Newspapers / The Charlotte Democrat (Charlotte, … / May 27, 1856, edition 1 / Page 2
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.. little boy at M-l..J.ildictcd to the practice "ll 3 . . r.fh.-.r.l svroariu-'. To puiu.-li mm ior w tmbit. bis teacher placed him by the side fa urilf- Vh in the -clxHd-ruuin, with a pair of tuag H!i J ttaneM bira to atand l - m ini.ii.iA whon it should liuie iinu v. in-" - - omm out As Nn u the scb.,.,1 was done Umirhifijr over his rklicala p-wition, ana teu.-rai inw?niw iwp.a.x-. . v , ill 1 L.VH 1. .1.1 tm lit in i mi tii nn fwik nn.vili.l. t!- nuMiM Came oat, a.iu ibihim cane v. .. - i - - -. MDirh the little follow clamped it with ure ei the Ummm Mid cril ;.it : "Maatec, ny i-u I've "t him TliMi saiJ Mr. U.. will be ; i tin kAmerlcAMM to the , iL.-pn,'.- utter t!.o Governor's election. To tiii- ;t-.-ertiu or prediction us to what j is to be. we Might have attached some little importance, if Mr. B. had not jitst before toertcd that l.HJiks was elected Bff Itt by the Penan? rat w thought, however. it was a OmI appropriate winvmig up ot Mg speech. We had (Act) beard of a moun tain being in labat :ri bringing forth a mouse, but never before had we seen so striking an HhMtfftiioa af the adage. We predict that the Democrats will be caught ty the Know-NY. filings, just as the little irl cauyht Ike tsfc With a pin hook, she wen a fishing, and returned, riiuniug into be iMBee, out of breuth with excitement, mti l Mibllllibm. '). mother, niotlier, I've 'em !" ' ; .t what, my child ?" "Why I got the fish." "I don't see any fish." Why, mother," answered the littlo girl, her voice and face suddenly changing to mournfulne-s, "I got 'em. but they unbit and dir." And tlie Know-Nothings, who are also now on a fi.-hing excursion with pin hooks, may exclaim "We've got em !" but murk the prediction: after the election they will, with vinegar faces, be exclaiming We got Yin, but they unbit and dir." The pin hooks wouldn't hold them. The Know-Nothings are now making about the same progress in "catching" Democrats, that the little boy made in catching ground squirrels. After u whole day's hard chase, the question was propounded, " How do you get along, my son, catching ground squirrels .'" "O, first-rate. When I catch the one I'm after, and two more, I'll have three!" And with like success are Know-Nothing-, since the people have had time and opportunity to look into and understand their pro.-criptive, secret, and oath-bound principles and dark-lantern mummeries, catching Democrats. The people who ut first "bit" are mnUHug 1 dicing daily. Geu. Young's speech was the most genteel, if not the best, on the occasion. We will let him pass, as we were pleased with his ap pearance and manner, and heard nothing from him to which much exception could be taken. Mr. Burringer closed the exercises of the day. lie pointed to the fact that Electors had been appointed before the candidate for President had been present ed, to prove a want of principle on tho part of the Democrats. This was a rather a singular charge or matter of compluiut, in face of the fact that the Know Nothings take a solemn oath to support and vote for whoever a bare majority of their councils may fix upon, no matter what their princi ples may be. In the face of the fact, too, that the Know Nothing party are support ing Millard Fillmore for the Presidency, ' at Philadelphia not by a two-thirds vote, while they do not know his opinions on the j nor by a majority but by a small minority, main BSUCS of the day, and which form j It was amusing to hear all the Know the mo.-t important questions which have Nothing speakers talking about their "prin erer agitated this country the questions j ciples." Know Nothing principles ! What arising out of the repe.il of the Missouri are they Nothing, when applied to poli- Compromlse bill, and the priacipfefl con- j taiaed in the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Mr. lbirringer was evidently under the impres sion that the Democrat! were, like the Know Nothings, without any fixed princi ples, and liable to have a candidate pre sented for their support without any knowl edge of his opinion! I5ut, in truth, the leuding opinions and principles of the nom inee of the Democratic national Convention is well understand to all except Know-Nothing who are wilfully blind. TheDemocrats do not recommend men without knowing their principles their avowed principles. Their motto is "measures, not men." Their Elec tors, too, they regard as freemen, to sup port or not support, at their option, who ever the Convention may select as a candi date. They are not bound by oath to go with their party "right or wrong." They are under no obligation, whatever, to swal low, whoever their "Council" may select, let the dish be palatable or unpalatable. They do not take an oath ill the following ' "dark-lantern" form : You swear that "you j "will iu all things, political aud social, so " far as this Order is concerned, comply " with the will of the majority when ex pressed in a lawful manner, though it may " couflict with your personal preference." It becomes men, who take such an oath as this, to talk of a waut of principle and blind adhereuce to party, ou the part of others ! Mr. Uaniiiger, unlike the Elector, Mr. Dargan, said he knew Mr. Douelson; aud alluded to his Editorship of the Globe, as an evidence of his ability. This, we deemed rather a singular allusion, in connection with the fact thut tho "ability" of Donelsou was chiefly exhibited in articles in abuse of Fillmore aud his Administration! Some of these abusive articles we have now before ui, in one of which Fillmore is compared as an abolitionist to Sumuer, the meau aboli tionist of Massachusetts, who, a few days wince, received a sound and well-merited nagging, troin tne hands of the honorable ! i"l m . - and chivalrous Brooks, of South Carolina, for uttering one of his abusive abolition ha rangues in the Senate. We are at a loss to kuow how Fillmore can consent, under a natural pride and sense of propriety, to be associated on the same ticket with a man who has indulged in so much abuse of him, unless he admits that Donelson told the truth, and that the 'truth needs no apology. It was very apparent, from the cursory and Mgnificaut inauner in which Mr. Dargan dhnafched Donelson professing to "Anou? nothing about him." that the "greasv Ten nswan," as Browulow dubs him, sticks iu the Elector's throat ; but the ingulfing ca pacities of Mr. Barriiiger's political oeso phagus, enabled him to swallow the "grea sy" Know-Nothing without mastication. But, we advise Mr. Barringer, if he should ever again attempt to sing hosaunahs over Lis delectable Donelson, to endeavor to i . . . mftrit Iwicina that Ot I point to sou. " 1 u v.l t,.r of tho Globe or 7 ' Union, to recommend mm to tne lavorauie consideration and support of Filluaorines. Mr. B. can, if he shall choose, state that on all the issues of statesman, the Bauk, curren- mm m .. f LI . . ... -gr ! cy, and m ! J question, the Tariff, eisou auu n.u..rc ... - opinions, l ney agree oiny m one iwg . 'Americans mut rule America" the true interpretation ef which we have exemplified in their own persons : An alliance of the i . 1 tiger and the wolf in pursuit of the "paill." One of the Speakers we do not remember which one inveighed heavily against the two-thirds rule, which the Democrats have adopted in making choice of a candidate for President. No argument, however, was employed against it and we are unable to conjecture whence the opposition of the Know-Nothing party proceeds to that salu tary rule. In a country like ours, with its varied interests and contrariety of opinions, no candidate ought to be presented who cannot command an almost unanimous vote. A convention should always endeavor to select that man who can command the vote of delegates from all portions, and if he can not approach that unanimity, he ought to be thrown aside, and some oue else, who can command the vote, should bo selected. Abandon this rule, and you placo the Demo cracy of the South at the mercy of the North. The South, being a minority, would have no chance to arrest the nomination of an exceptionable man. and the disorganiza tion of the Dcm..cratio party would be the inevitable result. If the Whig party had established this rule, and prevented fana tics of the North from controlling its action, its friends this day would not have been singing funeral dirges over its grave. Sec tionalism, however, having controlled its fortunes, and directed its course, the conser- ered by numbers, and the party was led 3 e . into the quagmires of ubolitionisin. I he late I 1 .. , i of the Whig partv in this respect should be j 0 1 ' . I a warning to the Democratic party to avoid j & , the shoals and quick-sands upon which the Whig partv split. The Democratic party r j x have suffered no wrong or nqustice from 1 0 . . j this rule, but on the contrary it has con- ' j ducted the party to power, and r,d it of ( place-hunters and camp-followers. The , objection that it destroys the prominent ; men is but a piUible argument when com- , 1 J 1 pareu to me great oenems it co.ue.s ur,. ; the party. I'olk ana ruici are tne re sults of this rule, and although compara tively obscure men at the time of their Humiliation, yet their administrations have been able and brilliant, and all the coun try or the party vjould require Not even the most prominent men could have admin istered the government with more ability or given more general satisfaction. We care not what aspirant it destroys, its effect is to give to the country a sound national and re liable man, and one who will sustain the Con stitution and the rights of the States. The Know Nothings doubtless are of opinion that our candidate should be selected in tho same manner Mr. Fillmore was nominated tical subjects, to governmental affairs and policy. Tho principles of statesmen are all sunk into the contemptible warfare wag ed against the poor foreigners and Catho lics ! The Bank and currency question a high or low tariff tho public land ques tion internal improvements by the general government and all the great questions which have hitherto divided the great poli tical parties of the country are ignored and sunk, to make way for the two ridiculous new "principles" of opposition to foreign ers and Catholics. We say new princi ples for how long have these principles been in existence ? Only two or three years since the Whig, party ceased to ex ist. When Gen. Scott was the Whig can didate the candidate of these very same Know Noothiug speakers to which we are alluding this party was then the foreign party the very party who now modestly claim to be tho "American party." The "rich Irish brogue," and the "sweet Ger man accent" was then the song. Now, most wonderful change the same party sing altogether another tune. The truth is. Whig principles having become obsolete, the party determined on having new principles, and it was no doubt deemed a popular move to make war against foreigners and Cath olics, and thus secure, if possible, the sup port of all friends of Protestantism. But, the Protestants are not the fools they were takeu for. They see through the motives of these very pious political hacks, and treat them accordingly. One of the speakers alluded to tho "con servative" character of the Know Nothing party. It was composed, he said, of the conservatives" and honest politicians of all the old parties! We protest against ! these men speaking for the Democratic par- i ... , , , . . r 1 ty, while wo acknowledge their right to j . 4, , , & charge their own, the late Whig partv, with i ,. . rw,, j. ... - . dishouesty. I hev are familiar with the I , ftl , - . acts and course of that party, and of course . . J I know the truth -of what thev saw when thev own u nun dhddiwnt, iui, tue mea ir.iv -m a- , . , ot tne Know iNothing party being made up i , Z j , . . of the conservative and honest portion of u . . ,. , , Till, illil im rt i.ij i . , . . I ..I J: .1 a.. .l. - ? a - ,v. .uiiirj, is too nuicuious iot serious w.i i u j , , IlotlCe. It til." llint,r hnH mimt 1 !. it was ZA'ZZl Z Z7ZrZ ; i - imj mmm pniliUH hacks and disappointed politicians iu the South and the abolitionists in the North, he would have come nearer the truth. We have not time or space for a more extended notice of the Know Nothin-meet- ing. It was, altogether, a rare and funny 1 exhibition, whieh we wish everv intellio-..nt ; , Democrat in the countv could have witness- ' i im - j ,, " .Li.,-,. i ed. 1 he "Order" we cannot help think ntr. r iv.i.;., would do well to slick to private meetings. They, we are satisfied, have aU to lose, and nothing to gain by displays and arguments such as wewitucssedatthis Know Nothing meeting. In coucluaion, we invite tho particular attention of the reader to the evidc nee in support of the charge that MTT.T.AKO FILLMORE IS AN ABOLI TIONIST, And we desire the reader, as be goes along, to bear in mind that Mr. Fillmore has never revoked, cancelled, taken back, or disavow ed in any shape or form the opinions and sentiments he has uniformerly expressed in favor of abolitionism. The inference is, therefore, irresistible that they are his set tled and cherished principles, which he would act upon and carry out whenever an opportunity might be presented for him to do so. It is impossible that a Southern people can sustain a man with such a re cord, for the important office of President of the United States, at this important cri sis in the history of abolitionism. We de sire also that the reader bear in mind that it is such a man that the Know Nothings are supporting, while they have the impudence to charge Gen. Pierce with abolitionism. We are indebted to the "Columbia Times" for the drawing up of the following "in dictment," from the record, against Mr. Fill more. The "Times" is an "American" paper, but one of the number, that cannot swa"w Millard Fillmore, although he has been tied to a "greasy" Southerner, to make him go down the more readily. Is Mr. Fillmore an abolitionist ? In proof of the affirmative of this question, we adduce to go no farther back in his political history his votes in Congress in 1838. In December of that year, Mr. Atherton, of New Hampshire, offered the following amongst other resolutions: "That all attempts on the part of Con gress to abolish slavery in tho District of Columbia, or the Territories, or to prohibit the removal of a slave, from States to States, or to discriminate between the institutions of one portion of the Confederacy and another, with the views aforesaid, are in violation of the constitution, destructive to the fundamental prinoiple on which the Union of the Mates rests, and beyond tne , ii r i c, ii fit f :nn arrfxs.' J J . , , , . 1 here can be no doubt that this resolu- . . , . . ... , tion enunciated principles vitally important 1 11111 to the South principles which underlie the Constitution and are the very bulwarks 01 slavery. W ere the South to concede that . . , ,. , Congress has the power to abolish slavery . n. . ... r , , . in the District of Columbia, or the Terri- . . ., . . .... a. , tones, or to prohioit the inter-State slave woulJ betr&y hfinds rf enemies the defences which the Con. Station has thrown around her peculiar terest The priuciplcs embraced in the resolution are tho very opp0site of aboli- tionism. and any one who should refuse his hearty assent to them, must, by consequence, be an abolitionist. Now, we find that Mr. Fillmore voted against the adoption of Mr. Atherton's resolutions. It follows, there fore, that he was an abolitionist in 1838. He also voted against the following resolu tion, offered by Mr. Wise of Virginia:- "That Congress has no power to abolish the slave-trade, or to prohibit the removal of slaves between the States and the District of Columbia, or Territories of the United States." On the 13th day of Deoember of the same year, he voted for the following resolution presented by Slade, of Vermont, a notoriously rabid abolitionist : "Whereas, there exists and is carried on between the ports in the District of Colum bia, und other parts of the United States, and under tho sanction of the laws thereof, a trade in human beings, whereby thou sands of them are annually sold and trans ported from said District to distant parts of the country, in vessels belonging to citizens of the United States : and whereas such trade involves an outrageous violation of human rights, is a disgrace to the country by whose laws it is sanctioned, and calls for the immediate interposition of legislative authority, for its suppression: "Therefore, to the end, that all obstacles to the consideration of this subject be re moved, and a remedy for the evil speedily provided, Resolved, That so much of the fifth resolution on the subject of slavery (Atherton's) passed by this House, as re lates to the removal of slaves, from State to State, dec, be, and hereby is rescinded." Who has not heard of the infamous reso lution offered in Congress by the infamous Gott, which proposed that the abolition of slavery in tho District of Columbia should be referred to the people of the District for their decision at the ballot-box, and that the slaves themselves should be allowed to vote in the decision of the questionl We do not now recollect in what year precisely the resolution was introduced, but we well recollect the fact that Mr. Fillmore voted for it. His vote on this question alone would stamp him an abolitionist of the blackest hue, were there not another particle of evidence against him. It is fresh in the memory of every intelli gent man, that, for many years in the early history of abolitionism, Congress was flooded with incendiary abolition petitions. To put a stop to the fearful inundation, which threatened to engulph all other legislative business, and to prevent its undermining the Constitution and the Union, the House of Representatives adopted the celebrated "21st Rule," which was in these words: "No petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any State or Territories of the United States, in which i r " "TT! , iV House,or entertained in anv way whatever." A , .c 4, , Z A rule manifestly right and proper: for , ,i. . 1 no petition should be received or entertained , in any way, praying Congress to enact anv , u- , 1-, , , J law- which Consresi has not the constitu tional power to enact. No sooner was this 1,,1 - J - - a m . , ,. . . Rule adopted than the abolitionists from -. .- . , ., , .A . , . every quarter assailed it with the greatest JLI.. t , . . , , . nerceuess. it was almost the sole business i 1 r , , , . of John Quiucy Adams, during h s term in ! J " " e House of Representatives, to attack it in some one of the many forms which his fiendish ingenuity devised. On the 9th of December 1840 he moved that it be re- ! scinded. Upon a motiion to lay his resolu- j V rmmore voted m JST ?' L , t-. . , Z ..i .i r t i -. -n tne ju uecemoer it54U, Mr. James, e ti j x , j , . I of "hode Island, presented a petition from , ... antl.slavf onp,,,,.. , that ttr m.H fr. reading it, submitted to the chair the ques- ' tion whether it came within the twenty-first j j rule. The Speaker decided that it was ; embraced by the rule. Mr. James then moved to suspend the rule in order that the petition might be received. The yeas anj nays were ordered on a motion to lay the motion to suspend on the table, on which motion Mr. Fillmore voted in the negative, with Adams, Giddings. James, Slade and other abolitionists. See Con. Globe, Vol. 9, p. 51. Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, presented a peti tion, on the 7th of January, 1842, from j citizens of Ashtabula county, in that State, praying Congress to repeal the laws regu- i... U ..r- Iimul. latins or Bucnvmue ""'"g nortation of oersons as slaves in vessels of i the United States sailing coastwise from ! one State to another. The vote was on laying on the table the question of reception ! raised against the petition, which also carried the pet.tion with it. Mr. Fillmore voted in the negative. See Con. Globe, Vol. 11, Part 1. p. 105. A favorite measure of the abolitionists has been tho establishment of diplomatic and commercial relations between the United j States, and the semi-savage negro republic j of Hayti. That is to send a minister to the j Court of his Black Highness, the Emperor j Soulouque, and to receive any woolly-headed j negro minister he might accredit to Wash ! ington, and place him upon an equality with j the ministers from England, France and ! other civilized nations. Tho proposition involves the grossest insult that could be offered to the people of the South. Yet a man was found base enough to be the medium of presenting a petition to Congress with that object in view Mr. Calhoun, of Massachusetts; and Mr. Fillmore was base enough to sustain him. The question being i on a motion to lay the petition on the table, Mr. Fillmore voted in tho negative. Seo Con. Globe, vol. U, Part 1, p. 157. Most persons recollect the celebrated case of the Creole. This vessel sailed from Norfolk, Va., to New Orleans with a num ber of slaves on board, to be transported to the latter city there to be sold. On tho voyage, the negroes rose against tho crew, murdered them, and then made their way in the vessel to the Bermuda Islands. These, in brief, are the facts of the case. In re lation to it, Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, intro duced into Congress a series of resolutions, of whioh the following is most pertinent to our subject: Resolved, That the persons on board the said ship (Creole) in resuming the natural rights of personal liberty, violated no law of the United States, incurred no legal penalty, aud are justly liable to no punish ment. In other words, the negroes on board the Creole did right in murdering the crew, and were justifiable in the act. We wish we had space to introduce all of those infamous resolutions. The question being on a motion to lay tho resolutions on the table, Mr. Fillmore voted in the negativs. See Con gressional Globe, Vol. 11. Part 1, p. 342. It were unnecessary to continue the proofs in support of our allegation that Mr. Fillmore was an abolitionist. What we have already adduced are abundant. That ho is still au abolitionist is fairly inferable from the fact that he has never since 1842 renounoed the sentiments and principles he then entertained. This would be sufficient in the absence of other evidence. There is, however, in the letters which he has written and the speeches he has made, at various times, the most abundant proof. His celebrated Erie letter is alone sufficient to establish tho charge that he is an aboli tionist. But we have not time nor space to enlarge. During his whole political life his entire action upon the subject of abolition ism, was of the most obnoxious character. In his whole Congressional career ho stood side by side with Adams, Giddings, Slade & Co., and the intensity of his zeal was never in the slightest degree abated, so long as he looked to a northern constituency alone for political support. Becoming Vice Presi dent, by being attached, like the tail of a kite, to Gen. Taylor's skirts, aud then look ing forward (as his present position shows) to the Presidency, his mouth has become a sealed book on the subject of abolitionism. He is now looking to a different constituen cy for promotion. He now wants not only northern but southern support, and we no longer hear any thing from him on the sub ject of slavery. Why does he "keep dark" on the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska bill ? Why does he not declare his opinions on tho main issues of the day T The signing of the fugitive slave bill, a bill made in ac cordance with a plain and imperative pro vision of the Constitution, affords no answer to the questions. Nor does his enforcement of the provisions of that bill prove any thing more than a refusal to violate his oath to see the laws faithfully executed. If ho or his friends have any complaints to make against the charge of abolitionism, lot him meet the charge iu a fair and explicit man ner. A few lines, the labor of five minutes, are only necessary to place him in his true position He has written an "Erie" letter to show his devotion to abolitionism, and vows, and who though ugl to otfaer8, is another one recently, to a gentleman of Phi- j always ,Qvely to him ; though pollnted in the ludelphia, to show his admiration and love J sight of the world, is chaste in his sight I of "Sam" Why cannot he declare his ' mean the harlot, Slavery. For her his opinions on the main issues of the present ! tonguo is always profuse in words. Let : ,. .... r s im. ner 00 impeached in character, or any pro tinportant political crisis; I he opinions of -t- r , . , . , . c A. . 1 r ' position made to shut her out from the ex- BucLanan and Douglas, and the senti- j tension of her wantonness, and no extrava ments of all others, whose names are con- ' gance or hardihood of assertion is then too nected with the next Presidency, either greut for this Senator. The frenzy of Don from free or slave States, have been fully I Jf"6 in e h.alf of his -WCUhK Dulciea , - , , ' del foboso is all surpassed. The asserted dehned. And the people have a right and ; rights of smvery, which shock equality of a Southern people will demand to know, all kinds, are croaked by a fantastic claim before they give him their votes for the of- ; of equality. If the slave States cannot en fice of President of the United States, what V! Lwh,t' 'n mockery of the great fathers position ho occupies on the question of Southern rights, which arc at this time threatened and more imperilled, than at auy other period in the history of fanati cism. Now, for the first time, the aboli tionists have become -a power in the State," have possession of the popular branch of Congress; and aspirants for office are pay ing them a deference never extended to them in their weaker days. The same poli cy self interest which may have induced Mr. Fillmore, since he became Vice Presi dent, to moderate his abolitionism, may now induce him to renew and revive his former zeal and devotion to it. In conclusion, we ask: Should not the cheek of the man who charges Franklin Pierce with being an abolitionist, and is at the same time supporting Millard Fill more, tuantle with shame? WESTERN DEMOCRAT. Tuesday Morning) jfay 2 1856. CONGRESS. Want of space compels us to omit our regular notice of the proceedings of Con- crress. un tne iviu me a ico.v.. id . . nicated two messages, assigning his reasons for vetoing bills for the improvement of the mouth of the Mississippi, and the flats of the St. Clair river. The President, in re turning these bills, says he regards them ! as part of a general systen of internal im provement, and he refers to his message of 1854, vetoing the river and harbor bill, tor his views on the subject. The works pro posed, he regards as the convenience and local prosperity of those more immediately concerned an object not to be Constitu tionally and justly attained by the taxation of the people of the whole country. The measures were artfully contrived, and have been passed on the eve of the Cincinnati Convention, in the hope that they would diminish the President's popularity. But he has had the nerve and the firmness to stand by the Constitution and by bis prin ciples, without regard to consequences. On the 21st, in the Senate, Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts, delivered an infamous abolition speech, which Gen. Cas pro nounced the most anti-American speech, in every particular, that ho ever heard. Sen ators Douglas and Mason accused him as being unfit for the association of gentle men, aud entirely destitute of truth. Mr. Sumner replied in a strain of the most se vere vulgarity. The House passed a bill appropriating one million and forty-eight thousand of acres of land, in Wisconsin, for the con struction of rail-roads in that State and also a bill granting one million of acres to Alabama, for a similar purpose. On the 22d, the death of the Hon. John G. Miller, a member of the H. of R. from Missouri, was announced in both houses, and both adjourned in respect to his memory. On the 23d, in the House, Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, introduced a resolution appointing a committee of five to investigate the sub ject of the assault on Senator Sumner, by Mr. Brooks, with jjower to send for per sons and papers. And in the Senate, on motion of Mr. Seward, a similar resolution was adopted. A message from the Presi dent was received, assigninghis reasons for withholding his sanction from a bill for im proving the St. Mary's River, in Michigan. AFFRAY IN THE U. S. SENATE MR. SUMNER SEVERELY CANED. Immediately after the adjournment of the Senate on Wednesday last, and while still in the Senate Chamber, Mr. Sumner was approached by Mr. Brooks, one of the mem bers of the House, from South Carolina, who accused him of libelling his State and slandering his gray headed relative, Senator Butler. He struck Sumner with a cane, felling him to the floor, and repeated the blows until he was deprived of the power of speech. No one interfered until the caning was effected. Sumner was then carried to his room. Some eye-witnesses say that Brooks struck Sumner as many as fifty blows on his head. Brooks was arrested and carried before Justice Hollingshead, and held to bail in $500 to itppear the fol lowing day and answer. The Washington papers state that Mr. Sumner has two severe, but not dangerous, wounds on the head. Brooks' cane was shattered in many pieces, demonstrating the violence of the assault. When the attack was made there were probably fifteen or twenty persons present, including Messrs. Crittenden, Foster, Toombs, Fitzpatrick, Murray, Morgan and other members of Congress, Governor Gorman, together with several officers of the Senate and strangers. The attack was so sudden and unexpected that Mr. Sumner had no opportunity to place himself in a defensive attitude. The first Mow stunned him, and the stick, which was of gutta percha, was broken into many pieces by the time the assault was terminated. Messrs. Crittenden, Toombs, Murray and others interfered as soon as they could, and probably prevented further damage. Mr. Sumner sank unconscious to the floor, where he lay till raised by his friends. His head was bathed in blood, and his physicians say he has the severest flesh-wound they ever saw on a man's head. The following is an extract from the speech of Mr. Sumner, containing the allusions to Senator Butler. He also calls Senator B. a "fanatic." "The Senator from South Carolina has read many books of chivalry, and believes himself a chivalrous knight, with sentiments f hnr couraSe 0t course he has or ine wpuuuc, ne misnames equality un der the Constitution in other words, the full power in the National Territories to compel tellow men to unpaid toil, to sepa rate husband aud wife, and to sell little children at the auction block then, sir, the chivalric Senator will conduct the State of South Carolina out of the Union ! Heroic Knight! Exalted Senator! A second Moses come for a second Exodus." Senator Butler was absent, on a visit to his home in South Carolina, at the time Sumner made the attack on him in his speech. The news of Sumner's caning created intense excitement in the Massachusetts Legislature and a Committee was forth with appointed to cons'.der and report what action should be takjn on the subject by that body. A public meeting of the citizens of Boston has also been called to consider the matter. THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. The special message of President Pierce, Nicaraguan affairs, communicated to on Congress, a few days ago, concludes as toi lows : When, therefore, sometime since, a new Minister from the Republic of Nicaragua presented himself, bearing the commission of President Rivas, he must and would have been received as such, unless he was found on inquiry subject to personal exception, but for the absence of satisfactory infor mation upon the question whether President Rivas was in fact the head of an established Government of the Republic of Nicaragua, doubt as to which arose not only from the circumstance of his avowed association with armed emigrants recently from the United States, but the proposed Minister himself was of that class of persons, and not other wise or previously a citizen of Nicaragua. Another Minister from the Republic of Nicaragua has now presented himself, and has been received as such, satisfactory evi dence appearing that he represents the Gov ernment de facto, and so far as such exists, the government de jure of that Republic. That reception, while in accordance with the established policy of the United States, was likewise called for by the most impera tive special exigencies, which require that this Government shall enter at once into diplomatic relations with that of Nicaragua. In the first place, a difference has occurred between the Government of President Rivas and the Nicaragua Transit Company, which involves the necessity of inquiry into rights of citizens of the United States, who allege that they have been aggrieved by the acts of the former, and claim protection and re dress at the hands of their Government. In the second place, tho interoceauic commun ication by the way of Nicaragua is effectu ally interrupted, and tho persons and pro perty of unoffending private citizens of the United States in that country require the attention of their Government. Neither of these objects can receive due consideration without resumption of diplomatic inter course with the Government of Nicaragua. Further than this, the documents com municated show that, while the interoceauic transit by the way of Nicaragua is cut off, disturbances at Panama have occurred to obstruct, temporarily at least, that by the way of New Grenada, involving the sacrifice of the lives and property of citizens of the United States. A special commissioner has been despatched to Panama to investigate the facts of this occurrence, with a view particularly to tho redress of parties ag grieved. But measures of another class will be demanded for tho future security of interoceanic communication by this as by the other routes of the Isthmus. It would be difficult to suggest a single object of interest, external or internal, more important to the United States than tho maintenance of the communication, by land and sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific States and Territories of tho Union. It is a material element of the national integri ty and sovereignty. I have adopted such pecautionnry meas ures and have taken such action for the purpose of affording security to the several transit routes of Central America, and to the persons and property of citizens of the United States connected with or using the same, as are within my constitutional pow er and existing circumstances have seemed to demand. Should these measures prove inadequate to the object, that fact will be communicated to Congress, with such re commendations as the exigency of tho case may indicate. FRANKLIN PIERCE. Washington, May 15, 1856. In the above, President Pierce gives the reasons and very clear and strong ones too why he recognised the new Nicara guan minister. There are important ques tions, in which tho interests of the United States are involved, to be settled with the Nicaraguan government, and Rivas and Walker have possession of the Government, and form the only power or authority with which our government can treat. Some Know Nothings are endeavoring to make it appear that the President is giving "aid and comfort" to "fillibusterism," by recog nising Rivas' and Walker's government. The recognition of Vigil, the new minister, does no such thing. From President Wash ington's day down to the present, it has been a principle always acknowledged by the United States, to recognise the de facto government holding power and authority in any nation. This cardinal point in our pol icy has been illustrated by recognising the many forms of power successively adopted by France in the series of revolutions with which that country has been visited. The only question to be determined is, has tho nation, so far as other powers are concern ed, made a substantial change in its rulers or institutions ? Such is, according to in ternational law, the only question to be set tled by the United States in the case of Nicaragua. When the first minister of the new government, Col. French, presented himself at Washington, it was not clear that the government he represented was anything more than a military irruption of a temporary nature. Subsequent events have shown that the existing government of Nicaragua has sustained itself for eight months and more, and that it is able to carry on a foreign war. BRITISH INTERFERENCE. Charles Whitney, of New York, has filed at the State Department, at Washington, an affidavit of Captain Tinglepaugh, of the steamer Orizaba, setting forth the interfer ence of Captain Carleton, of the British frigate Eurydice, at San Juan del Norie, on the last trip, who forbade all passengers having tickets for Nicaragua from leaving the ship. Evidence, it is said, is also pre sented that the British force forbade the American passengers who came down the river from communicating with the shore at San J uan, and that the British boats exer cised a close surveillance over all Amcri- can while there. False. A rumor got afloat, a few days since, that Mr. Fillmore was dead. An arrival subsequently, from Europe, proves that the rumor was false. DISUUSSSION IN CHEROTTV We have received a full and interegti account, from a correspondent in Che kee, of the discussion in Murphy, 0n the 8th instant, between Gov. Bragg an,j Gilmer. It shall appear in our next Meantime we present some of the points 3 the discussion. Mr. Gilmer opened the discussion, tj endeavored to justify the Western Ad dress," and defended his votes in the A sembly in favor of the white basis, and distribution of the School fund according to white population. He argued at some length in favor of this mode of dividing the School T"l 3 TTa .,..1.1 i W r r unu. xie ouiu " esiern men had been farm tn themselves on this UOYi Reid could never have been elected, hold ing as he did to the present federal basis of distribution ! Mark these positions. He said he was not opposed to Free 6uf frage, but only to the mode of obtaining it. He preferred a Convention. He said he voted against the present t ree Suffrage because, in his opinion, it passed, the lands ,i i ... . i T r i . uu.u " j uueiHK an amendment, which failed, providing tMP the lands and slaves and white polls should be taxed alike. If this had been adoDtm .I'll I I I I II.. I l I I 1 I 1 1 , A t . 1.1" I I I I I I i . I . he would have voted for Free Suffrage Now, what will our readers think when we inform them that this amendment of Mr. Gilmer provided for an increase of the tax on slaves 1 See Senate Journal, 1854-'5, page 100. He indulged, of course, in the usual slang about " Americans ruling America." He said the slavery question was settled under Mr. Fillmore ; that he left the country quiet; that the two great parties, in 1852, had pledged themselves to abide by the com promise of 1850, but had mot done so, and hence the present agitation. Gov. Bragg replied at length, and evidently with great power. Wo learn that he met Mr. Gilmer at every point, completely and thoroughly exposing the unsoundness of his positions and their sectional character. He said ho was against disturbing the basis on which tho School Fund is at present distributed; that he would say so in Cherokee, and say so in the East ; that his opinions were Stalt and not sectional opinions ; that he regret ted that his competitor had revived this question, because it could do no good, and might injure the Common Schools, now prospering under the management of our efficient State Superintendent ; and he then called upon Mr. Gilmer to say what ho would do on this subject, if elected Gov ernor. Mr. Gilmer at first declined to an swer ; but at length said the opinions ad vanced by him on the subject were his pri vate opinions, and that if elected Governor he would not recommend any change ! ! Then, said Gov. Bragg, there is practically no difference between us ; but my competi tor makes a public argument in order to ex press his private opinions, and mnkes it in such a way as he thinks will get him votes in this region. Gov. Bragg then argued the question of Free Suffrage, the Kansas Nebraska act, and bore down with much force on the Know Nothing platform and the opinions and practices of the organ ization in various parts of the country. His reply to Mr. G. was overwhelming. We learn that the Democrats and anti-Know Nothings were in the highest Epirits; and that Gov. Bragg's vote will bo largely in creased in the mountain country. Ral eigh Standard. WAKE COUNTY. The Democratic Convention for Wak, held in this City on Monday last, say the Raleigh Standard, was the largest and most enthusiastic Convention ever held in the County. All the Districts were represented. Gaston H. Wilder, Esq., was nominated by acclamation for re-election to the Senate; N. G. Rand, A. M. Lewis, and M. A. Bledsoo, Esquires, were nominated for the Commons; and William II. High, Esq., the present incumbent, for Sheriff. A strongor or a better ticket could not have been selected. The best feelings prevailed in the Convention, and the strongest deter mination was manifested to carry tho Coun ty triumphantly. We can, and wo will. On Monday night a Democratic Associa tion was organized at the Court House, large and enthusiastic crowd being present. Speeches were delivered by Messrs. F. ! Wilson, Q. Busbee, A. M. Lewis, Ed. G. Haywood, and G. H. Wilder. Raleigh Standard. TO THE PUBLIC. HAVE JUST RECEIVED and onened uw JL largest and mol varied Mtocltof Drugs, Medicines, Chem icals, Paints, Oils, Win dow Glass, Putty, Dye Stuffs, Perfumery, Toilet g Arlicles, &c AcSCever offer ed IN THIS MARKET. All of which will be sold at extremely short profits, for casu. I defy competition and if you want articl in my line, call, you thall be satisfied, bot with regard to price and quality. Respectfully, &c. H. M. PRITCHARD, M. D Wholesale it Retail Druggist, Granite Row, So. Charlotte, May 6, 1856. tf Town Taxes. PERSONS indebted for Town Taw, W either or all of the years 1862-'3-4' aud- are requested to make immediate payment. All who disregard this notice, by failing to pJ will fiud their property advertised for aale, in m days from this date. Now, you have fair warr ing. s. A. HARRIS, April 22, 1856. tf Tax Collector DRUCKER & SOMMERS AT their new establishment, a few door South of Kerr's Hotel, otflr at Whole and Retail, at rhe lowest Cash prices, all every article in their line. Tbey have just opened a very ext" Stock of Fall and Winter Dry-Goods, Ready-Made Clotfc ing, Hats, Caps, Boots, Shoes, Guns, Pistols and Trunks. And a great many other articles toononi"' ous to mention, to all of which they invite tn attention of the public, and tLeir friend general. Their well known low Price'j7 well as their very extensive variety of Good . , is admitted by all who have heretofore P"1""' lsed tbem. Therefore i is useless for tntm to say any more. . DKUCKER & SOMMERS Charlotte, Oct. 10, '55-tl
The Charlotte Democrat (Charlotte, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
May 27, 1856, edition 1
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