free power in Europe. This ia f nothing Bnt a surveyor's line, separated 4 EnglanU froui France, Jiuglaua wonia De a military '; despotism . as France Is. No country, can be free which has to sleep with her hand on, her sword. . t - But why resort to general reasoning and tho condition of European nations to prove what I have asserted, when the proof stares us in the tace. in the example of our own country. We see it in every sight ; wo feel it in every emotion ; we hear it in t I V1 J QUUUU. IUVII V f ft" ' ment was establisl ilished. every tmne possioio. was done in tho interest of Slate Riglits, every eoncSivablo gnarantee was taken for individual freedom as little as possible was conceded to tho Federal government. The Federal government was "cabinned, cribbed, confined, hedged in by sancy doubts and fears." The school of extreme State Rights were at work framing a Con stitution for a federal government, with the accumulated suspicions of seventy years. Their did their work well. The problems to be solved was the framing of a Federal government, with tho minimum of power to function. I thought at tho time it was useless labor, because I con ceived, in the humility of my judgment, that the Constitution of a country was that which its necessities pointed out, and that you could not in advance say would be tho necessities of a Confederacy exposed to perpetual war with, a neighboring power of superior force. But the framers of our Constitution were not deterred by any snch considerations as these from their work. They established thoir Confederacy, guard ed and limited in tho interest of the riglits of the separate States as much as possible. Well, wo have been at war not quite four years, and what is the result! Is not our Federal government iu tho exerciso of eve ry possible power of a national centralized military despotism ? Suppose there were no Stares, only provinces, and unlimited power was conferred upon you and Con gress, what greater powers would you ex ercise than yon now do? Have we not carried conscription to its last limits? Is not every man in the country between 17 and 50 subject to military authority ? None are exempt except upon considera tions of public interest. Have we not been compelled to lay .direct taxes in tho vry teeth of the theory of the Constitu tion! Have we not issued such vast amounts of papor money as to unsettle all values? -Have we not compelled the hold ers of our paper money to fund it, or lose one-third! Have we not seized all the railroads? Have we not destroyed rail roads and built others ! nave we not es tablished an universal system of impress ment of property, at .our own prices, in our own money ? Uave we not establish ed a government monopoly of the expor tations of the great stapl s of the country ! Have we not forbidden the importation of luxuries? Have we not compelled those whom we permit to remain at home, to execute bonds to furnish their products to us at oar prices! " Have we not suspend ed the writ of habeas corpus t Have we not introduced the passport system, which, wo used to think,bolonged exclusivclyto the iron despotisms of Europe ! In short has not our Federal government done every thing that a centralized military despotism could do! Indeed if you were appointed Military Dictator, what greater powers would you exercise than yon now do ! I al- udeto tlieeo things net to complain ol them, but to lament them. If you tell me they are necessary, I reply that is precisely uiy argument. My argument assumes and re quires that necessity. It is plain that our government exercises tho powers of a cen tral despotism. 1 blame no one tor it. 1 am sure those, who are at the head of the government would gladly have it other wise,- but necessity compels the course they have taken. But I shall be told, per haps, this necessity, is limited to the war, and when peace returns we will go back to our old state of liberty. That depends upon the kind of peace. A peace without reconciliation carries in its bosom the seeds of new wars. This armed peaco and its offspring war would fasten upon us perma nently a central military dospotism. It i common to hear it said that tho United States havo gono into despotism. If so. then it is a very sad truth tor us, tor that would develop their-maximum military power, and would, of course, necessitate the same thing ia the same way on our prt. lhe truth is, wo are vitally interest ed in the preservation of free institutions in the Northern States, because the people of the United States will not mako their own institutions, but they wilLmake ours. If they acquire their maximum military strength by going iiito despotism, we must do the saine, just as if they were to origi nate new and overpowenngly destructive modes of warfare, we would have to re sort to tho same or be overwhelmed. Some person's of intelligence concede that tuo JNorthern people havo gone into des- tiotistn, bnt ridicule the. idea of such a ca amity befalling us. To such I would re ply, we are but human beiugs, not Gods, aud we" acted upon a necessity as other people. Tho'trntli is, that the government at Washington has not dared to exerciso power on the grand scale that our govern ment has. The Lincoln government lias not ventured to resort to an effective con . scripiion ; it ha not resorted to taxation as wo havo ; it has no tax in kind ; it does not prohibit imports; it docs notmonupo- pressmenta. It plays the ..tyrant, but .it hesitates to'seize thfe$ceptre. . I think I have ertabhahed my proposi- t tiori that otqr Republicau institutions are lost time we naye peace ccompanieu bynnji4 th JNettfi. The great qnestiorf for us then is: How are -we to obtain Buch a'peace ? Before I consider this question, I would call your attention to this fact, that the peace we are to make with the North, is ta be made by us and the North alone. There is no probability of an J foreign Jntereiir. tlbn 5" bythaTI mean any armed interfer ence in quhehalf. wThe peace between the North and the South, when it. comes, mnst come then 'by the action of tliese parties alone. ' Foreign powers will not in terfere. The' question then is : How are tliese belligerent States now so fiercely enr geu, lO UlHBIIl Ulio pouun v ii.il ictuuvir iation, which I have said is "necessary, to preserve their Republican form of govern- mcntf It is a great question; I now ap proach it. ' - ;f' ' ' I admit in the first-place that a success ful military defense is indispensable ; with out that nothing can be anticipated but utter ruin. But is this all I I think not. There is something over and above success in war. That is political policy. If Mr. Lincoln remains in power, there is no hope of accomplishing anything by . political Mr. Lmcoln is the exponent or f J - i y me ianaticisin ana natrea at me norm. He holds power because he is the expo nent of lese sentiments of his party ; in order to be master of others, he has to bo their slave. He cannot be rational upon, the subject of tdavery, because he repre sents madmen ; he cannot exercise what Burke calls thy truest 'political wisdom, magnanimity, because he represents ma lignants. Besides Mr. Lincoln is commit- i ted by his past career to the most violent course. If he had been a statesman when he became PresHent he could by a wise policy have restored harmony. But in the great crisis, when statesmanship could have accomplished so much, he uses no effort to harmonizo, but yielded himself up a mere instrument of the foolish mob, as if statesmanship came from below up wards. Mr. Seward by his speeches made , in the winter, of 1800, showed that he comprehended the policy of conciliation, but jnst at tho moment when it became necessary to put iu force his fine maxims he found no uso for them. Mr. Lincoln's mode of carrying on the war, his emanci- i pation policy, the licence he gives his ar my to commit the greatest Outrages shows that he relies on nothing but force. I con fess, therefore, I have no hope of Mr. Lin coln as a pacificator. I should as soon havo selected Charles IX. to pacify the Huguenots after tho massacre of St. Bar tholomew. But fortunately Mr. Lincoln and those he represents, are not all of the North. There is a powerful party there which condemn his policy. "The party is rational on the subject of slavery. It rep resents whatever of amity or conservatism is lett at tiie North. This party proposes that the war shall cease at least tempora rily, and that all the States should meet in amicable council, to mako peace if possi ble. Tin's is the most imposing demonstra tion in favor of peace made at the North since the war broke out. I think our only hope of satisfactory peace, one consistent with the preservation of free institutions, is in the supremacy of this party at some time or other. Our policy, then, is to give this party all the capital wo can. Yon shoi Id, therefore, at once in my opinion, giro this party all the euconragemont pos sible, by declaring your willingness to an armistice, and a convocation of -all the States in their sovereign capacity, to enter upon the subject of peace' The theory upon which this party goes, is that we are will ing to cease hostilities, at least temporarily, and meet in council to obtain peace if pos sible. The theory upon which Mr. Lin coln goes is, that there is no nso to attempt any negotiations with us; that the. sword is the only arbiter. Onr policy is to show that the theory of the Chicago party is the true one. To put. this matter in another light,det ns ask the question, what is. the policy that Mr. Lincoln wishes us to pur- Biie i Ut course he wishes us to verity his theory and falsity the opposite theory. He wishos to treat the advances of the Chicago Convention with contempt; He wishes to be able to say to the North ern people, "see the government at Richmond tramples upon your tenders of peaceful negotiation, McCiellan -could ac complish nothing by negotiation, war is all that is left, don't remove me, 1 am carry ing that on with especial zeal." When we know what Mr. Lincoln wanta ns to do, then we know very certainly what we ought to do. It may be . said, the proposed convoca tion of the States is unconstitutional. To this I reply.-we can .amend the Constitu tion. It may be further objected that to meet the Northern States in Convention, is to abandon our prssent form of govern ment. But this no more follows than that their meeting us implies an abandonment of their form of government. A 'Con gross of tho States in their sovereign ca pacity w the highest acknowledgment of tho principle ot State Rights. This im posing assemblage is, in my opinion, the best, while it is the most august tribunal to which the great question of p'e.ace could possibly be referred. Iraaw'ne this grand council of States in the act of con vening after the people everywhere in peaceful possession of the right to elect their ambassadors, had done so. : What a snblinie spectacle it would present. There would bo nolhing to compare with it in rrnral grandonr in ancient or modern times. The friends of humanity and pro gress, and civilizatioh, and. all Christians . m every land would rejoice at the specta cle, and millions in every clime, the good everywhere, would- mingle their prayers in all tongues for far auspicious issue to those greac deliberations. The questiou rosTs with you. The responsibility is with yon, the consequences will be with your' country. You and Mr. Lincoln can never make peace. Tou may traverse indefin itely the same-bloody circles you have been moving in for tho last four years, but you. will never approach any nearer than yuy now aro. Your only hope of peace - A Tm. 1 aU. i. J In the ascendancy ot tne vwnservnuvo party North. Fortify that, party if you can Dy victories, Dut uo not. uegwviw macy. It jtha oast of freat king, $hat:4e gained more ckies-Wr is policy, tna by his ;nB3.. wej power engaged with a, steftgtfr nfnst malto- up in sagacity 'for'what it lacks in physical force, otherwise the monuments of its glory become the tombs, of its nationality." With sentiments)' the highest respect, 7 1 remain, your fellow citizen, WILLIAM W. BOYCE. The Position of the Standard in 18C3. Exlrael rm the 2hrtk. Carolina Standard, ofdat " " ; Augutt Klh, 1863. . : . -iM ., ' The Ohurter reminds i' us that when this State needed (for they would pass Mr. Craige's tectuion ordinance,) from the old government, that act was V final." JjoitwM toall human appearances, and. so we hope it may be. We hope the State aeted ' finally," and we still think she acted " wisely." When two evils are before as, and there is no escape, ; true wisdom Is shown in choosing the lesser eviL r Our State did that Her people did not dasire to cede, -v They were wiling to try the administra tion of Abraham Lincoln, and to rely meanwhile on the great body of the American people to rescue the government from sectional conflicts, to restore to it a national administration, and thus perpetuate it if possible, for all time... They felt that, having with them both branches of tbe Congress and the Su preme Court, President Lincoln could not seriously . injure their property in slaves, nor deprive them of their rights in the territories, even if be would. They intended, if he attempted such a thing, to re sist him in Jhe Union, aided as they would have been by one million of national men in his own sec tion. If, during this trial, he had driven our 'peo ple with their slaves from the common territories, or attempted in any way by an overt act to impair our right to our slaves in the States, they would have xncceeded, with the help of their Northern ! lies, not only in checking him, but in punishing him for such maladministration ami corruption in office. But the precipitate and wicked action of the cotton States on the one hand, , and tho cruel and wicked policy of President Lincoln on the other, left ns no alternative. We were ohligtd to figiit our fuIlbrother of the South or our half brother of the North. We chose to do the latter, and we acted " wisely." If we had not flone so, we should have been trampled by both armies we should have had civil war among ourselves the North would have despised us for our want of manhood, and the South would have Tegarded us as false to our Own in stincts and our own blood. We repeat, our State was not a free agent she was obliged to pursue the course she did. Thoughtful and sagacious men, while they trod unshriakingly tho' path of duty, saw before them tbe fires of civil war, but. beyond these fires all was darkness and uncertainty. Act ing "finally" as they hoped, they put every thing to the arbitrament of arms. The result is partially before us. The abolitionists of the North and the original secessionists of the South, acting and react ing on each other, have in all probability " proved themselves the most skilful architects of ruin that any age has produced." Slavery has suffered more injury during the last two years than would proba bly have befallen it in the long sweep of Sfty years under the old government " The peculiar champions of tbe institution have placed it, we foar, on the high road to extir.cMon. Ar.? j'ist here, we beg leave to gay to the Observer, is source of one cf the cost serious apprehensions of our people. The sudden emancipation of our slaves in our midst would be tbe greatest blow which could be inflicted on South ern society, ft would ruin this generation beyond redemption, and its effects would be felt for ages, to come. Nor wowW thw ruin be partial. It would include the non-slaveholder as well as the slavchol-' der, and finally tbe slave himself. Subjugation, if it should be in reserve for ua, would be emancipa tion. Hence our people,' while they are for contin uing the strnggt", and while they are still anxious if possible to make good their "final" separation, are nevertheless disposed- to pry into the future, to see if, in the Uut retort, something better than sub jugation cannot be obtained. If tbe worst should stare Iheiu in the Nee, as it does not now, but as it may, they would have peace under certain circum stances ; yet if the worst should come, and they could see no honorable mode of escaping it, they would all die together with their slaves and their little ones, fighting with a desperation which the world'h&M never witnessed. The Ohurvtr is deposed to twit us 'hn our decla ration in Mav, ISol. that this State had pledged to the cause ber " last -man and last dollar." Let u aee if this pledge has notbeen redeemed. This Stat has aent 95.000' men to the neld. Tnis ' comprises all her fighting population, (of course we did not meau to inolnde the old men ami yearling boys,) save those between 40 and 45, now'heing conscript ed, and about 10,000 able-bodied original secession ists, who refused to redeem the pledge which- thy authorized us to make in May, 18tiL So much for the "last man." Our debt. County and State, u equal in amount to one-tenth of what the whole Slate would bring in market.' in silver and gold. The " last dollar " in bpecie, or in convertible paper, has lung since disappeared. , Tbe State could n duubl borrow Confederate money a a premium of two for one that is, sne could sell one of her out hundred dollar bonds for twe hundred dollars ; but ten dollars in gold will purchase one hundred did lara in Ceiifelerate money ; and it follows that she could sell her bonds lor only ten cents in the dollar in specie. So much for iho ' last dollar." We re gut to have to make these statements, but we ar ooligeu to do so ut seuueiance. The Oburrer, very ingeniously, and very justly in one bense, says that negotiations for peace can be instituted ouijr through the Confederal govern ment. Bui we uiu&k loos at things s they are, ami ikii as we would have them. It dir. Lincoln should so far recognise Mr. Daria as to open negotiation with him, he would surrender the hla question of the war. To tidal villi the' Confederate govern ment for peace is to reeognue sbat government. Will Mr. Lincoln do thai ? No. Will be ever do it T Not unless tho Northern Governors and Legislatures shall rise up ud command him to do it. Is that probable! Not in ibe presont stoats of things. We may vtrrg ibe Northern people to such a point, or we might so interest foreign powers aa to indue them to take steps which would lead to such a re Suit; but are these things probable f Not just now not, we fear, for some time to come. What then T Shall we again invade tbe Northern States and so-distress thtm by fire and sword as to com pel 'them to sue for peace 1 Can we do that ? Are wo able to do it? We fear not What then ? 1' the federal government will hot hear the Confeder ate government, it may bear the aevereign States The people of the States, North and South, by mil tual co operation, mty oltain aft arm it tie. If that can be done, the tear will beat an. end. Is it not worth the trial f . If the two armies should one rest to listen to the voice of negotiation, our woru for it hostilities wouid not be resumed. The whole question would pass, and pass finally into the hands of the statesmen of the two sections. " Grim-vis-agod war would noiooth bis w.inkled front" the arbitrament of tho swuid would give place to. the voice ol discussion aud negotiation reason would lie substituted for pvssion and revenge, and the ex asperations of the two- sections, c-wltnl and sobere-l by reflection and a calm survey of the entire situa tion, past, present and iuture, would leave the mind of tbe country in a condition to devise aonn means for restoring peace on terms honorable to all Nor will these movement! by the Spates depress or dis couraged our soldiers in the field. On the contrary, they will fight and endure witb renewed checi ful ness when they know that their friends at home are . omitting ao steps thai may promise to crown them with the reward of all tfceir toils a just arid honor able peace. But it w eaid that some of the cotton States are already greatly distressed, and that they' may soon indicate a wish Ibr negotiations. Butthev are already subjugated, and at ibe mercy of lhe ene my. . Uiasiaaipel eJLooimeueareprOkir'e, sullen and silent They have ceased, so far as their peo pie at home are concerned, bath to figtit and talk for peace. They art powerless. Souih-Carolina and Alabama may aooa be in a Similar condition. Must we await the action of. these States ! And if .we do, are we, with arras in our hands, unsubdued, with the port and spiritof freeman still characterising our people, to be boned b) viLat titty wy agree to? They n no condition to offer terms, but we are. We may interpose to obtain terms for them fend mmlte, "hot they are comparatively power Jess, with Ike hoof of the invader . already oa tba)r 'breaeea, . The Obeereer says, " if we had gamed eon treat victory, or series of victories" recently, there woold be some sense in proposing to nego- IMK" ink when snail we gam even one great tic-,, tory f Still, suppose we should, as we hope we may, what would be the result? What is to become of Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, and Western Vir ginia ? Does any one believe that a great victory would not encourage our government to insist that all Ihese States shah go with) as? i Will one. great victory, or a series of-victories, wrest from the ene my the Mississippi valley? . .Ajte weJUkelv toTe ' tapture Ticksburg, Port' Hudson, Memphis, Natch ez, and Nashville, or either Of them ? We fear sot. Can we even drivetheenemy from .Newborn, in our own State f Will we be able three months hence to hold the Wilmington and Wsldani Road? 13 Charleston Safe ? Is Richmond entirely sale? These are questions which deserve the moat serious con sideration. - Reasoning and' reasonable beings mvt. look ahead, if they would profit by the lessons of the past or provide for the future. The farmer wW pitches his crop, and this mechanic Who casts off his work, look ahead and provide for events. Snail those who have In charge the affairs of a great peo ple be less thoughtful and less forecasting I . "The wise man foreseeth the evil and hideth himself, but' fools pass on and are punished.". Tbe Obeerttr does us tbe justice to say that we re opposed to reconstructing the old government. We are opposed to it, and have been from the first, whatever some of our correspondents may have been permitted to say to the contrary ; bnt having put the whole matter on the issue of . the sword having discarded reason under the pressure of cir cumstances we could not avoid and appealed to phy sical force, we do not hesitate to say that before we would see our State permanently subjugated and trodden down, as Mississippi is; wo would consent to a restoration of tbe eld government, or the estab lishment of a new common, government, with all our rights guaranteed, as the lesser evil. But we would avoid this by all tbe means in our power, aa a great political and sectional nomination; and leuce we are for fighting aud talking- at the same time for some settlement which will leave at least portion of the slaveholding States under a separate, common government, f forced to choose between the two evils, we would rather live with than under the Northern people.: Our resentments are as strong as tbey can be .against those who have car ried tire and sword through our country, and many of whose soldiers bave committed wanton and cruel outrages on our, people; but we could net, as a ra tional being, .sacrifice the happiness and the lives of both races in the South merely to gratify hatred and revenge. ... North-Carolina aud the War. ' Extraetfrom " The Battle of Great Bethel," by 4 Frank I. Wilson, Eaq. ' 1 . Let it be remembered that the firtl blood eihed in thit war, in regular battle, wot ihed at the battle or Great Bethel ; and. let it alto be rrmtnbered that the firtt blood of a Southern toldierthat ttaintd Confederate toil, vat the blood .'of a North Cu.ro- ttman young Wyatt, who knew not the meaning of fear, and was. .insensible to danger when and where duty called. He was but a- private soldier, but no braVbr spirit has more nobly perished on the battle-field, whether clad in uniform or in humble garments. And from tbe day of his death the troops of North-Carolina seem" to have emulated bis example. They have been among tbe bravest and most reliable troops in our armies, and bave been excelled by none. They have ever sprung with alacrity where duty called them, and by their steady, firmness, their determined purpose, their resolve to conquer or die, they have accomplished deeds that will place them among the highest on the scroll of fame, when the truth of history shall be unrolled. Epr all this tbey have not sought praise tbey only want justice, for justice itself is their highest praise. And little, indeed, is the praise tbey bave received, and that little apparently wrung from reluctant tongues, envious pens, and begrudging hearts! On . hundreds of bloody fields thousands of her best and-; bravest sons have fallen with their faces to the foe ; and .their heroism,, and selt; devotion re unciiron icled their glorious deeds are as silent as their .bloody graves. ' . Do North-Carolina troops achieve a victory, the newspapers nearest the scene of operations; either pass it over in silencp or represent it as a small af fair ; or if they speak of tbe bravery of the troops, they strangeiy forget to tell what State the troops are from. If they meet with a reverse, which, thank Godl is seldom, these same newspapers bruit it abroad, magnify it, and ring changes upon it witb apparent delight It is not my purpose to retaliate by concealing the heroism of other troops, or by al tempting to ' . pluck one leaf from the wreath of honor thftt encir cles their ergws; but to contrast the conduct of those papers, and to show their (tm) partiality in chronicling faithfully the events of the day, 1 will say tbey bave sever yet published the fact that North Carolina troops have, on two occasions at least, charged over the prostrate forms of troops of another State, and accomplished the work to which these prostrate soldiers could be neither led nor driven. Let us look at a few recent events. Gen. Ram seur not long since met .with a slight reverse near Winchester, Va. What degree of censure, if any, he merits. I know not But let him be fairly judged and acquitted or punished as he deserves ; ttr I would screen no officer or soldier from merited cen sure, whether from North Carolina or elsewhere. But certain newspapers in and around the seat of Government, seized upon the affair, held it up as " Ramseur's defeat," and seemed delighted to allude to it as " the first reverse to our' arms since Xhn Maryland campaign commenced," Of course this "reverse" was attributable to North-Carolinians, under a North-Carolina commander, - Had they been tronpa from some other State, would, the ' reverse" have been heralded with such a flourish of trumpets? Perhaps the following will answer the question : '. - Quite recently since ."Ramseur's defeat "--Pe-gram's Battery was captufed. and the troops sup porting it repulsed. I know not that "those engaged were to blame. I have no reason to thick they did not fight bravely and do all that brave men could under the circumstances ; but these same news papers touched the affair gingerly cut it off with a paragraph and never mentioned the States from which the troops came a sure indication that they were not from North-Carolina; and they were not A few days afterwards about 5,000 Norlh-Caroli-. nians, with a few other troops, encountered about 17,000 of the enemy at Gravely Hill, not far from Richmond, drove them back several miles, and killed, wounded and captured many ; and yet, if the. editors of these papers have ever heard of the fight at Gravely Hill, I am not aware that, tbey have ever communicated the information .to their readers. In fact one or more of the Rushmond papers,- some Jays after the affair at Bethel, seemed to have doubts about any such battle having been fought at aJL Was it because North Carolina troops, principally, were engaged ? More recently still On Sunday, 21st of August " last, our forces were repulsed in their assault on tbe enemy's lines near Petersburg, on the Weldon rail road. Tirginia papers told us that the repulsa was attribatable to tbe conduct one of them says "the shameful conduct" of a certain brigade which gav - way ai a critical moment, ana coma not be rallied : but they told us not what brigade it was, nor have they yet done se. We all know it was not a North- Uarolirut brigade. On the following Thursday the ehemv was attack. ed neer Reams' Station. 'on the same road, driven ack into their fortifications their fortifications itormed ind carried --and the Yankee hosts scatter ed like chaff before our invincible soldiers Thai ka tO that POOfl Anil arl-h.-! mdmn Hut X aa tta ! tell us in his official dispatch that Cook's. Mcfiao's . and Lane's North Carolina brigade, with Pegrem's 'artillery, composed this assaulting columns. Had not Gen. Lee stated these facts, it is quite -likely none of the Virginia papers would have. troubled thefr readers with the information; ' North-Carolina, too, has fewer high officers tkan any other State that has furnished so many troips. Bat few of her sons have been promoted, and too many of th.se few, here, unwell as elsewhere, have apparently been selected, not 80 muc'i with tefer enceto q-ialifia'.ions as to partisan predilect ons. " Our troops, for the most part, must fight under ofH- iruui oiner otates; inn . affect their willingness to fiZT lh K 1 vrBent nos tin.. 7 neet cherished soniL a n ? of on. ., BetheL For ne.r,yYy;.r he command, but he has not he.B;j,. I" itu. no fine drawn military etiquette. iUlh8uff(L5 and thousands of livJ l"!1?1 to hich .3 and the cause itself put fa JeoST" with hi, love for and duty uffi in many recent Wiles, taken p,rt Z Wi signed to a command for the specj.i ft0:Bell"t J case ,s awakening indignation tne Hearts federacY. and looked more triir..i. .re'Pectj:i who would hold he has the cause of his country at htPTen eel is hot considered. He knows hi, lnd K , will do him justice, and lets not the inW V$ iim by malice or envy or other J J stlCs K ..with.his love of duty- h', mm nown. He ,' Hoi, go aueau. ana ton itti. r 5s 15 quuiucauvns, to render him UUlni. l 7 special favors and place him in tv.. 'is.Pnoti l .motion. -Posterity will do hiru justiei "".e,f sdoptet State, be is content with tWa? North-Carolina, too. Iu .., . portion to her bonulation. th.n ."iWtm. ind the Conscript law has btenZre ;?! forced in her bordars than in thow 0f g"" tS State; yet, because there are some dlll- skulkers xn i her western counties, moreS,"11 whom are from others States, she nt u tid a. "the tory State." d th 1 l tory State, uspended fo fCln,-be-i,Pended for h Pci.l Cfit $M half of Virginia may set up for itself nd ubii 01 Virginia mav set no for itKnir r. coin, and hundreds of her Eastern ctilT have taken an oath of allegiance to AhrT a,I '1 last ; yet We hear nothing of lories tff T 'f and sugar planters "down South" mT m 7 oath of 11,o-inr-o nit ..l,;.i. t . w" tin Jl with what were formerly their o giving the Yankees one half of the prodtu. W we are not told of any tories there. North.Cr'nv t must be made the scapo-goat to bear off th .; . li the other States, to gfay offlcUl" uiance ana envious nearts. She can well fW7 act in this capacity : she can well end,,,, .u. " t(i temptible scoffs and sneers of her traducers. fo,T 'i knows the sun of her fame shines but tL L : brightly, in contrast with their drk condactT wards her, and that she is so far beyond their ! shafts that but for nitv. she emM ani. pitv. she could Hawaii. ' U ' rfvL. . -- '-WIUUII. "-"J lovut, 1UE 1IULU III niBtn -i J 3 i -""-i juoi.wr, arm conscious of iu i ;s she moves along serene and undisturbed, tliou.b.u ''WL lets fall a tear of pity for the depravity of thit 4f sailing her. She asks no official bolstering nohieh wrought eulogies of venal pens and. hireing icril '4 biers. She would blush at any notoriety gienhif '' by such means, and in her honest pride would & nounce such false glitter, knowing it was nottlon " "-"4 She cares not that abuse of her is made a at,;'. iX Stone to court favor and promotion. She knovr. that all such will soon find their level, unfathoin urueaiu nr. cue ao. ner duty, bravely, noblj j V, and is satisfied to bide her time until tbe demons! xation and enviousness of the present day shalllire '' given place to a fairer, less prejudiced and lesg corrupt era. - J One other instance. At the battle of GcttysW r' V' v a certain brigade was hoisted to tho ton of theUu ." . ' . of praise for having stormed and carried a portioe - of tbe enemy's works. It is needless say wlntSuti '-"V- i. these troops were from; tney were not from North. f t 1 1 l ... . l I J 1 1 i . . . - ". t-aronna, or we sbould never bave teard ol the grand achievement The Virginia papers piled felion upon Ossa, and day by day bore ud miteriil J. to add to tbe length, breadth and height of the stu-. pendious pila " j And what are the facts f The works were storm- : ed and carried in spile of a few straggling Yankee left behind, tbe " grand army " having eTacuittd the plaee and commenced its retreat. There hid been, but a little time before, a heavy force (hire. . and had it remained juntil our assaulting columns arrived iC is highly probable that few or noni of " the assailants, would bave escaped. In that case -had they Oeeri North Carolina troops, it would hare been a blunder But honor to the -officers and mm engaged, for they expected formidable opposition; aud 1 mention the affair merely to show with what lacihty Virginia editors can magnify mole bills into mountains when certain troops are spoken of, and reduce mountains to mole hills when other troops torm their theme. Had JNorth-Uarolma troops storm. !i ed these works, the whole affair would most likely -have bean considered a ludicrous joke ; or an attempt : ' mieht have been made to create the impression Uut ."- they knew the works were abandoned, and sought glory which they knew would be bloodless. . lo add insult to. injury, it is also sometimes inti- . mated that tbe North-Carolina troops are put intbe front of the fight, in order that other troops behind them may prevent their running away; but none of them nave ever yet been made to fall while etbtr . troops bave charged over them. Ask Gen. Lee and ether honest officers why they . are so frequently put in tbe front, and tbey' will tell you, because tbey are reliable. At York town North-Oarolim troops were placed in front, and in the retreat from that place tbey brought up the rear. Thui was the post of honor and of danger assigned them in uoU , cases. Quite. recently 0, tell it not in Gath. nor pub lish it in the streets of Richmond 1 these same Vir ginia papers, for purposes beat known, perliai ' themselves, have spoken well of the " honor- ana ,. conservatism of Kortb-Carolina. " Timeo naot et dona ferenta." Still they say nothing of .- the bravery ol our soldiers. If a man has reviled, abused, and spoken contempt uously of you through a series of years, or siignieJ and ignored you, and all at once begins to prase jruu, cn juu rcgaru ii as complimentary i w you believe him sincere?' . Would you not nat urally suppose he had some sinister motive for bit sudden change? if yeu are wise you will watcu him with inceased vigilance. . It must he mortify inc. too. to every true son of North Carolina to see ourowu State papers copring . - r ..I n. . of his countrvmen fu.?.. . ' him J ? - He is now the? . ... cu. n,n, . rt w wun r--;J ttione articles, and expressing thanks and grateiw feelings for them : just as a child who bas tff u scolded, is pleased by a kind word from the one "b b$3I had scolded it. It is too much liko the whipi" v l spaniel that will turn and lick the hand that sroot y him, for a kind pat on the head. No; let tbee abuse ber it is ber praise: their praise is her bane Sordid motives somaliaies nroinnt the laniruu " comnlinant Political iriniil,-ri inna ofleli do tb f li same. Spite atone party not unfrequentlysusge -praise of another, when neither ia regarded wiibMf j -yA kind feelings, the show of kindness being pot.- f : for party .purposes to dupe one into autagons .jv with anotber. North Carolina has too much w to be thus duped, and too much penetration not K see tbe serpent coiled beneath the rose. She above calling upon her defamers to prove her go f character. She can aff.ird to despise both there ana , . their testimony, well knowing they will h weight with an impartial historian. Concious r titude can wait its vindication ; conscious guilts for prope aud stays, and would deceive the wor by creating an impression of its innocence, even 1 pulling down the innocent and building itself upo the ruiaa The guilty, are generally the first ao sers, in order to divert suspicion from thems I To prewsnt" their own conduct being discussed, tjjJ had rather discuss aid draw public attention tow of others. - . North-Carolina reels her fame upon ber " not upon her word. It is not necessiry (ot ber ariame omers. ane is wining 10 awm r: all who deserve it. She seeks the ifij'ir; ' jf-j and she has no fears that others can ii jure g?;-; Calm .and unmoved she pursues tbe even tcn0 bf t her way, appreciating her friends and P1? jj. her foes with silent contempt, mingled with p'V f ,.v the envy of some and the malice of others- -groundless prejudices of those high in autno j ? weierh no more with her than the paltry st I .-j..- sliehti of nettv newsraner scribblers, pun,u.,. M aub-ofDciala and dastardly tools of would be tyw NOTICE! .g0if. Vina DU1TI.1U, iwuai, anu T 111 IL'BMCRIBER IIAS OS EUd auupiy of ih BlisT Toi.et and !h"lfrtll' f ftiao, UoJicalxl Sanp. uid fniin lh viwr Z.tm t-H Spring, which she warrants for its sootbias 'n,Dc V article that ahe is wilitnf to let fJfZ vaausiLVia to.thoiwho may utd them. tew f:. 4 f.H. YrmA rnnfi rintr tin mLI.'IiiImI tO. ...... . t 11 R. f1 Rahigk. Sept. 89, 1 OH. It- 4 1
The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Oct. 12, 1864, edition 1
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