page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page.
0 / 75
si ri,A Lmft if ;.:' -a
n i ' ' ' . ' . .. ' , .... .
I ' ..iiii ' . . , , . ..ii i . ! i ii . i , . , i , . . , , ... , , ., . , , , ,, i m
' I4f Is nljr to bo rained as It Is usefully employed." l j
VOLUME II. NUMBER 45. V" j ASHEVILLE, NORTH CAROLINA, FRIDAY MORM ;
Jr H. CHRISTY & COn
Pnblhben of the Lawi of the United States.
Thi wner Sa miblihed weeklf . l Two Dot.
tAU aho Firrr Ctirni per annum, In dvnc ; or
Tmbu Doixam, If payment bo delayed alter the
receipt of the 10th Number from the time of sub.
ermine. iriUNKmiiiw, i m cuc, u
trirth adhered to.
No subscription discontinued (except at the op.
tloa of the publishers) until all arrearages are piu
Friday Mraiag, May 13,1842.
We took occasion some time ago to ex.
prcas our belief to the policy of England
in emancipating Iter West India staves and
keeping twenty thousand of tbcm trained
to arms. No nation on earth has made so
loud and long a cry against slavery, and
yet no other nation has in reality so many
slaves. She had her tender heart deeply
n fleeted by the enslaved condition of eight
hundred thousand negroes in the West In
dies, aod proceeded to pay a large sum of
money for their liberation, while the most
ahjtci slavery of more than twenty millions
of her Asiatic subjects is looked upon with
the coldest eye imaginable ; simply because
it is to her pecuniary interest to liberate the
one and retain the other in ignorance, su.
perstition and wretchedness.
'Ve find in an exchange paper the fol
lowing evtract of a letter which recently
appeared in the London Post, written by
one who signs himself " An American.'" It
shows the character of articles now at times
admitted into some of the English newspa
pers, and is certainly a most withering re.
buke to the hollow protestations of philnn.
thropy so repeatedly made by the British
I bare found that to
enablo the East Indies to consume jrour manufac
tnrsa, yon must take their agricultural products
and that they could not purchase your calicoes but
by an exchange of ootlon, rice and sugar and
then for the first time were tbe sympathies of your
-TrOTwnmratimfleff mclrtir or
African ! It was in ram that Virginia as a colony,
protested against the slave trade. You compelled
her to rcenre the slaves whom you carried to her
in vain did Wilberforce clank their chains ; the
voice of philanthropy could not bt heard until
iTirioe contrasted the kundredtof milliooiof Asi
atio subjects with the eight hundred thousand
West India slaves, and demonstrated that it was
C interest as a question of dollars and cents, to
m abolitionists. Then, arid not till thcn.those
who are even yet so blind that they cannot see the
wretchedness, and so deaf that they cannot hear
the erica of misery even at their own doors, were
enlisted in the crusade against the slave trade.
We made the interest
of the master and of his slave identical, until un.
der the influence) of religion, benevolence, afiuc.
tion and law, the condition of the black man in
the United Stales is better than it could be under
any other regulation of society it is incomparably
better than that of your laboring poor, if one half
of your official statements b true. And is it pos.
sible that under such an aspect of the case, you I
- can be so blinded by prejudice, misguided by la.
naucistn, or warped by a false conception of your
interest, is not to know that a war upon us under
a pretence of ameliorating the condition of the Af.
rioan, so far from enlisting the sympathies of other
nations, will e xnoae vour treatment of free white
men to the most humiliating comparison with our
treatment of the black slave ; tnat It will ezniDii
the odious features of British tervitude contrasted
with the patriarchal relation of American slavery.
Indeed it wae but the other day that the Times'
boldlv asserted that Mr. O'Conncll and the repeal
" association must be nut down by law, and that if
the law be not strong enough, it must be made
stronger far that purpose.
Th purpose of O'Connell is to feed and clothe
hixtarving and naked countrymen ; no one denies
that they are naked and starving, yet there is no
plan of relief mingled with the proscription of
Now hear what your Poor Law Commissioners
say about these Irishmen they say ;
"As to animal food, except once a year, (Christ,
mas) even those that are by comparison called
comfortable people, not only never tate It, but ncv.
think of eating it." One witness,Mr.Cotton,rec.
tor of Zornplatine, Myi that ho " hw rem women
gather the cabbage stumps thrown out of his kit--xhen,
end that alter the fowls and pigs' had first
picked them bs.re.'V I saw ; myself,' (saya.ha,X
" six or seven poor women turn their faces to the
wall and cat the stumps the pig had picked."......
The Rev. Peter Ward states, that in his pariah 'in
the year 1831, six persona died of actual want i
ainoe that period I take upon myself to say (says
he) that of every five persons who have died, three
always die of inanition brought on by bad food,
bad clothing and bad or no bedding!"
One witness say " I have not had a new coat or
small clothes for tlio last six years ; this hat I found
cast behind a ditch four or five year ago, and I
have worn it ever since."
Yet such is the condition of the suffering poor ,
- in Ireland, whose hopes of deliverance are to be
extinguished by law, nod which law, if it is not
strong enough to bind them in their SLAVERY,
must be made strong enough, not only to rivet
their chains, but to bush every whisper of com
plaint They must not only suffer, but they must
suffer In silonoe and the leading orjran of the
administration which speaks thus of suffering Ire
land, tells us that that administration haa deter
mined to enforce the right of search, even at the
expense of a war, tmder the pretence of suppress,
inj; the slave trade ! ! ! Manacles, starvation and
death for Ireland, but millions and sympathy for
In Ireland, the peasantry is in the power of the
landlord, because land is snares and labor abun
dant, and lbs poor laborer is compelled to work
for dry potatoes and clothe himself. If he rets
akk or aged he must beg or starv. In the West
lndios, land is plenty and labor scarce, and the
negro preys upon tho land owner., Now this same
writer proceeds to point out tho remedy. which
a, to wtptrt free mtgnet run Africa until fret
tabor tUll he eAaapar tUasIm jstsr and tho
work which si tho most dwttnguiahed honor of
Lord Stanley's career of whraa yon bars morn
reason to bo Prtod thatj of all your victories by
land and bv sen will bs eomplcle 1 ! v
. That is, yon must reduce the black peasantry of
the West indies to uis condition or tno wnite pea
eantry of Ireland ! t.t ' You most substitute the
lash of hanger add nakedness for the iask of the
tak.master, an than you can do,.what ? , Un
dersell the sUve labour, because your free labour
will be cheaper 1 1 : t
: And this is Briflsh phrftnUironv ! 1 Is it for thii
and for thehonorko be gained in such a cause.lhat
the Times would en forod the rieht of search at the
expense of millions of treasure and oceans of bloodt
la it tor this that uis slave M to be armed and bnb.
ed with the prouae of miek freedom, to muider
tne master wno oinca tnd reeds him. and nurses
and comforts himui sickness and old aee! 1
Indeed we am told that this new srstem of
slavery nas -airemrr cpnimenced, and that ten
thousand Aft-temu Wva been or are bain 2 trans
lorrea irwn oierai JtiSope to yoar. colonies, y lAt
ereer oj your uosemmeiu .'
(KT The New Orleans Crescent City"
and tho CharlesJon Mercury,,, with possi
bly some others, have circulated it abroad
that Dr. Bond, editor of the Christian Ad.
vocate & Journal, at New York, has come
out in favor of abolitionism. . Greater in
justice could not bo done to any man, and
it is sufficient merely to say that in the re
port " from stem to'sten" there is not one
word of truth., The Doctor did use some
severe language in reference "totho proceed.
ings of tv collection of men in Maryland
which was called a convention of tho slave.
holders of the State proceedings that were
dishonoring- the Slate, and revolting to
every feeling of humanity.
" The beat evidence that the good work is pro.
grcsmng is, that the Whig' leaders in this part of
the State are scared almost to despcration."-JhIe
J rffer Ionian.
If that be true, little can be said in praise
of their valor they have been scared at a
shadow that's nil.
OT Some of the Democratic pnpcr3 in
this State are talking seriously of hoisting
their banners for J. C. Calhoun for the next
Presidency. Good. There would be no
fun in running Clay over the track "solitary
and alone,11 and yet we doubt if Calhoun
could keep near enough to him to be said
to keep him company.- However nous ver.
In the case of Stock ton, Stokes &.Co. et Amos
Kendall, late Postmaster General, against whom
the plaintiffs brought as action fordamages.arising
from his withholding tayment of certain moneys
claimed by them as mtil contractors, on trial be.
tore the Circuit Uourt tt Washington, the jury on
Friday returned a verdct of 9 11,000 damage for
the plaintiff. The following statement by the
jury was handed into Court after tbe rendition of
the above verdict : ,
We, the jurors empamellcd in the case of Wm.
D. Stokes and others vs. Amos Kendall, and in
which case we have fiis day rendered our verdict
for the plaintiffs for eleven thousand dollars, do
hereby certify that saic verdict was not founded on
any idea that the dnfcndant performed the acts
complained of by tho plaintiffs, and for which we
gave damages as above stated, with any intent
other than a desire faithfully to perform the duties
of his office of Postmaster General and to protect
the public interests committed to his charge ; but
the said damages were givea by us on the ground
that the acts complained of were illegal, and that
the said snm of $11,000 was the amount of actual
damages to the plaintiffs estimated by us to have
resulted from said illegal acts."
Thisls the version given of this trial by
a Locofoco paper. Admit it tobe true
and then these jurors woald leign cxcuscKen
dalPs heart at the expense of hi a head '. lie in.
tended no wrong but was ignorant of the
law1 and committed illegal" acts with no
other intent than a desire faithfully to dis
charge the duties of bis office and protect
the public interest ! How he is to be pitied !
07" Wo received some time since a copy
of tho speech of the Hon. J. Graham, on
the proposition to abolish the Branch Mints.
We think of publishing it as soon as we can
find room, as it will be interesting to many
of our readers, particularly those who arc
engaged in mining. "
0r Boyr,did anyuf you hear 6f . any
thing like the following lately T Mind, we
don't say where it took place.
" Excuse me, sir, if you please, mother
thinks you are too young for a gallant."
" Please, miss, inform your mother that
I think myself quite old enoughno attend
any person not yet out of their pantaletts ;
and, if you wish to be very communicative,
you can further say to your" mother that I
have heard it more than intimated that la.
dies only worn that article to conceal the
holes in their stockings."
" Very possibly , sir, you may have heard
all that from some jilted love-sick swain or
crusty old bachelor with whom do lady
would associate ; but I hare heard it affirm,
ed that gentlemen (if such I may term them)
only wore long hair in imitation of ladies'
poodles, or to conceal the place where their
ears had been cropped of"
Good evening, miss. "
--"Good-bye, sir.". . C
r aBsasBBananwaBMkaMMBMaBaaaBW -"- -
CO" Wa hope our friend of the Hamburg
Journal will not take it unkindly oi cither
us or our correspondent that we have pah.
Cflhed t few plain truths of bis town.
Bishop Mobbis, of the Methodist Church,
has been, during the past winter, travelling
extensitely through the Republic of Texas,
and bns given some account of the country
in a series of letters trr the -editor of the
Westorn Christian Advocate,' published at
Cincinnati, Ohio. From tho last one of
these letters we make the following extract,
which will be read with interest,, and com
ing from the source it does, may be relied
on as a correct view :
Bcf.iro I lose sieht of Texas I wish to add a
law general remarks. -1 went there prepared to
see a mixed country, containing rich, poor, and
medium land, and was not disappointed, only thf
proportion or good country is larger than sup.
posed. The country, of course, is new, but as a
new country I consider it inviting, and though
tho improvements are yet limited, I mint say,
that, in my opinion, they are underrated abroad.
The climate taking the ealander year together,
must be more pleasant than that of Cincinnati :
the days being nearly an hour longer in the win.
ter and an hour shorter in the summer, bring the
temperament of the atmosphere within less ex
tremes of heat and cold, producing more uniform!-
ty. The water, whether from springs, or wells,
is rather warm, but to me pleasant, except m a
few places, where it ia too strongly impregnated
with lime. After performing a tour of 700 miles
through the Republic, and making diligent inaui.
ry in every plat e, I came to tho conclusion, that
as a whole, it was healthy for a new country, of
which the number and robust appearance of the
children are conclusive evidence. That some sec
tions of it are sickly, must be admitted ; but much
affliction, which some people charge to the cli
mate, should be put to the account of their own
imprudence, hying in open bouses, exposing them
selves to inclement weather, &c. The facilities
for making a living in Texas are such, that if the
people -vould use half the diligence which is neces
sary to prevent starvation hi tbe older parts of the
United States, they might render their circum
stances easy and Independent In a few years. If
any one doubts this, let him reflect on the follow,
ing items : good land from 50 cts. to $1 an acre,
no clearing to do, just fence and plow ; and in.
stead or toiling six months to raise what is indis.
pensuble to keep his stock alive tbe other half of
tho-year, his cattle are fat all the year without a
feed of grain or fodder, or a lick of salt. Any
man in Texas, who can build cabin and raise
bread-stuff, can -hve after the first year, and if he
will be industrious and economical, be can thrive.
Indeed the ease with which a mere living can
be made, has retarded the improvement of the
country, led to idleness, dissipation, dependence
on loans, speculation and hunting ; but tho people
are becoming convinced that this plan will not do.
and have gone to plowing and digging, making
new farms, and extending old ones rapidly. It is
thought from 50 to 70,000 bales of cotton have
been exported the past winter, and that the num
ber will be doubled next.TrLeyhveJjsQeui
down "(he sinenses of the ' rnment largely.
done away the Government sen, as a circulal ng
medium, and require gold and silver or its equiva
lent for all impost duties and nearly all other Go
vernment dues, are determined to rub out the old
score, and begin anew. ' If Ihey hold on to the
ground they are now taking, in three years they
will be beyond the need of a loan, unless in case
of war with some foreign power. The character
of the Texianr, I beg leave to say, is not general
ly understood abroad. He who goes to Texas pre
suming on bis own intelligence and their want of
it, will hnd himselr mistaken. I am acquainted
with no community of the same number, which
embodies more shrewd intelligent men, than that
of the single star Republic. We know aa little of
their moral as of their intellectual character. Be
cause some men, bankrupt in morals, have been
promoted to office in Texaa, some have concluded
that thiy were all scoundrels together ; but the
same mode of reasoning would blast the moral
character of the United States. The laws of
Texas are comparatively few and simple, and are
better enforced than our own. r or example, eve.
' man familiar with steamboats and taverns in
e United States knows that must of them are
infested with black Zcg, a perfect nuiusnce to so
ciety ."carrying on their iniquitous trade with im
punity ; but in Texas, any man playing with cards
in any place of .public rosort, whether for money
or amusement, is liable to be fined and imprisoned,
and the proper authorities are not slow in punish,
ing him as the law requires. But are there no
robberies and murders committed in Texas 1 Yes ;
and so there are in our own country. The com.
mon notion that all the bad people go to Texas
cannot be true, or there would not be so many of
them left among us. But I --cannot oursuo the
subject farther, lest I weary the reader.
The effects of Tee-totnlism. -
Mors of good than we can tell,
More to buy, with more to sell,
More of comfort, less of care.
More to cat and more to wear,
4Iappier homes with faces bright,
All our burthens rendered light. . .
' Conscience clearer, minds much stronger,
Debts much shorter, purses longer,
Hopes that drive away all sorrow
- And something laid up for to-morrow.
The above we clip-frem an exchange pav
per, without knowing to whom the author
ship is attributable. ilt is. beyond sUrdoubt
true to the letter; but when we read it we
felt a disposition to try our hand at a paro.
dy, too strong tube resisted consequently
we " let loose" and forthwith came the
EFFECTS QF COUNTRY EDITLVG.
Little good that we can tell.
All to buy and nought to sell.
Scarce of comfort, much of care,
Little to eat and less to wear ; .
Constant work faces sad
Dons enough to keep as mad i
Conscience clear, but moiey gone.
Debts increased, and' crddit none ;
No hope to drive away our sorrow.
And nothing laid np for to-morrow.
More than 2000 signatures to the tempe.
ranee pledge, have been obtained within
a few days, ia several towns in Michigan.
It is in general more profitable to reckon
up our defects, than to boast of our attain,
meats. ' -'.'.
What n vajtf amount of oain is attributed
to rheumatism, when, U laclj rvowtisna is
tho tofcraaxf gaSStjfsvOifi "
ITIr. SIMMONS' SPEECH.
Tho honorable Senator from New (lamp
shire must know this : but still he insists
that reveaue enough can be raised, cither
with or without iucluding tea and coffee
with a duty of 20 per cent ! I have already
shown that the amount, at thai rate of duty
according to hisown estimates, when Secre
tary, alter including all articles, except tea
and coffee, will be but 15 millions. The
present Secretary makes the same estimate:
and yet the honorable Senator implores us
to continue the reduction to that rate, and
tbreittens us, if we do not, with civil dis
cord, commotion, and lloodthedj '., This is
the honorable gentleman's new form of nul
lification ! and he threatens it, upon the pas
sage of resolutions which propose to car.
ry out the general provisions of the com
promise actan act which was saiisfucto
ry to all who regarded nullification as a
1 his suggestion of the honorable benator
from New Hampshire brings to my mind
an illustration ot tho doctrine of nullihca
tion, presented to me by a distinguished
Senator who is supposed to be master of llie
subject; and 1 have his authority for repeat
ing it. He says his doctrine is, that a State,
if it thinks a general law is unconstitutional
or oppressive; has a right to cog the wheels
and slop the machinery or uovernment.
I his was Uia Jirsl mode ol illustration ; but
this morning I am told it is, that the Stute
has a right to vncog and throw the wheels
out of gear. I his, according to my undwr
standing, has tho same eflect.
Such a mode of explaining his theory to
me docs credit to the honorable senator s
discernment and taste. lie knew I was
acquainted with tho operation of machinery
and that he could, in this mode, make me
comprehend his doctrine : and he had also
discovered that J did nol perplex myself
with mere abstract thcorks: In this he was
right ; and I think I c?m discover that his
doctrine, illustruleocithcr way, is destruc
live, if put in praclicc, to the entire tnachin
trv of our system of Government,
This I could easily show, 1 think, roe
chanically; but as other Senators may not
belts familiar with the operations of wheels
una gearing aa i urn, a win iaac uuuiuur
mode of illustrating this doctrine. 1 be doc
trine is, that aoy individual State has i
right to place an obstrucHonnthejaUw.8y
and "thfow'fha engine and cars off the track,
and down the bank, if there happens to be
one, whenever the individual thinks the cars
are travelling at greater speed than suits his
taste or notions of safety, i his may be a
peaceful remedy in theory, but in practice
it would not be very satisfactory to any who
travel and have necks to break !
It is plain to me that the doctrine is with
out the slightest warrant of any kind
wholly untenable absurd in practice, and
even ia theory -incompatible with that
soundness which should characterize the
views of a statesman ; and lam plad there
are" now very few who consider it right,
even m theory. Although this is my oi.in
ion of the doctrine itself, I still wish to re
move all the supposed grounds of hardships
which enlisted tbe sympathies of the com
rr.unity and induced many worthy men, who
did not believe in the doctrine, to sustain
and act with those who did.
If ts saidlhat, under our system, there
are two kinds of oppression, which the ad
vocates orihls doctfine Sayrmay-juStify a
resort to it for relief; and it is desirable to
remove this impression, at least from such
It is a flii mod that tho South suffer from
the mode of imposing the duties upon im
ports, because it imposes an undue propor
tion of the burdens upon them ; and also
by the unequal distribution of the disburse
ments of the Government, .which follows
This last point was elaborately argued
the last summer by the honorable Senator
from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) who
attempted to prove that the distributive ad
ministration of the moneys of this Govern
ment was unequal and oppressive, and
must be so ; and that this -inequality might
be carried so fuT as to ruin the South. This
wnsillust rated by strpposinglhaf two ,fieigh"-:
boring counties, . Loudon and Fairfax,
should unite and form a Republic under a
form" -'of government like ours ; that Lou
don had 100,000 people, andFatrfax ten
more, so ns to give it a majority ; that their
annual profits were three hundred thousand
dollars each, making an aggregate of six
hundred thousand, and the disbursements
two hundred thousand a year. each alike
contributing one hundred thousand ; that
Fairfax, from its majority often, should
expend the whole sum contributed in that
county: the result, he said, would be that,
at the end of the year, Fairfax would have
four, and Loudon two, ot the six hundred
thousand dollars ; and by repeating this for
three years, Fairfax would bave the whole
When be had concluded, a mend who
sits near me remarked, ? that's very clear.
The honorable Senator has taken another
method to illustrate it, and a shorter ope,
A committee of nine, five'sltting on one
side of the table, and four on the other
they each tske five wafers representing the j
wealth' of the community ; one wafer each;
to be the annual contribution. , The five on
V .V ... . .. i
one side ine table, ott-voung tne otner tour,
order this contribution to be laid out among
themselves, for the expenses ot the uovern
ment. To eoBtinua this for five years,
would transfer the whole wealth among tbe
&schnddof stating t onttsa
thought conclusively proved the correctness
or his theory.
All this may be very good abstract theory
out in practice mere is no sounoness in it.
As a practical matter, its error is, in sup
posing that these minorities do nothing,
while the majority earn tbe public money,
by employment on the public works or in
In tbe case put by the Senator, of the two
counties of Virginia, the profits would de
pend upon winch class or citizens was em
ployed at the best wages, or in the mart pro
ductice labor; those of Fairfax by the Go
vernment, on public works and in the out
ces, or those of Loudon, in raising provis
ions and producing other supplies for their
It is plain, if all things were equal, and
the people of the twocounties dealt vrilkeach
other, as those of these States do, tkat it
would make very littlo difference, in point
of wealth, which county had the public em.
ploymcnt but fake into the account tbe de.
pendent submission, and at the same time
the extravagant habits of both body and
mind,' that gradually undermine those who
feed ot the public crib, and the condition of
the people of Loudon, who raise the corn
and potatoes for those of Fairfax to subsist
upon, while at work lor the public, is great.
Iv to be preferred for its independence and
eventual ascendancy in wealth ' '
i Here the senator liom soutu umrnna
interposed and said t The honorable Sen.
ator states my argument very fairly, but he
does not take the same view of it that I
took. 1 stated that such a course would
drawUlremoney into Fairfax; they would
commaha the currency." - r
,Mr. Simmons resumed. lam glad I have
stated tho Senator's argument correctly. I
did not mean to take the so mo view of it
which bo took, but was trying to show the
correct one in practice. "TAnd 1 thought it
was made out pretty clearly that it depen
ded upon which of the two classes of citi
zens, iCcqually industrious, was lest paid
for their services.
And hero I will refer to a remark on this
subject of public employment, made by the
honorable Benator from Missouri (Mr. ben
ton) last summer, (and he utters some sen.
sible ones as well as. some very severe ones)
that the South had enjoyed the oflices and
natronarre of this uovernment for forty
I rj - w r
years, to their great disadvantage ; he hoped
iurahe-4JexVfofty-they-might bs ridof it,
and that, while some other section had it,
the South might do the work, and he had no
doubt it woilld turn to more profit. Mr.
Calhoun again interposed, and said i " ho
meant that this not only gave the currency
but it gave employment to tho people of
Fuirfix, and tho employment was even
more valuable than the currency;" Mr. S.
resumed. I agree that both are very valu
able. The currency has entered into al-
most all discussions in these times. A word
only upon it in this connexion.
1 regard a good currency as " the tools
of trade," and a good tariff as furnishing
the people with employment. It is a hard
case to have to do a job with poor tools t
but.it is still harder to have no work to do.
The people want both, to prosper. But
these free-trade folks of the late adminis.
tration, by their tampering with the curron.
cy, have been dulling tins tools of trade for
years, anu-its-fricndsnow propose free
trade, to take away the work from our peo
pie and tnye it to foreigners i-ao lhatliere-
ttfter labor in this country is to have nekhor
worn nonoois ;
Upon this subject of employment, I am
glad the honorable Senator has such cor.
rect views. He says it is more valuable
than money ; and I agree with him. " His
argument is without practical soundness
when applied, as he applies it, to a people
who interchange labor and when the ng.
gregate employment is enjoyed by them
alone, rlt is then a question merely, as to
which mode, nublic or private cmnlovment
is most profitable ; but when it is connected
with the subject now before us, it is a good
argument for llie protection of our labor
against the cheap labor of Europe; for to
buy of nations who will not, or do not, buy
of you, no matter how cheap you buy, will
eventually bring jjsJo the i conditipawhich
he tried to bring tho people or Loudon into:
by losing the offices and work, too, we shall
lose all , and foreigners wilt get all the wealth
This is understood by those who Teach-free
trade in England, if it be not by their friends
who advocate it here. Ihey put thai-doc.
trine forth for us to follow, but have too
much good sense to follow it themselves.
I Mr. (Jalhoun again interposed and said,
' that the expending of public money in
one section, as in Fairfax, not only gave
employment, which was better than money
but there was a great advantage to that
country by the improvements made in it by
the expenditures, such as roads, ccc.J
M r. . resumed, i his is very true, sir ;
and I am glad to find the honorable Sena,
tor returning to his former views vpon tht
subject of these roads, or internal improve,
Tbis is a part of the American system,
which, when conducted judiciously, does
operate very, advantageously, Tbe coun
try so understands it, and knows jrtoo, to
what influences its destruction is attributa.
ble. But I must take leave of tbis part of
the subject I have fatigued the Senate and
myself, too, by hobbling along in this kind
of running fight. '
fDurinff the remarks upon this part of
the subject, the honorable Senator from S.
Carolina replied to, and commented cpon
soma parts of the speech of the Senator
said, he should decline answering, but thero
after should insist that tho Senator from
Rhoie Island should be permitted to go on
without interruption. Mr, Culhoun said ho
should not have interrupted so often, but
the appeals and allusions were made to him
Mr. Simmons. I have made no personJ
allusion in any offensive sense, I hope,'
The remarks applied to the arguments and
observations of the Senator, and not to hlntf
and I turned towards him that I might be
understood, in order to convince even him,
as well as the Senate, that if the distributive
administration of the money of this Govern,
ment should actually become as local and
partial Hi its uuaruvwr u iu iub luiwiii uw
INK lllll 111 IIIK1BIII.UUIIIICI. I. HUUIUIUIUU
no eround for the nullification ot a iaw
made to raise supplies, or of serious com.
plaint from those parts orjhe country
whose people might not geTemployed.
I will now ( xaminelhe other ground of
complaint whichjs the supposed inequali.
ty ot tho burdens imposed upon ditlerent
parts of the country, by the proposed mode
of levying duties.
The honorable Senator lrom bouth u-ar-
Hha (Mr. Calhoun) has repeatedly called
upon me (when memorials in tavor ot pro.
tection have been presented) to show why
it was, that the people of the South regard.
ed these duties as oppressive, and that at
the North ihey were petitioning for them to
1 confess it does seem strange that such a
geographical distinction should exist, and
appear to bo influenced solely by climate.
1 cannot so well , tell why the boulh complain
so bitterly about paying duties, but will ex.
plain wny tuc ivorwi ao not mane tnese
We of the North look at this matter of
paying the expenses of Government as a
necessary thing. We keep perfectly tool
and conclude they must be paid in some form
or other. But in other parts of the coun
try they would seem to think that, if they
can got rid of, or lessen, the duty on a giv
en article, they can avoid paying it alto
gether; whereas, if it is taken off of one
article, it has urey to be put on to another.
The amount must be paid in some way.
1 he controversy which created so much
disquiet in the country from 1823 to 1833,
had its origin in theoretical, rather than
T T1. - J 4 - ,J I .
for at the oouth was, that a unilorm rate
of duty should be laid upon all articles
those that camo in competition with our own
products, and those which did not. I shall
presently say something of its adjustment ;
but I urn first to answer the question re
peatedly asked of me by the Senator from
South Carolina, why it is that the North do
not consider it a burden to have a high duty
aid on some articles, and a low duty, or no
duly at all on others T
I have already said we know the expens
es must be paid i and I will answer these
questions as if the Senator was really cor
rect in saying that the duty . enhanced the
price; which, however, is not the fact, in
most if not aU casra where ap adequate sup.
ply, or nearly so, can be furnjshect by our.
selves. I will take tho tugar duty for an
example, (that has been 2 1-2 cents per lb.,
equal to Si) per cent, at least on the foreign
cosijj ann ine anicioot -coiite,-'wnicn is
free. We of the North can raise neither ;
our climate is not adapted to their culture.
The South raise stigur, ondthe duty is all
laid on tho foreign sugar. Why do we not
insist that it should bu laid half on eoch, ac
cording to the Souihcrn doctrine ? Simply
because it makes no difference, in tho cost
of a cup of coffee, whether the duty is all
put on the sugar , or luid half and- half on .
each. When we take up a cup of coffee to
drink, it really is not always we think that
we are payiug a tax ; and if that thought
should glance across our mind, it would not
spoil the swectning, to suppose that our
Southern friends were getting some en
couragement and protcctiorrfor their labor
. ' . . i ? .i j... -i
iu raising supnr, uy uaviug uio uiny iiius
laid rntould Triake The "dish 'even more i
palatable; and we should take it hot, and
makes good breakfast : while our Soul hern
friends, bent upon their ihcorv, (that duties
I ro ust be aSke on all articles T). would go inu
their obstract reasoning to show how much
they were oppressed by putting the duty on "
the sugar, instead of the sugar and coffee'
both ; get into a passion about it, and at
last make a poor breakfast on cold coffee
and bad logic.
When we think or the taxes we pay- on
molasHCS, we satisfy ourselves by the fact
that in every instance in our history, where
in the duty hos been raised, the price of
the article has fallen 1 I have taken articles
for thelllustration which aro of Southern
growth, and which it might be . supposed
would produce disquiet witn us, jrom a nign
duty, as the North cannot participate in the
advantages which such a duty might confer;
and 1 have shown not only why we do not
complain, but I hope I have shown, that wer
have no reason to complain. .
Tbe South, I presume, do not pretend '
that they have any zme of complaint, that
this sod all their productions are thus en
couraged and protected by such duties. ; 1
will now take another kind of imports, and)
one which has been the subject of the most
bitter complaints to. wit! woollens. It wilt
Min.'mon reflection- to be stranrrn that a
, I' 1 OT
duty upon (his article should be regarded
with particular of&nce by those U tho
oouu), ana ejwxiy Mint ukbvb oi warm
climate should object to a tat open wooL .
lens.fif the dotv is really to be retarded s'
a tax,) and tboaa of a cold ooe be taiUteS
wubit) tlatttiWlibfrto JWwdutfi