North Carolina Newspapers

Hi r. P. WARING-, Editor and Proprietor. A FAMILY PAPER DEVOTED TO POLITICS, LITERATURE, AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES, MINING, AND NEWS. ! PRICE $2 PER TEAR In Advance. "Cje ItutPB -Uiatinrt ns tfje 36iilora, but one ns trr $fttM VOL. 3. CHARLOTTE, N. C, FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 22, 1855. NO. 48. A Beautiful Poem. The first thing, in the way of business, that our hands touched on last Monday morning was the charming poem on " My Brother." Hardly had tho morning risen through its first hour of sunshinr when as we were wondering how much of the gentle Sabbath would attend our toil :hrough the busy week, this delicate and fragrnnt breath brought its sweet refreshing to our hearts. The fair author is but seventeen years of age. A highly-gifted friend, whose eyes is always open to the tokens of genius and whose heart is full of the music of poetry, writes us privately about her. The facts of the letter are touching : and while delicacy forbids our using several things named in it, we may yet state, that the circumstances with which this child of genius has struggled are such as to move any heart to deep feeling. Eils. Southern Titties. irjy Brother. Oh. briar-rose, cambcr. And cover the chamber The chamber, so dreary and lone Where with meekly closed lips, And eyes in eclipse, My brother lici under the stone. Oh, violets, cover. The narrow roof over, Oh, cover the window and door ! For never the lights Through the long; djys :ind nights, Mal.c shadows ucros.i the floor ! The lilies are blooming, the lilies arc white, Where his pi. i y -li. units used to b. ; Aiid the afreet cherry bl icsouitf Blow over the bosom Of birds, in the old rool tree. When I lie.-.r on the hills the shout of the storm I ii (he valley, the roar of the river ; shiver mid aha kc on the hearth-stone warm, A 1 think of his cold "forever." white hands nrc folded, and never again, With the sous; of the robin or plover, i'hn the at i u r lias come, with her bees and her grain, Wiil he J!'V in the ineadowclover. Oh. dear Ittlh brother. Mv sweet little brother, J the p:il.ir- above the eun, Oh, pray the p od ar.-els, The VlffO) iv-ngels, Tw take mi h hi n life is th;nr. I-mma Alice Tkoank. ' Ir Soul her a Lawyers. member of the Mobil- oar makes the follow- ! nm prep wit in tn Ins leg.-,! brethren in t h" S-m'h- : em S: it . W'f find it in the Mobile It egistrr ; Mr. Kilitor : Allow me. through your paper, la offei hr public ctrtisiaVration, a suggestion no the t ahon. -liable an of the legislature ol Maasa rhuvelts. Tiie net Ifffi rrnl la being a manifest nni intentional viol.ition of the Constitution of ihe Vni-'d State-', (which I presume evert mrmber i f ihe Legislature had sworn to support.) every ; man who vutid for it is of course guilty of wilful and corrupt peijury. I' is jast that nil good oi ' i -yens, especially ! 'be Southern St iti?, should do n 1 1 n their power to secure the repe-.l of such an art. or tn mvt n by retaliation. Ono of the most nrlioiis pr.i isi-ms ol the act itself, suggests to my j mind a verv npnroprmie, nnd if generally adopted, verv sufficient mode of retaliation. The act provides, in substance, that no la w v er in Musa chus Its shell nid or appear for any Southern man in an effort to recover a fugitive slave under the provision of iho Fugiiive Slave law ; nnd if he I does so, hi license shall he revoked. Now, mv suggestion is this: That every law yer in the Southern States shall pledge himself to, his brethren nf the brand the community, that he j will not aid in ilu collection of any debt or claim j for a citizen ol Massachusetts, and will not nrose- j cute or defend any suit for a citizen of Massnchu- I sells, in anv court, until the net referred to is re- j pealed. This should embrace all corporations I chartered by that Stale, nnd all partnership- doing j business in that State, but not be extended to citi zens of that State domiciled in an lber State. To make lb if effi-ctual, it must be very generally adopted in the South. If generally adopted, i seems to me its inevitable effect would be virtually to outlaw these hvpocritic il rogues, and close our j courts against them, by fair and constitutional means, as tiiey have endeavored to do, as to us, j bv an unconstitutional act. As a member of the i Mobile bar, I make this suggestion for the special consideration of the members of the profession j throughout the South ; and if it shall be favorably j received, I will endeavor to have it practically car ried out. Other citizens might aid, even more efficiently, ; in just retaliation. Our planters and farmers j ught to refrain from buying or using any article ol Massachusetts manufacture. Our merchants, especially, should refuse to buy or deal in any articles of Massachusetts manufacture, or to buy any part of their stocks in that State, or to employ ; Massachusetts shipping. But I will not enlarge OB this point. My main object was to suggest to my professional brethren a mode in which ! they might practically express th ir pointed con- I demnation of tho odious act, and probably accel elate its repeal. Edward S. Lytloa Bjlvyer, in his speech on the j stamp duty, remarked: 4 You have been led to infer that tbe American press is left in the hands j of ignorant adventurers, whereas the remarkab'e peculiarity of the American press is that it absorbs nearly all the intellect of thai country. There is j scarcely a Statesman nf eminence, an author ol fame, who does no! contribute to the American j periodical press. Fools and their Money. An old stove belong ing to a district in Cornish, (N. H.) discarded for its imperfections, and worth in itself less than a dollar is the bone ol contention between two pug- ' nacious individuals, and the costs of the law suits ! arising from it amount already to over five bun- ores' dollars. The defendant was charged with taking the stove without leave. Short visits are best mind that I Mysteries of the Dark Lantern. Questions and Antweri about Kuow fttlilaa;lm its doctrines, objects and tendencies. No. 1. Question Where was Know Nothingism start ed ? 6 An steer In the Northern States, and its ob ject then was to exclude from those States foreign mech anics. This it proposed to do by extending the period of naturalization, so as to prevent these mechanics from voting and holding office ; hut the scheme failed, for the reason ihat these me chanics seek our shores mainly for employment that they may earn their bread, and the exclusion referred to did not lessen their numbers. QVhat then ? A Why corrupt party leaders, mainly from the ranks of the old Whig party, saw in the pre judice against foreigners and Roman Catholics a chance of reinstating themselves in popular favor and of gaining power ; -and so they obtain ed possession of the organization, changed some of its features, added others, and, by means of paid agents, organized lodges and rapidly spread the Order throughout the free States. Q Mow did the Order reach us of the South ? A It was imported here for selfish and politi cal ol j 'cts, just as abolitionism was importer! some thirty years ago into Jioston and New York from Exeter Hall, London; and it has been spread tn this State mainly by the same means employed North. Q What has been its effect in the free States? A In conjunction with the abolitionists", and w ith Ireesoilders cast out of the Democratic parly, and with the remains of the old Whig party, it has carried every non-sloveholding State in which elections have recently taken place. Professing to be true to the Federal Constitution nnd friend ly to the rights of the South, it has, in every in stance, elevated freesoih rs and abolitionists to offic". Professing to be a no-party organization, it has fiercely assailed the administration of Pre. sidenl Pierce ; and professing Stalo rights and a strict construciion of the Const itu 'ion, it has uni formly opposed the Nebraska-Kansas act, which opens ihose territories to the slaveholders of tbe South and guarantees the right ol the p.-opl there to have shivery or not as they may choose: and in Massachusetts they have nullified the fugitive- slave law upon the ground that it is unconstitu- I tional and that it is the duty of thai and other free ! States, as States, to deliver up the escaped slaves ol the South. It has sent u the House of Repre sentatives si'tne sixty or seven'y abolitionists, and to the Senate some seven or eight of the same stamp. In no case has it elected a Democrat, recognized by his party as such, to office; in no case has it chosen to Congress from the free States, or to office in those States, any one sound upon liie question of slavery or in Invor of ibe ' fugitive slave law. 1 struck down Shields, in Illinois, because, though he came here in in fan- ; cv, he happem d to be born in Irelmd and is a! Democrat ; and this, though he bad long served lu State in the Senate ol the Union, and noiwi'.ii- ; standing in the war with Mexico he distinguished himself as llie hravtSI of the brave, leading the regiment of a sla vehoMing State in the "forefront ol the hottest battle,'' and falling, shot through I he j lungs at Cerro Gordo. It defeat" d I ho Democrats j of ISew Hampshire and Connecticut, and put in abo'i'ionists in their places ; and il did this upon the strength ol the anti-slavery feeling, the D -mo-crats of ihose States being then, as they are now, in favor of :he fugitive-slave law, and the admis- j sion of Kansas into the Union aithmi! reference to the question of slavery. It elected ninety-nine hundredths of the late Legislature of Maseachusetts; and that body elected to the Senate of ihe United States, Henry Wilson, a vulgar, domineering, and radical abolitionist, who proclaims uncompro- j miing hostility to the fugitive-slave law, to slave- j ry in ihe District ol Columbia and in the territo- j ries, and to the admission of any more slaveholding States. It voted, by a large majority, to request j the Governor to remove Judge Loring from his i seal on the bench, because, as a Commissioner of the United States, he tcould not perjure himself hy refusing to deliver up Anthony Burns, a fugitive slave, to his master ; it enacted what it called 9 j personal liberty bill," making the fugitive slave law, passed in pursuance of a plain provision of the Constitution, null and void with:n the fetate of Massachusetts; it appointed a committee to visit the nunneries, and ihe committee, under legisla tive sanction, oblruded themselves into n private Ca'holic school kept by females at Rnxbury, in sulted the females, smelt about in the bed rooms and sinks for Papal horrors one of tho committee havin" with him n lewd woman, who was enter lained at the Hotel at the State's expense ; nnd the members of the committee generally, though w hen in their seats in the Legislature as pious lo all ap pearances as any Praise-God-B i rebones, and ; zealous advocates of the Maine law, en iing them selves with the best liquors, and having a "good time ol it" it) the;r work of intolerance and bigot- , ry. They afterwards expelled the member one j ljjsa who had the woman with him at Rnxbury, upon the principle that lus sin was found out, but sot very deeply deprecated, for even Hiss had threatened that he would expose his comrades, for j ihat, in truth, the kettle was as black as to pot. S they hustled him out. This Legislature was Jed, in its assaults upon foreigners, upon Catholics, and upon the constitution of the country, by sixty j Protestant mm'Ster of the Gospel, who, in their blind fanaticism, have forgotten the mild precepts I of the Son ol God who died for their redemption ; and w ho, instead ol teaching Catholics, if they in this country need such teaching, the virtues n Christian forbearance and charity, are themselves following the example set in Europe in the dark ages of grinding down and torturing thosa who endeavor to worship God in their own way. Q Who are the leaders in this Know Nothing rrfovement in Nirth Carolina? XThis will be stated more fu'ly hereafter ; but one of these leaders is the Hon. Kenneth Rayner, who, twenty years ago, in ihe Conven tion to amend the Constitution of North Caro lina. d livered an unanswerable argument against the position he now occupies with reference to ' Catholics, and who voted to give the Catholics the same right to hold office that Protestants eo- j Q But does not Mr. Rayner and his associates : declars that tiiey are for religious toleration ; and that in voting to exclude Catholics and foreigners from office they no more proscribe them than you do in voting against Whigs? A Yes, but the fallacy of this reasoning is ap parent. Catholics and naturalized citizens have as much right, according to the Constitution, to hold office and to vote as natives and Protestants have. No Know Nothing will deny this. Whigs and Democrats, as such, have no Constitutional right to vote or to hold office; the Constitution knows no such classes or parties. All citizens have a right to vote and to hold office; but we do not vote against citizens, but against Whigs or Democrats ; that is, we do not vote against a mn because he is a citxen, but, because, bein" a citi zen, he holds political principles which we disap prove. Surely this is not proscription, but mere ly the exercise of the privileges which the people have, under the Constitution, of carrying out their views of government. But when we vote against a man because he is a Catholic, or because he is a Protestant, we erect a standard of qualifi cation higher than the Constitution ; for that in strnment expressly provides that no religious test shall ever be required for office. We thus, while we pretend to maintain the toleration established in the Constitution, make it practically null and void at the polls. Certainly every citizen has the physical power of voting to proscribe either Cath olics or Protestants; but the Know Nothing wm proposes to proscribe the Catholic, and who has taken an oath so to do, and also an oath to sup port and lo be governed by the Constitution, must choose between his oaths he must break one or thr other ? Q That, 1 admit, appears to bo plain and rea sonable, i h iv3 other questions to propound, and hope the conversation will be continued. A Very well 1 shall be happy to continue the conversation, and to answer any question y,ou may put. Q One word more; You have made certain statements about Mr. Rayner ; is he not now in Philadelphia laboring to thoroughly nationalize the Order ? A Yes, he took his seat, suppose, on Tues day last, in the National Council, with such nu n as U ilsnn. of Massachusetts, and Hale and Tuck, of New Hampshire. If their credentials were gentime, Mr. Rayner, it is lo be presumed, recog nised them as brother Know Nothings ; and yet such men, as their past lives prove, would insti gate the slaves of the South to raise upon and murder their masters. Mr. Rayner is a slave holder, and no doubt sincerely devoted to ihe rights of the South ; but in relying upon such men, or in attempting to make terms with them, he hopes against hope. He is in the minority in that Coun cil ; and if a contest should arise in it touching the question of slavery, he will he voted down, and mty be expell?d. Yet he is bound, accord ing to his oath as a Know Nothing, to submit to the c ion of a majority of the Council, whatever that action may be, or withdraw from the Order. If he should agree to stand by (he Union of the States under all circumstances, or to ignore the question of slavery, leaving his Northern asso ciates (r e to agitate it, as they Jif. ve heretofore done, in the halls of Congress, he will not be true, in mv opinion, to the interests and the rights of his Siate ; and if, on the contrary, refusing thus to agree, he should withdraw from the order, he will iherchy openly confess that it is not national, hut sectional, and has failed to accomplish for the country w hat he promised us it would accomplish. Approval of, or acquiescence in the "compromise" of 1850 was the lest of both the last Whig and Democratic national Conventions ; and the Union will be imperilled, and the rights of North Caro lina put in jeopardy, if any party which disre gards and ignores this test shall obtain supreme cont rol. The Talk in England. In his gossiping stle, the usually correct gath erer of the week's "Talk on 'Change" at Liverpool furnishes the following important matter : The talk yesterday whs, that we are about to open a perplexed page in the history of the war ; hat our difficulties do not fill proceed from Rus sia ; that there has been a difl'erence of opinion between our good allv of France and ourselves ; that Russia has made os yet untold concessions ; that she desires peace above ail things; that her proposals have met the approval of Austria ; and in part of Great Britain; thai, in point of fact, our government had accepted them : that, so hap py were the ministers nt ihe prospect of restored amity, that they did not conceal the fact from their J supportors ; that Sir George Grey communicated the glad tidings to Mr. Bright ; that Sir George regarded peace as accomplished ; that Mr. Bright was too happy to tell the joyous intelligence to others ; that France, however, had to be consult ed ; that no doubt was entertained of her acquis! ence, but that our government miscalculated the policy of our ally ; that Louis Napoleon at once rejected the proposed conditions ; that the ministe rial crisis in Franee hud direct referecce to this determination ; that, vulgarly speaking. Lord Pulmerston was thrown aback ; thai there was, however, no ground for the charge in the Tunes (i f disunion in the Cabinet on that question ; that a knowledge ni it operated against Lord Ellenbo rough's motion ; ihat the Lords would not corn plicate negotiations at such a crisis: ihat we are bound to France as fast as treaties can make us; that we can do nothing buf in conjunction with her, and thil there is no backing out ; that we must go on, and that Luis Napoleon will go on ; ihat ihe precise terms of the Russian propositions are not known ; but that it is believed they embraced, in part, all the proposals made at ths conferences on the third point ; that the Czir agreed not to in crease his navy in the Euxine beyond what it was in May, 1854 ; 'h1 ships of all nations might pass through (he Dardanelles, and Ihat Turkey might augment her fleet to an equality with that of Rus sia ; that, be ihe conditions what ihey may, it is to be regretted that v hat England approved should be rejected by France ; that it is impoli'ic to seek to impose needless humiliation on Alexander; that he dare not submit to a curtailment of his flee I or territory, and that, practically, it would amount to nothing if he did; thai Turkey can exist in the vicinity of Russia only in tbe protection of Great Britain. The further talk was that Loots Napoleon had ulterior designs : that a continuance of the war with Russia will enable him to carry them out; that while Eng'and has nothing to af from Rus- I sia, he has everything to apprehend ; that it is ! now sufficiency evident that no hostile Muscovite can ever land on our shores; thal the Cossack must remain aLa romantic distance ; that invasion is entirely out of tbe question ; that with France the thing is quite different ; that she i accessible on every kfe ; that a combined Europe could pas? the Rhine ; that a combination of despots -gain.-t Louis Napoleon is not quite an impossibili ty ; thai he is a parvenu on a throne, and is there fore detested ; that Russia, Austria and Prussia could crush him, and possibly may attempt it ; that he has therelore a deep interest in diminishing ihe power of the Autocrat; that Austria, also be ing in danger from the same dinction, would willingly issist in the work if she dure ; that Russia is ,:er bubbly-jock, and ihat ihe restora tion of Pi. land would relieve her from the oppres sive patronage of a friend ; but llmt Poland revo lutionized, what would Hungary do? that there lies ihe fear which make supineness of so long a date; ihat an alliance with France and England, her dominions guaranteed, might embolden Fran cis Joseph; and it is quite clear that conflicting considerations will kep Austria neutral: that there are difficulties now upon Europe no one can deny, and therefore war will be with us for some lime increasing in evil as it progresses. From the Augusta ''onstitutionalist and Republican, May 30. me niiti Sin! hits: a-tir IVeetins Spee ches of iTIc)'g. Stephens, Toombs, and Thomas. An immense concourse of our citizns assembled on Monday evening at the City Hall to hear an address from the Hon. A. H. Stephens. Notwith standing the shortness of the notice it being an nounced only on that day, by placards at public places, there being no papers issued Monday mor ning, ihat Mr. Stephens would address his fellow cilizeos -the people turned out en masse to hear their distinguished nnd patriotic representative. The hall was crowded to suffocation, and hun dreds were standing outside, una hie to get in, and clamorous for Mr. Stephens to come out on the steps. Thii hing suggesied lo tbe speaker short ly alter he opened his address, Mr. S'ephens said he would acquiesce cheerfully in the general wish, and proceeded lo the northern portal of the hall. Here our citizens, lo the number of two thousand, were compelled to stand on the damp ground for want ol a suitable platform. M r. Stephens commenced his remarks by ex pressing his regret at being compelled to speak in the dark, for it was always his pleasure when he spoke to look the people in the. eye. He said he had traveled over more than half the Stale in or der to nieet the people of Augusta to-night. Since his communication lo Mr. Thomas had been published, it had been said that the reason of his retirement from the canvass in this district was his fear of being beaten. For himsell he was afraid of nothing but to do wrong. Of that he was afraid ; but of being beaten, he would not give a fig for a man who was not willing be beaten in defense of what he believed to be right. He had come there, then, he said, in response to various calls, to announce that he was again a candidate for Congress from this district. Nominated, he said, not by any two-third vote, but here upon this stand I nominate myself for Congress from the Htb Congressional district. Mr Stephens was here interrupted by a deep and en'husiaslic shout of approbation from the great crowd he was addressing. He continued, thai this Know-Nothing order had been created, il was said, for ihe purpose of putting dow n dema gogues, small men, and tricksters. For himself he was no trickster. Tricksters never walk in open day. They skulk in hiding places, and he warned the people to beware of leaders who re sorted to the dark in order to concoct their schemes. It had heen said by some who had commented upon his letter, but none of whom had the boldness to come ou', by those who w-ere shooting at him in the dark, that David and his adherents formed a secret organization, and thai Samuel Adams and others formed a cliquj for the purpose ol striking a blow for American liberty. This object, said he, was revolution, and the ooject of the Know nothings was revolution. It is lo overthrow the Constitution of the country ; lo create u religious lest, when the Constitution said that there should be no religious lest. The .Know-noihings knew that their object was revolution; they knew that they had taken taken an oath not to support any Catholic for office. They might deny it, and ex plain away ihe denial by some casuistical, slip pery, Know-nothing construction, but ibere was n monitor within which told them they had tsken it. Mr. Stephens continued for some time in an el oquent strain on the sublimity of truth, the foun dation of ail honor and integrity among men a want of which", as bad as the Know-nothings charge the Catholics to be, could not preferred against litem ; r.d then introduced a beautiful passage of sacred history : ' It was after Judas had betrayed Christ with a kiss, and Peter denied ?nm thrice, that our Lord ashed, what is truth?" He called upon all Know-nothing, but especially all ministers of the Gospel who might have joined the order, to repent in sackclolh and ashes, and to go about end preach from. the pulpit on that text, "what is truth ?" He here eloquently appealed to the Know-nothings to burst asunder ihese oaths, which bound them down as with cords, and abandon this spirit of prevarication which ihcy have adopted for the purpose of violating the Constitution of the coun try ! He poured lonh a glowing, patriotic, and for cible appeal in behalf of the piinciplee laid down in his late letter against Know-nothingism. He depie'ed, in masterly style, ihe corrupting and dis astrous influences to result to society from the de ceitful, equivocating, and fraudulent practices of Know-nothingiem the anti-American, anti-republican, and unmanly character of its secret organi zation the danger to liberty, to the peace of com munities, and to social order, of secret political conclaves, plotting in the darkness of midnight for ihe advancement of purposes not disclosed to the public they sought to govern, and whose rights they aimed to control nd dispose of in this clan destine mode. He held that such conduct was unworthy of men and freemen who held principles wor'hy ol success. Truth never skulked from the light of day and hid itself in dark corners, afraid of discussion and investigation. It was the characteristic of error and of falsehood thus to hide, and there to work out their purposes. Truth was the foundation stone of civil order the very life and essence of all social integrity. Yet Know-nothingism bowed to a spell and an influence more po'.ent than truth, and reconciled the consciences of men to resort to equivocation and slippery construction to deceive the public. But there was a monitor from on high in the breast of every honest man that must at times whisper to him that this was wrong. Know-nothingism bound its votaries under the j third degree of its ritual by a solemn oath to main tain the Union, at all hazards, against all efforts I ol factionists and of secessionists. But it nowhere bound its members to support the Constitution ; j yet that Constitution was the very life and soul of Ihe Union. It could only have been made by it, and through it, nnd the principles it consecrates, j Without it, the Constitution would be valueless, or j worse than valueless. There was ihe abolitionism of this order in di. j guise. He called on Southern men o notice it. I He, Mr. Stephens, stood upon the Georgia plat- j form. Should Kansas be rejected on account of j slavery, he was for resistance. Send him to Con gress, and he would resist il there ; if unsuccess ful, he would return to the people and lell them to resist it. It hid been said that the foreigners who camp to this country joined ihe abolitionists in their cru sade upon our rights. It was not so ; he knew it was not so. The foreigners w ho came here came with a reverence for the Constitution Where did ! these foreigners mostly settle? In the northwest. And from the northwest came the host friends of ihe South from Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa, the last the only free State which had never bowed to ab olitionism, and now for the first time to be repre sented by a free soiler, when Know -nothingism had sprung into existence. Every Know-nothing took an oath that he would support no Roman Catholic for office. This was striking at one of the fundamental princip'es ol the Constitution, which declares ihere shall be no religious test as a qualification for office. He. therefore, who took thai oath look ar. oath incon sistent with the support of the Constitution. It was an oath in violation of the letter und spirit of that sacred instrument. Upon the exclusion from office and disfranchise ment of foreign-born citizens, the orator was no Lss emphatic nd forcible in his denunciation of this feature of Know-nothingism. Upon the social evils, the injustice and disastrous consequences, threatening siriles and bloodshed and civil war, of making men aliens at heart to a government which thus made war upon their religion, and set them apart on account of their nativity ns a degra ded class, the speaker was eloquent and convinc ing, and the repeated plaudits wh eh greeted him from the beginning to the close of his address, rising up from every side of this dense assemblage, wrapt in eager and earnest attention, proved how thoroughly he had enlisted the feelings and con vinced the judgment of his auditors. We could scarcely realize in such demonstrations that there were, in all probability, hundreds of know-nothings among them. He paid a just and eloquent tribute to those true men of the North who had so long and patriotically stood by the South in her struggles with abolition ism. He pointed out who it was that had voted in Congress with the Southern delegation to spare the South from the Wilmot proviso, ihat badge of inferiority and degradation with which she was threatened ; that had relieved her from the Missou ri Compromise restriction and opened Kansas lo the influx of her citizens, and aided her in ihe en actment of the fugitive-slave law. He referred by name to the noble exertions of Douglas and Rich ardson, of Illinois, to protect the Constitution and the rights of the South under it, and who had sat up with him two days and two nights, without rest to secure the passage of the Kansas bill. He stated that these are the men at the North that northern know-nothings were endeavoring to beat down; that of all the northern men elected j to Congress since the passage of that bill there j was not one know-nothing who had voted for the measure not one who was not hos'ile to it; that of the forty-one that had voted for it twenty had been defeated on account of ihat vote, and that tho twenty-one that were left were the friends of of the South ; that it was our duty lo s'and by, to encourage, and to cheer them. The danger to our rights was not at the North, if we would he 6cm lo our friends there, and true to ourselves. We had friends in every Northern State potri otic and true men, who would stand by us if we would stand by ourselves, and be true to our own 1 principles. There were true men even in Massa- ! chusetls. Thre were two hundred guns fired on Boston Common when tha governor recently ve toed the bill to remove Judge Lorpig from office for issuing a warrant to restore a fugi'ive slave to his owner. But (here was not a know-nothing among them. They were fired by the true men of thai State, who still felt the spirit of '76 that blaz' d or. Bunker Hill. There were true men national men in Mew Hampshire, in Connecticut , in New York, in Iowa, many in Illinois; that our policy was not to join the know-nothings, who were fighting these men, but to stand by our friends there, and soon they would rally again, and gain strength. From twenty-one they would swell up lo thirty, to forty, lo fifty, to one hundred in Congress. They would stand by us and our rights, and with us save the constitution and save the country. Mr. Stephens beautifully compared the entrance of th's order from the North into the South to the entrance of Satan in the form of ih subtle serpent into the garden of Eden, with a lie in his mou'h. calling on Eve to eat of ihe fruit, for in that day she should not surely die. He concluded amid great cheering. Mr. Toombs was then called for, and responded in a most eloquent and impressive spepch, and in his happiest manner. He fully coincided in Mr. Stephen's sentiments, and uttered a splerdid eulo gium upon the principles of American liberty, civil and religious upon the noble feature of religious tolerance which characterizes our institutions, and the wise policy ol inviting to our shores foreign emigration. We regret our space will not enable us this morning to give a sketch of his very interesting peach. Mr. Thomas, of Elbert, responded to loud calls for him in a few appropriate remarks, which were well received ; after which the meeting dispersed in high spirits, and in good order. Some called out for Sam to get up, but Sam felt so completely demolished he could not rise, and had not a word to say. He had probably heard of the Virginia elections. The Itlaniacs at Work. The telegraphic despatch in this morning's Delia, giving the particulars of a liquor riot in Portland, M.ine, which resulted in a collision be tween the people and the military, should be read and "pondered fittingly " by every intelligent Southern man. It is another instance of the boast ed ,4prugress" of the North, and of the triumph of that peculiar ''liberty, " which requires every one to do as Neil Dow or Theodore Parker requires, ur take the consequences. There are certain men in the New England States who are determined to permit no freedom to exist, but such as ihey choose to consider legi timate that is lo say, who really sap ihe founds lion of all I rue independence, by elevating their own ideas into an arrogant despotism from whLh there is no appeal. They are true descendants of the Pilgrim Fathers trne lo their bigotry their insime vanity iheir dictatorial disposilion. Tho heart of Plymouth Rock itself is not rhore hard or cold than theirs, and in ihe liturgy of their sect only two principles can ho discovered the fun damental principles of ihe Crsmwnllian saints, which are embodied in the famous resolutions: "First That the earth belongs to God's saints. Second That we are his saints." The name of this party is Legion. In Massa chusetts, Connecticut, .Maine, and New York, its apostles are always in the caucus or on the plat form. Their crusade embraces two primal objects the detriment of the South and the annihilation of individual rights. They are led by orators and publicists of no ordinary ability ; speakers of gen. uine imaginative fire, iike Henry Ward Beecher ; journalists of great audacity and exquisite acumen, like Charles A. Dsns, and preachers as thought ful and sonorous as Jeremy Taylor, at the head of whom is the Rev. Theodore Parker, of Boston, Any attempt to underrate the power of such in tellects as these, on the part of the Southern Stales, is simply suicidal : for we perceive their influence too plainly in the late history of the principal cities of the North. Indeed, of late, their idena have crept teathily into this section ol the country, nnd taken root amongst us, as is evident from the cor dial reception which Parker received a short tuna ago in Delaware. It is true ihat Stale has never been very relia hie ns a member of trie Southern family. As John C. Calhoun, with his inevitable instinct of truth, declared, it could not be counted upon by the pro slavery section of the confederation, but even ha scarcely foresaw that it would so soon become :t stamping ground for Abolitionist lecturers, .where fanaticism might rear a triumphant front. Even in New Oilenns, we are not quite free from the disciples of ihe New England propaganda, which makes its legitimacy by ibn niuit rampant intoler ance, and openly threatens us with coercive legis lation, 8imi!er to that which is now reducing many Northern cities to the aspect ol hugo wilchca cauldrons into which every evil ingredient is flung, ns if by the bind ol Hecate and her sisters. It is worse than lolly, therefore, lo despise or ignore the energy, ability, and unrelenting malice of the fanatics who have proclaimed war on Southern principles and Southern men. One of their chief hobbies is the liquor law, born of (he angular brain of Neal Dow ; nnd ihey ride it to death. Mv Uncle Toby never rode a hobby with such keenly-spurred heels. They have rid den it in Maine, to the great disgust of every sen sible man. They are riding it in New York at present, and a bull in a China shop could not effect more destruction than this crazy hobby horse, which in its design and workmanship, is purely a " Yankee notion." II it were a inero attack on the liquor influence, this bobbv-hoisical charge ngninst ihe grog shops, the rum-selling groceries, the small hells of dissipation which infest all our large cities, wc, loo, w.iuld get u.lrido of the eccentric machine, and give it a loose rein and an easy neat in the saddle. But it is more thui this, nnd amounts to an in. fringement on private rights, a destruction of indi vidualism, an absolute merging of persons in overruling parlies, which strike nt the root of nil social and political privileges. Its uncons Mutton alky has b en declared by the foremost legal in tellects of ihe diy, and yet il continues its disas trous course, even when it has to wade through the blood of American citizens. It is another instance of that Northern philanthropy which has heen so well illustrated by Canning in tho "Ami Jicobin," and by many of the modern wits. Ii is a pious principle, such as Douglas Jerrold des cribes, which hays: "Friend and brother, livo as the Lord, and ihat is to say, as I miy see fit; otherwise, I'll punch your head." If wo desire to test the value of these so-called Northern " reforms," we must look carefully to their results. What hive ihey been up to this t In 'ew Yoik the bungling and hasty manner in which the prohibitory law was drawn up by tho Legislature, not only rendered it inoperative as a legal instrument, but produced a state of affairs under which the .sale of intoxicating drinks became altogether uncontrolled, unregulated ; and even ihe intelligent mayor of thu city bad no prece dents left to him bv which his official course should be directed. He was compelled to fall back upon first principles, and rely upon the discretion of ihe citizens themselves. In Maine wc learn from our despatches of this morning, the consequences have been more disas trous, and the military were actually compelled to fire upon the people ; that the fan-nicism of Neal D"W shoulii.be gratified, and the rights of indivi duals suppressed by the most active agent of des potism lbs authoritative bullet! Thus ihe now millennium has been baptised in blood. The era of the Samts is again the era of massacre and riot. Moloch is again substituted for Christ. It is time that the South should take heed of these things, and calmly resolve to oppose, to the best of its ability, the progress of this Northern propaganda which has already created so much trouble and suffering. It is time thst the land of chivalry and tolerance should raise its voice and hand against the growth of bigotry and moon struck fanaticism in its midst. It is time tbat we should act on the defensive, and ahow a resolute front to the incursions of the open and undisguis ed -tyranny of Ihe North. To your tents, C Israel ! X 0. Delta.