Newspapers / Southern Citizen (Asheboro, N.C.) / July 3, 1844, edition 1 / Page 2
Part of Southern Citizen (Asheboro, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
't The case of the New Jersey election it familiar with every body. There the Whig members who presented them selves at Washington, to tale their teats, bora with them the highest credentials, under the great seal of their State, de monstrating their right to occupy them. They had been regularly declared and returned elected members of the House cf Representatives, by the regular au thorities, and according to the law of me oiaie 01 new jersey. Agreeably to the uniform usage, which had prevailed in that House from the commencement of the Government, jind according to the usage which prevails in every rep resentativc body, they had a tight to de mand to be admitted to their seats, and to hold and occupy them, until any ob jections which might exjst against them should be subsequently investigated. In the case of the four States already noticed, it was important to the inter ests of the dominant party, in order to well their msioritv. that the members returned should be allowed to take their teats, although elected contrary to law. in the xie w Jersey case, it was important to the dominant party to enable it to re tain its majority to exclude the Whig members, although returned according to law. The decision in both cases was adapted to the exigency of party inter est, in utter contempt, bo'h of constitu tion and law ; and it is worthy of obser vation that, in the decision against the Whig members of New Jersey, mem bers, who boast of being emphatically the patrona and defenders of State rights, ? . l . concurred id irampung unaer loot tne laws and authorities of that State. In connexion with the subject on 'which I am now addressing you. the manner of admission of Michigan into it - T - ? .1 f . 1, J . ding to the usage which had uniformly .inn i nvui m urirri) v rm nniiii. ..aav. prevailed, prior to the admission of the States of Michigan and Arkansas, a pre tnonziog tne sense or the people of the territory to be taken, in convention, and regulating the election of members to that body, limiting their choice to citi zens ol the United States residing in the territory. Michigan, without the sanc tion of a previous act of Congress, Un dertook, upon ber sole authority, to lorm a Constitution, and demand admission into the Union. In appointing members to that convention, a great number of aliens, ss well as citizens of the United States, were allowed to vote, against the earnest remonstrances of many resident, citizens. Under these circumstances, ahe applied to Congress to be admitted into the Union.' No one questioned or doubted that she was entitled to be re ceived, whenever she presented herself, regularly and according to law. Hut it was objected against her admission, that she had assumed to act against all usage, without the authority of Congress, and that contrary to the Constitution and laws of the United States, she had per- romea suens 10 pansae 01 me elective franchise. The danger was pointed out, of allowing aliens unnaturalized, and without renouncing their allegiance to foreign sovereigns and potentates, to share in that great and inestimable priv-i'.cge.'- But all objections were unavail ing; the dominant party under the hope cf strenctheninff their interests, in unite of all irregularity, and in contravention cf law, admitted Michigan as a State, into the Union. r In intimate connexion with this case the subject of Dorrism msy be noticed. Rhode Island had an existing govern ment of long duration, under which her population had lived happily and pros-peroastyv-It bad carried ber triumph antly thrwih the war of the revolution. ad borne? her into the .Union, ss one, of Jlie'oricinal thirteen independent sove reign States. .Under the operation of it, the people of no Slate in the Union, in proportion to her population, had dis plnyed more valor, patriotism and enter prize. Dorr did not find his ambitious aspirations rtfticicntty ; gratified under this venerable government, and he un dertook 10 subvert it. Asscning the principle that every pcoplo have a right to alter, modify and change their gov ernment w henever they think proper an absiract principle which, with cau tious limitations, may be true without consulting the established government and the public authorities, he undertook to beat up tor recruits, to hold irregulsr elections, at which persons qualified and .unqualified, dead and living, were pre tended to have voted, and thus securing a Heterogeneous majority, lie proceeded to form a new Constitution and to set up a new, government, in tne mean ita.e, the legitimate and regular govern ment proceeded m operation and prepar i to sustain itself and put down the in tat recticnary oceedmg. Dorr flew to trint and collected a military force, as Irregular aud heterogeneous as his civil cjority jKd been. Uut on toe first ap- pioach of military force, on the part of the legitimate and regular government, surplus lor cxpoitatioa to lortigncocn Dorr look to his heels and ignominious- tries. . ' ly fled, leaving his motly confederates! In considering the policy of introduc to fare aa they might. Now fellow cit- j ing and establishing manufactures in our izens what has been the conduct of the country, it haa a ways appeared to me two partiea in respect ta thia iostirrec4thal we should like a broad and exten tion which at one time, seemed to be so ' sive view, looking to seasons of war. ss threstening f The Whigs, every where, j well as peace, "Zrrd regarding the future, 1 believe to a man, nave nisapprovea ana condemned the movement ot Dorr. It haa been far otherwise with our oppo nents. Without meaning to assert that the whole of them countenanced and supported Dorr, every body knows lhat all the sympathy and encouragement which he has received, have been among them. And they have introduced the subject into theVpresent House of Rep resentatives. We shall see wbst they will do with it. You can readily com prehend and feel what would be the ef fects snd consequences of Dorrism here at the South, if Dorrism were predomin ant. Any unprincipled adventurer would have nothing to do but to collect around him a mosaic majority, black and white, aliens and citizens, young and old, male and female, overturn exiating govern ments and set up new: ones, at his pleaa ure or caprice I What earthly security for life, liberty or property, would re main, if a proceeding ao fraught with confusion, disorder and insubordination, wera tolerated and sanctioned ! Then there is Repudiation that dark and foul spot upon the American name and character now came it there? The stain has been pot there by the De mocratic majority of the Legislature of Mississippi. Under special pleas, and colorable pretexts, which any private man of honor and probity would scorn to employ, they have refused to pay the debts of that State debts contracted by the receipt of an equivalent expended within the State 1 The Whigs of that State, who are the principalTax-paying portion of the population, with remark able unanimity, are in favor of preserv ing its honor and good faith, by a re imbursement of the debt ; but the Demo cratic majority persists in refusing to provide for it. I am far from charging the whole bf the Democratic party. with this shamelul public fraud, perpetrated by their brethren in the State of Missis sippi. Without the State, to their honor be ir said, most of them disapprove it ; and within the State there are many honorable exceptions, among the Demo cratC ' ' Other examples might be cited to proyejhe destructive and disorganizing lendeoiy of the character, tendency and firincfoles of .the Democratic party, but theso will suffice for this occasion If the systems and measures of public poli cy of the tivo parties are contrasted, and compared, the result- will be no less fa vorable to the Whig party. With the Whig party there prevails entire concur rence as to the principles and measures of public policy which it espouses. In the other party we behold nothing but division and distraction their princi ples, varying at different times and in different latitudes. In respect to a tariff, whilst in some places, ? they are pro claiming that free Jrade is the true Do J mocratic doctrine, and the encourage ment of domestic industry federal here sy, in other parts of the Union, they in sist that the Democrats are alone to be relied upon to protect the iodustry oi the country, and that - the Wbiga are oppo sed to tu That is a great practical and adminis trative question, in respect to which there is happily now prevailing among the w higs, throughout the whole Union a decree of unanitnitv ai ncorecedented as it is gratifying. From New Orleans to this place, f have conversed with n - hundreds of lhem. and 1 have not met with a solitary one, who does not assent to the justice and expediency ol the . . - -- x . principle of a tariff lor revenue, with di criminations for protection. On this in teresting question, tellow-citizens, it is nty purpose to sddress jou,' with the ut most freedom and sincerity, and with as little reserv as if 1 we it before an an dience in the Slate ot Kentucky. have lone given to this subject the most impartial and deliberate consideration, of which my mind is capable. I believe that no great Nation ever has existed, or can exist, which does not derive within itself, essential supplies of lood and raiment and the means of defence. I recollect no example to the contrary in ancient or mvdern times. Although Italy did not itself afford all tboe sup plies to Ancient Rome, the deficiency was drawn front her subjugated provin ces. Great Britain, although her com merce encompasses the world, supplies herself mainly from the little island un der her immediate dominion. Limited and contracted as it is, it furnishes her with bread and other provisions for ihe whole year with ibe exception only of a few days;. and her manufactures, not only supply, an abundance of raiment and means of dclncc, but afford a vast as wen as me past ana present, muon- al existance is not to be measured by the standard oi individual life. But it is equally true, both of nations and of in dividuals, that, when it is necessary, we must submit to temporary and present privations, for the sake of future and permanent benefits. Even it it were true, as I think I shall be able to show it is hot, that the encouragement of do mestic manufacturers would produce some sacrifices, they would be compen sated, and more than counterbalanced. 1 . a by ultimate advantages secured, com bining together seasons of peace and of war. If it were true that the policy oi protection enhanced the price ,.of com moditie. it would be found that their cheapness, prevailing In a time of peace,' when the foreign supply might be .open to us, would be ho equivalent for th dearness in a perpd of war, when that supply would be tut off from us. I am not old enough t recollect the suffer ings ol the soldiery and population of the United states, daring the war of Inde pendence : but listory and tradition tell us what they were, they inform us what lives were sacrificed, what discom forts existed, what hardships our unclad and unshod soldiers bore, what enter prizes were retarded or paralyzed. E en, during the last war, all of us, who are old enough to remember it, know what difficulties, and, at what great cost the necessary losing and meats ol de fence were obtained. And who does not feel conscious prido and patriotic satisfaction lhat these sufferings, in any future wsr, will be prevented, or greatly alleviated, by the progress which our in fant manulactures have already made. It the policy of encouraging them wise ly, moderately, and certainly, be perse vered in, the day is not distant when, resting.upon our own internsl resources, we may be perfectly sure of an abundant supply of all our necessary wants and, in this respect, put foreign rowers and Foreign wars at defiance. I know that, from extreme suffering and the neces sity ol the cae, .manufactures, in the long run, would' arise and sustain them selves, without any encouragement from Government, just as an unaided infant cnuu wouia learn 10 rise, 10 siana, ano to. walk 1 but, in 'both instances, great distress may bo avoided, and essentia assistance derived, from the kindness of the parental hand. ) Th advantages arising from the di- vision .. the labor 01 tne population 01 a country 4tc too manifest to need being much dwelt upon i J think the advan tage of a home, ai well aa foreign Mar kets, is equally manifest t but the home market can only be produced by diver sified pursuits, creating subjects of ex changes, at borne as well aa abroad, r 1 one portion offhe oooulationof a count ry be engaged in the business" of . manu facturing, it must derive ita. means 0 subsistance, from the agricultural pro ducts of the country in exchange" (or their fabrics. The eflecl ol these mutu al exchanges it beneficial to both par ties and the whole Country. v ; , The great law, which regulates the prices of commodities, is that of supply and demand, ll tne supply exceed the demand, the price falls; if the demand exceed the supply the price rises. This law win pe iouna 10 oeinvanauiy true a ill 1 . 1 a & a Any augmentation of supply is benen cisl to the consumer but, by establish ingjnanuTactarea in the United-Slates. an aaaiuooai uppiy is ereaieu. . Again, another principle, universally admitted t m. 1 10 m oenenciai 10 consumpuon, is, me principle of competition. If Europe a- lone supply the American consumption of manufactures, Europe will an joy a monopoly in that supply. ' Tliat monop oly, it ta true, will be subject to the com petition which may exist in Lurope but it would be still restricted to that competition. By the existence of msnu ufactures, in ihe United States, an addi tional competition is created, and this new competitor enters the American Market, contending for it with the pre vious European competitors. The re suit is, an increase in Ihe aggregate 0 supply and a conwquent reduction in price. But it has been argued, that the fabrics manufactured in America take ihe place only of so many whicn had been before manufactured in Lurope that there is no greater,. consumption in consequence of the homo manufacture than 'would exist without it ; and that it is immaterial to the consumer whether the theatre of manufacture be Europe or the United States. But I think this an extremely contracted and fallacious view of the subject Consumption is greater in consequence of the existence ; of manufactures at home. They crc- j ate a demand for labor, which would not exist without them, and the employ ment of labor creates an ability to con- aa . . -.a sume, wmcn would not exist wimoui it. How could ihe American loboretnu ployed in manufactures, at home, supply us consumption 01 uurcpean comnigui ties, if it were deprived ol lhat employ ment ? What means of purchsse would it possess f It is in vain to point to Ag riculture; for every department of lhat is already producing supcr-abundently. It cannot be questioned that the chief cause of the reduced price of Cotton is tne excess 01 proaucuon. ne price 01 it would rise, if less were produced, by diverting a portion of the labor employ ed in its cultivation to some other brsncb of industry. This, new pursuit would urnisb new subjects of exchange and those who might embark in it, as well those who would continue, in the growth of Cotton, would be both bene- 2.j 1... . I 1 rrL j nica oy niu;uai exenanges. ine aay will come and is not disinnt, when the South will feel an imperative necessity voluntarily to make tuch a division of a portion of Its labor. Considering ihe vast water power, and other facilities of manufacturing, now waating and unem ployed, at the South, and its possession, at home, of the choice of the raw mate rial, I believe the dsy will come when the Cotton region will be the greatest manufacturing region of Cotton in the world. ' . - - The power of consuming manufact ured articles being increased, in conse quence of the domestic establishment of manufactures, by the wages ot labor which they create, there ia an increase, also in the use and consumption of Cot ton and other raw materials To the extent of lhat increase, the Cotton grow er is directly and positively benefitted a a l 0 r . 1 oy me location 01 roanuiaciures ai nome instead of abroad. But suppose it were true that the shift ing to a certain extent, of the theatre of manufactures, from foreign countries to our own, did not increase consumption at all, and did not augment the demand for Cotton, here wruld be no just ground of complaint with the Cotton planters; and the most that be could say is, that it would be a matter of indifference to him. All that would happen to him would be, a substitution of a certain number of American customers, for an equal oumbr of European customers. Uut ought it Jo be, can it be, a matter of inauierence 10 nun, wneiner any portion t: l 1 .. of hit IcIIow-citizena in the United State are in a state of prosperity or adversity 1 If, without prejudice to him, . his own countrymen can acquire a part of the wealth which arises out ot the prosecu tion of manufacturing industry, instead of the foreigner ought he not to rejoice I . . a . . - m am I is 11 iu mm a mauer 01 no con sequence lhat a certain amount of wealth created by manulactures, shall be in his own country, instead of being in foreign countries? If here, its influence and effects will be felt, directly or indirectly, in all the departments ol human business and in a greater or lets degree 10 all parts of the country. It becomes a clear addition to tbe aggregate wealth of the nationmcfeasing its resources, and for ming a basis ol taxation and revenue in seasons of war or peace, if necessary But the advantage resulting from do mestic manufactures, in producing an American competition with the Europ can competition, augmenting the supply of manulactured articles, and tending consequently to a reduction of prices, is not the sole advantage, great as that is. A double market is produced both in the purchase ot fabrics for consumption, and in the tale of productions of Agri-culture-And .how superior ia the home to any other market ut thi Conditions of its proximity, its being under our own control, and Its exemption from the con tingency of war ! It has been argued, however, that we sell no more than we should do if wc were deprived of the home market. I have shown lhat to bo otherwise. The importance of opening new markets is universally admitted. It is an object of the policy of alt nations. If we could open a new market, for 400,000 bales of Cotton with any foreign power, should we not gladly embrace it ? livery one owns the benefit which arises out of various markets. All who reside inihe neighborhood of large cit ics or market 'towns, are sensible of (be advantage. It is said that our manu fac lures absoibonly abi ui 400,000 biles of Cotton, which is a very small part 01 tne loiai crop, uut suppose mat were thrown upon the ma of Liverpool a r ady overstacked Ht.d glutted? It would sink the price Isr below what it n w is. France consumes also about 400,000 bales. If the market of Havre vvern closed, and that quantity were cr-w.led into the market of Liverpool would not tha effect be ruinoua to the Cotton grower T Our American market is growing, annudlly increasing, anJ, if the policy of the country can or ly be. come firmly fixed, the time will come, I have M doubt, when the manufacture of Cotton in the United States will . ex ceed that of England. I do not desire oreign. 1 think it our true interest to cherish and cultivate all. But I believe it to be our indispensable duty to afford proper and reasonable encouragement to our own. r - But it must be borne in mind that, at though Cotton is by far the moat impor tant of our agricultural products, it it not the only one. here should we find a market for our Indian corn, if it were not for the existence of our manu- acturest We should absolutely havo pone. JUy iriend, Mr. rettigrew, wna sits before me can find no market for bit corn in North Carolina, because hit neighbors, like himself, are occupied in producing it. Nor can he find any in oreign countries. Uut be meets with a good, sure and convenient market ta Itosfon and 1 rovidencc, and other Nor thern capitals. Where should we seek a market lor the flour, provisions, and o'.her rsw agricultural produce now con- sumed bj our manufactures? If their present business were destroyed, they would be employed themselves in pro ducing Cotton, com, provisions and oth er agricultural produce, thus augment- ing the quantity snd inevitably- leading; to a further decline of prices. ( Concluded next teeth.) While the Locos are trying to kick up a dust about the action of the Senate in laying the bill on the table requiring Presidcnial Electors to be chosen in each and xvery Mate on. the ain day, we may as well state that the very ate that tts pri-tectoK Mr. Vvscav. hoped f'tr jt hat been realized. It was ono r .. 1. I 'II .!.' J t oi tne nrsi puis rcporieo, in piacc, wnn out the intervention of a standing com mittee, but waa afterwards referred and soon reported back to the House, Disk ing a single section of tome dozen or twenty lines. It could at any time, had Ihe Locos so wished, have been taken up and passed, but lhat was not the ob ject. At the first of the year nearly all of the btate Legislatures were tn session and if H had been passed at that early period it might have gone into effect; but one after another the Legislatures adjourned, and then, a few daya before the final adjournment of Congress, the bill went through the House to the Sen ate. t This waa the position the Locos wished to put the Senate in to force them to postpone the passage of a bill popular with all parties, and, then raise the hue and cry against them ! This in tention and this result was communicat ed to us by a leaky Loco, during our winter s residence at Washington, who laughed at the good triek they were go ing to play the Whig Senate I That high branch of our Government could not lend ita sanction In tha aci. wtin it passage would have deranged 'l the State elections, or compelled extra ses sions in most of the States. So the mat ter thus resolves itself: -The House delayed the bill until the State Legisla tures had all adjourned, and then threnr a responsibility on the Whig 8enate, vriiicii luey pairiuucaiiT iugi. una now the Locos may make what capital they can out of it Philadelphia Forum, OPINIONS OF THE PEOPLE. We learn, from good authority, (bat the excitement about the "Polk and! exas" ticket Is sustained chief, ly by the leaders of "the party," in the northern and middle and people those who have interests at stake, and the welfare tod honor or their country at hearty do not enter into the spirit of this base po litical game. ' The leaders have different ob jects in view. .One portion of them desi.e to keep the party united, on any terms, in view of the success of their business in ofltce-sctking and office-holding ' The other would make Mr. Polk the mere tool of partya stalking horse for disunion. The disunionists took care to reject every man who had ih BftPMpitv In nnftrt thii d signs, and took up one who has ev ery thing to gain by being a can didate for o bigban office, and no tlitng to lose by dtfeat. It might be supposed that Mr Polk would decline the nomination. So he would, if he had the least sp .1 k of regard for the honor of his country out ne preiers wna o Old is an nucur, uigu auuvo uia ic
Southern Citizen (Asheboro, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
July 3, 1844, edition 1
2
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75