WSTKxN DKMiM KAl.
CHARLOTTE
Tuesday MrniE Sfffr IS, 1850.
FREMONT 3 ELECTION.
We cordially rdiake hand with our co
temporary of the Intelligencer on the fol
lowing article. Let our .Southern papers,
one aud all. promptly take Chit position :--Petersburg
Democrat.
WmmmoMfm Burtmoa ai thk Pisso
i.r rios op the Union One ai the Same
Tm.n'U. He who doubts that the election
of John C Fremont to the Presidency would
bring about an immediate dissolution of the
Union, would deny the existence of the sun
in heaven, or any thing else equally pilpwMw
U the senses. Fremont could not for the
want of agents carry on the internal admin
istration of the country. N mu in the
So i'n can take a commission from him. and
no man sent from the North to the South,
for the purjKKse of filling any office under
his administration, will be allowed to stay
here. He will be notified to leave, and if
tie disregards the notiee he will be carried
otY on a ruil aud hi.- office be shut up. Take
our own town as an example. Will any
citizen of it accept a commission of Post
master from Fremont !
If one so base could be found he would
not be allowed to remain in his ofh'eo one
day or hour, but would be driven from our
mid-t with the unanimous execrations of the
community upon his infamous head- Here
then would be a stoppage of the mails, and
what will follow Should the President at
tempt by any armed force to opeu, ami keep
open the Post Office, that force will be re
sisted by force, aud thus wo should have
revolution or disruption of the Government,
or iu other words a dissolution of the Union.
Of the office of Collector of the Customs.
Marshal of the district, and in fact of every
other federal office in Virginia and the whole
South, the MM thing may be .-aid. and then
where, wo should like to know, would be
the administration of the Federal Governor
With the mails stopped, the collection of
the revenue stopped, and the process of the
Federal Courts struck dead by the want of
an officer to exeouto them, we repeat, what
would become of the federal admiuisiratiou 1
And yet this state of affairs will as surely
ensue as Fremont is elected!
THE LEVELLERS AND DISUNION
ISTS. The Black Republicans have raised the
bannerof Fremont aud disunion. If disu-
nion must come, no time is better than the ; frauel, aided and stimulated by foreign and do
present. The South is sectioually and so- J mestic capitaT, are actively engaged to ac
cially a unit. ! complish our ruin. Eminent statesmen from
The border States, becauso most threat- j all the great political parties have forgotten
ened and most trespassed on and wronged, theirordinary differences in pursuing a corn
are most zealously active in the cause of : mou enmity to the South. In the mean time,
the South and of her institutions. j elections have taken place in three of the
Our free white citizens who have no slaves, j non-slaveholding States, two of them here
are most indignant at the assaults of aboli- i tofore distinguished not only by tolerance
tion, becauso abolition proposes to make hut liberality towards the South. In all of
negroes their competitors and equals. The them aSolition sentiments have not only
rich, owning the lands, might kiM-p the no- triumphed but have swept away all show of
groes at a greater social distance, and get opposition. The danger, therefore, is im
their labor cheaper than now, as has hap- , mine.it, that Mr. Fremont will carry every
pened with tho white liberated serfs aud free States aud will come to the Presidency
their former masters in Europe. by the votes of the free States given expli-
But it is the poor that New England phil- j citly in hostility to the institutions of the
anthropy proposes shall labor side by side
with the negro, associate with the negro,
intermarry with the negro. It is the work
ing men, the laboring citizens of the South,
whom aholitiou would degrade to the level
of the African. They are now a privileged,
an aristocratic class, like the citizens of an
cient Home. "I am a Roman citizen!" was
the loftiest claim to nobility that ever thrill
ed with fear the trespasser on human rights.
4,I am a citizen of Virginia!" is, as yet, just
as high a distinction aud valuable privilege.
But extend citizenship to the negro: send
him to school with the poor; let him asso
ciate, lanor and intermarry with the poor,
and a citizen of Virginia will be as contempti
ble as a Kaffir negro, or a Cape Cod amal
gamationist. Go to our places of public resort at the
South, aud you see the most perfect social
equality between rich aud poor. But if the
poor men held the horses for the rich men
to mount, cooked their dinner, brushed their
olothes, and waited behind their chairs, this
equality would vanish -and deep hatred,
and jealousy, and strikes, and mobs, and
agrarian is in, would split up aud divide our nients. If I had regarded those, I should
society, as thoy have already divided tho have supported Mr. Fillmore as cordially
North, as the warmest friend who now advocates
Th would be aristocracy of Boston and j his election. I have no fault to find with
New Haven is seeking, by debasing white the party under whose auspices he has
working men to the level of negroes, to dead- ; been nominated. For his personul charac
en their aspirations, accustom them Id the j ter I entertain the highest respect and I
coarsest social distinctions, founded on mere believe that he would give us a fuir and im
wcultu, aud to teaoh them to boar like ne- I partial administration, but, the Union of the
groesthe scoffs and tauutsof their superiors, !
whilst they tulhl the most menial und ear- !
vile offices. We have no criuging. hireling '
menials, no servile class of white men at
the South. The Ahcditionists hate us daily '
more and more as we expose the cruelties '
and deformities of their svstem. and displav Democratic, "and nineteen-twentieths of ' 7 inJunoUS ;U,l PP" policy to
tb humane and ele vating tendencies of ours. I thoe in the South who ar onno.ed to Mr ! wards the SoUth' the "at,ul govern-
Besides, they see that the facts and the ar-
guments which wo adduce are unanswerable i
ami ov-rwhelmmo. I
meet them.- f Richmond Enquirer
ee
ty A friend of ours was speaking the i
other day about the folly exhibited bv the i
American party iu boasting of Mr. Fillmore i
as the model President. He commented
rather severely upon the fact that although
he had (according to them) all these quali
ties in 1852, his own party should have
beau hunting all over creation for another
candidate, and not seen this second Wash
ington. He said ''that it reminded him of an
old woman who had lost her spectacles,
and after rumaging the whole house, finds
them at last upon her nose." ISavannak
Georgian.
Majorttt ron Governor. The Re
publican majority for Governor iu Maine is
V would r s.w ,u.. I r :..;:nV.T".zt .In nSm I remove, and tuesouth will at least have
... e I " , ' lu,-m i'f v V" , 1 "T including ; the fullest confidence in him. lie is admit- I
with tacts and arguments, but it they force Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the 1 . . u.. i . i i i j J
naet and ii-U.i. flnifc ; - a residents, and whenever the number of the r " t t
pact and conservative bouth is ready to inhabitants uHdfiJt to f.m, opinions at a time when sectiona contro-
The Voice of Patriotism.
Jf r. Osborne' Letter.
COMMCXICATED.
CORRES P0 XDENCE,
Wadesboko', X. C. )
Sept'r 13th, 1850. f
J amks W. Ohorne, Esrj.:
I . -ar Sir We. a Tiortion of vour old per
sonal and political friends, all old-line Whins
and citizens of Anson county. beJievng the
permanent existence of this Union, as a na
tion, likely to be. greatly affected by the re
suit of the approaching 1'residential elec
tion, are anxiou- to learn your opinion, what
is the duty of Whigs, a National and
southern men, in me approaemng contest. , COIlflicts, in tlie ftiCe of an arjt.ut aud
V e are well aware that vou have for seve- - . ., , . itf
, iir.. , , i united opposition, endanger the success Ol
ral vear past Mood MOOf from, and refused , , , j i i
1 . ... i . i . i ! our cause-. I have, however, not doubted
to engage m political strife: but believing j uur ttU .
you none the less patriotic, or likelv to l j ut the favor of Mr- Ba-
biaaed by party prejudices, ami that in the j a"""- over Mr. Fillmore, even in that re
present alarmns ensw you will not refuse j gion. Mr. Fillmore may carry New York,
a full and free interchange of opinion with : It is the only free state in which active and
your old portion friends we, therefore, j hopeful efforts are mude for him. As to the
nu&t respectfully ask your opinion on mat
ter5 in which we are all mutually interested.
Verv ropectftl8y, vour friends,
j. WHITE,
W. li. LEAK,
r. W. LITTLE,
WM. LITTLE.
"V. W. WILKIN'S,
L. D. BENNETT.
Charlotte, Sept. 19, 1856.
.Messrs. J. White, and others:
Gentlemen' : I had prescribed to myself j
a course of entire inaction In the present
political canvass, from which I hoped that
DO c ircumstances would make it my duty !
to depart. Hut, I have received various
letters from personal and political friends
besides roar's, so urgent on the subject that
I have felt it my duty to reply to thorn.
The answer which I make to yourselves
will suffice for all Other.
The condition of our country at this time
finds no parallel iu its former history. By
the consent of all persons it is admitted that
no danger half so serious ever threatened
its internal nenoe or its Political institU-
tions. For the first time a mighty effort is
I being made to combine the free States in
j solid union against the slave States, and
by force of numbers under the forms of
the Constitution to deprive them of their
equal rights to the common property, to
abolish slavery at the capital, and in every
thing essential to their dignity and welfare
to prostrate them before their oppressors.
Iu this effort the most powerful motives of
action are uuited in zealous co-operation.
j Eloquence and sagacity, false philanthropy,
, and mistaken piety, ambition, hypocrisy and
South. If an enemy were invading our
country, and threatening desolation upon
our fields and homes, this sensible danger
would give harmony to our feelings, mode
ration and prudence to our counsels, and
unity to our efforts, until the foe was repell
ed and the danger over. The state of things
is like this only in part. The invasion of a
foreign foe might bring with it severe dis
aster, but it would be temporary, and our
country and its institutions, we might hope,
would survive it. But, wo may be on the
eve of a revolution which will overthrow
our existiug government break up the
Union of the States, and involve us in the
crime and wretchedness of a civil war. In
this stato of things I confess I have no sym-
... .... . J
pathy with the party bickerings, the crimina
tion aud recrimination, and all the forms of
political warfare which distracts our South
ern society. The solo question with me
has been, how is the threatening evil to be
obviated ? In its consideration 1 have en
deavored to regard the subject with as much
calmness as I was able, without refereuce
to my own prepossessions and party attach
South I believe absolutely indispensible to j
the defeat of Mr. Fremont, and that union.
if atlected at all, can only be made in the
person of Mr. Buchauan. Taking things
as we find them, the prepossessions of a
Lanra maioritv of the south ..,r.rJo ... I.
Buchanan, agree with the fallowing resolu- I
tion of the Democratic platform :
..
tion with or without slavery, and be admit- i
-1 I- , . I
ted into the Union upon terms of perfect ,
equality with the other States." j
Whatever objections there mar be to
other doctriues avowed iu this platform, this
resolution euunciates a principle which eve-
rv Southern man feels to be inst 1
, i , . . i
stitutional ; and the oulv one ou the
... UB ou lue BrLal
subject to which it refers, in which the Un
ion is safe. This is, I conceive, the great
question distinctly presented, in the pres
ent canvass ; and in comparison with it every
other sinks into insignificance. Suppose
it to be adobted as a fixed principle iu our
politics can we imagine any question
"
which would dissolve or endanger the union? I
. . , , . . .
" - " " '
is u prooauie umi uiurr eppenuuiiv
can cccur by which it can be incorporated
i . . . , j -. . j . . , .. . ! a t m . r a . , . ...
.. i J A .1 a.! 1 1
ful. There, as here. Union men are divided
j on comparatively immaterial : and
re!;Uit jn it. nothing can be known approach-
i intr certaintv : and the fairest minded men
admit that the Free Soilers have equal
chances with the Americaus while ell agree
that the co-operation of the friends of Mr.
Fillmore and Mr. Buchanan could give the
i vote-of that great State in behalf of the Union.
! It is not denied hut that Mr. Buchanan has a
prospect of carrying Pennsylvania, Illinois,
Indiana, New Jersey and California, not
less favourable than that of Mr. Fillmore in
New York. To meet the crisis, I advocate
a united South. We have, too long for our
safety, permitted matters of minor impor
tance to distract end divide us and in con
tests in which little has beeu at stake, we
i have been insensible to dangers of inesti
mable magnitude.
I have not permitted myself to be in
fluenced bv the allegation often made,
that our difficulties have originated iu the
policy of the Democratic party. The
legislation organizing the Territories of
Kansas anu .eoraKa, ,s me ooject ui o
: i - 1 V , i ...1 .. I . : .
, repioacii, mm .1 , not wj r
ouss it. One thing is certain, that on its
adoption there was an extraordinary unani
mity of opinion among Southern men of ali
j parties; and no Southern man is willing to
avow himself in faver of ue restoration of
the Missouri line. But three Southern Sena
tors and five or six members of the House ef
Representatives voted in opposition to it;
and several of the latter were defeated be
fore their constituents at subsequet elections.
This legislation, therefore, was acceptable
g-enerally to southern statesmen and to the
southern people. It may bare been wise or
unwise, but it is now fixed in our jurispru-
deuce and the question is, as I conceive,
as to its disturbance in future. And on
this point we are as nearly unanimous as
can be expected, on any subject which ad
mits of discussion.
Nor do I think it fair to say that the
election of Mr. Buchanan would not afire
us quiet, and thus save the Union. This
will, I admit, entirely depend on circum
stances. If, for instance, Kansas, under his
administration, should apply for admission
as a slave State, it would meet with violent
opposition from tho free States, and agita
tion, through all the channels of fanaticism,
and political violence, would again be re
newed. But, would not the same thinir oc
cur under Fillmore i Does any sane man
suppose that if on any measure of legisla
tien the South should insist on her just
rights, under any President whatever, that
excitement and agitation would not exist '.
There is one way in which agitation can be
quieted, and only one, and t!:at is by sub
mission to all the requisitions which maybe
made by the free States, on every subject
peculiarly affecting our vital interests.
Nor can I perceive the force of the spe
cious objection that Mr. Buchanan is a sec-
tional candidate: and therefore, that be
, . i i Ai ,
would not be the proper person for the ad-
justment of our present difficulties. This
is the argument adopted by the freesoflers
adopted to justify their open and avowed
sectionalism, and to mitigate the force of
the objection to their proceedings, as likely
to dissolve the Union. If the principle in
regard to the domestic institutions of the
Territories, which I have before referred to,
be in conformity to the constitution, how
can he bo sectional, who represents it ?
Is not Mr. Buchanan a candidate in every
State of the Union ? Was he not nomi
nated by delegate's from every district in our
wide confederacy ? And tho1 it may be with
very doubtful fortunes, are net his claims
pressed in every county and village of the
Union ? Can this be said of any ether can
didate .? And is not his claim to a "broad
and comprehensi ve nationality" complete
and unquestionable I
. . .
If this Union is to be destrovc I, it will
menL Shou,d Mr- Buchanan be elected in
tln coutest' no "ch M ?B,.rect?Te
countenance, ine causes or disunion will
vers' unknown and through a lon
Li! - I I . , . .
public life, has been uniformly and coiisis-
tently liber d to the South.
ou l"rce've "iat, I have addressed mv-
j self siniplv to the emergency in which
country is placed. Mv personal preferences !
? ,'ur "r r",llurtv J sympathies
nave Deen warmly witli ius prtv. I do not i
u- . v ! ' . . 1
propose to mvselt to abandon mv nnne -
f 1 m - r - I
pies or my poetical lrieruis. All I desire
is the safety of the South an I the preserva- j
tion of the U nion. It these are aeeom- j
plished, either by Mr. Fillmore or Mr. Buch- j
anan, my sole object will be effected. The
minor interests of politics will interest me
then, as they have done heretofore, and I I
koii ----- .... e , t v.i- .1. i
c j i- . T , .
.. v ...... v ' ' ' ...... .vsc , n U1LU 1
have always preferred
Kesjectfully, yeurs,
j. W. OSBORXE,
into tlie creeu 01 a great auu national ni i y :
Then, why cann t those who agree in this
cardinal principle whe a it is jeopardized by
a combination appealing to sectional pas
sions and sectional power, act together for
once if possible settle the difficulty and
resume hereafter their party relations aud
their preferences? As I before remnrked
the South is Iemcratic by a large majori
ty; and reason and justice would seem to
require, that to accomplish a common end,
the minority should yield to the majority.
In the non-slaveholding States, such is
the superior zeal and energy of our adver
saries, that the election is extremely doubt
Mr. Williamson's JLetter.
For the Western Democrat.
Mr. Editor: The political position which
I occupied a short time since in this com
munity, renders it proper for me to say a
word to my friends in justification of the
course I am about to pursue in relation to
tho approaching Presidential election. In
this election there is but one issue involv
ed, and it is of very little moment to the
South, whether Mr. Fillmore or Mr. Bu
chanan is elected, since a miserable fana
tical and sectional party have forced upon
us the necessity of defending with unani
mity our sectional rights, by presenting to
the American people for their suffrages,
candidates for the Presidency and Vice
Presidency pledged to make continual war
upon our peculiar institutions, until they
shall have made of us " bowers of wood and
drawers of water." It is a fixed and fore
gone conclusion, that Mr. Buchanan will
carry the great body of the South in the
election, and it is our duty to show to the
North, that we are ready for any possible con
tingency by presenting an undivided front
in this great emergency. In view of the
nefarious purposes entertained by this fiend
ish faction of the North, tho South will be
compelled to consider the election of Fre
mont, ipso facto., as a dissolution of the
Union. What honorable man South could
be found to accept an office of political trust
under an administration pledged to des
troy the most vital interests of the South ?
The consequence must necessarily bo that
all the offices of the Government, both for
eign aud domestic will be filled by our ene
mies ; aud will any patriotic man in the
South consent for a moment to submit to
such degradation 1 Surely not! The Ab
olitionists are runs mad upon a mere ab
straction, and simple sentiment, and would
endanger the Union to gratify a morbid
whim : whilst to us the question involves a
tangible interest worth millions. To cut
my story short, I intend to vote for James
Buchanan, because a large majority of
my brothers in interest arc going to do so,
and because my vote would do Mr. Fill
more no good uuder existing circumstan
ces, although I respect and admire him as
much as ever.
For the impending crisis the South is not
responsible. The issue is thrust upon her
people by the North, Rod it is now too late
le appeal to the national feelings of former
parties here, to adhere to their former na
tional doctrines. We are obliged to meet
the issue as a sectional one, by uniting on
the strongest of the two candidates who
propose to protect our rights. The old
Whig party is disbanded and powerless,
and it is sufficiently clear from recent indi
cations that the American party is not now
strong enough to rescue the Union from her
perilous situation ; whilst the late elections
prove that the Democratic party has in
creased sufficiently in the South to raise the
hope that it may be able, with the help of
oue or two of tho Northern States, to save
the Ship of State from wreck and ruin.
A. C WILLIAMSON.
Mr, Barring-er's ettei.
From the Salisbury Banner.
White Sulphur Springs, Va., )
August Gth, 1356.
Dear Sir : Your r.ote addressed to me
at Charlotte. N. C, under date of 12th ult.,
and forwarded to mo here, has just been re
ceived. The delay in its reception has per
haps renelered an answer unnecessary.
But a respectful regard for yourself and
the gentleman who joined in the request,
urge me to reply to your inquiries in a very
brief note.
You were correctly informed as to my
position in reference to the next Presiden
tial election. I expect to vete for JAMES
BUCHANAN and JOHN C. BRECKIN
lilDGE. Appreciating highly, as I do, tho
ability and patriotism of Mr. Fillmore, I
am, nevertheless, under existing circum
stances, compelled by a sense of duty and
the clear convictions of my own deliberate
judgment, to vote for the nominees of the
Democratic party. I am opposed to the
so-called American or Know-Nothing party.
In my opinion, its organization is anti-republican
and contrary to the true theory of
our government and the fundamental prin
ciples of the Constitution. I have not affil
iated w:th or voted the ticket of this party.
It is not the Whig part-, either open or dis
guised ; but boasts of having risen upon the
ruins and corruptions of both the old parties.
Mr. Fillmore is the candidate of the Amer
ican party alone, and he has accepted its
platform u platform which I do not ap
prove, and which is the work of the North
era wing of the party, or rather the small
remnant of it which has not joiucd tho abo- !
lition party, while Mr. Fillmore himself is j
the candidate of the Southern wing and re- i
pudiated by the North. The great question
of domes'ic slavery, in all its bearings, is
paramount to all others in this Presidential 1
election. It ought not, and cannot be ig- J
nored or made subordinate to others of less j
signification by any true Southern man. I
Upon this question the Democratic party j
occupies, in an eminent degree, the high-
est conservative, constitutional and national
ground. It is truly national. It is the only
party now in existence which can meet to- j
gether, discuss and adopt principles and
reeolves, on this subject, of the same or evTn
of a similar character in every and in all sec
tions of our country. There is no origaniz
ed Whig party, and no Whig candidate in
the field. Mr. Fillmore is careful to repeat
that he is not the Whig, but the "American'''
candidate, and speaks of Whigs as his "for
mer associates." He is a "member of the
order.'1 In choosing between him, there
fwre, and other candidates, there is no com
promise of Whig principles. A true Whig i
may act as his conscience dictates, unbi
assed by other obligations.
But there is another consideration of the
greatest moment in reference to the pending
Presidential election. The contest is prac
tically bettceen the Democratic and Aboli
tion parties. There is not the slightest pro
bability that Mr. Fillmore can be elected
President by the electoral College. If he
should succeed in getting one or two States,
which is even doubtful, in any quarter of
tba Union, the only effect of it might pos
sibly be not to elect him in any contingency,
bat to give the election to the present House
of Representatives, from which every true
patriot and honest man will exclaim, my
God deliver us! Under the critical
cir-
relv
cumstances which surround us, I sincerely
believe that the Union und the Constitution
and the rightful equality of the States, un
der the Federal compact, are in imminent
peril : and leaving others to judge for them
selves, for myself I feel it to be my duty to
vote in company with thousands of firm and
true old line Whigs throughout the nation,
for the candidates of that party which will
have the ability, in political power, as well
as the patriotic disposition to preserve and
perpetuate the Union, the Constitution aud
the equality of the States. Under existing
circumstances the party of which Mr. Fill
more is the candidate, oannot in any pro
bable contingency, be in a position to exer
cise such an influence. And the nominees
of the Democratic party are the only can
didates now before the people, who may
have it in their power to prolong if not to
perpetuate the blessings which are guaran
teed to ns by the free institutions under
which we have heretofore so happily and so
prosperously lived.
My purpose is, therefore, to give my sup
port to those distinguished Statesmen,
Messrs. Buchanan and Breckinridge, who
are eminently qualified for the highest po
sitions in the government, and who are the
candidates most likely to defeat Fremont,
the sectional and abolition candidate, and
to be able, under Divine Providence, to al
lay the fanatical strife and the bitter and
bloody distractions which now unhappily
divide our country and threaten tho very
existence of the Constitution, and the Union.
Surely, surely, it is time for the South, the
entire South, and all conservative men eve
rywhere to be fraternal and united in the
face of the dangers which beset us!
I am, dear sir, truly and respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
D. M. BARRINGER.
To Wm. A. Houck, Esq.
Letter ot Geo. D. 4i ra y, Esq.
OF VIRGINIA
TO THE FILLMORE AND DONELSON
CLUB OF CULPEPPER.
Gentlemen' : At the first meeting of
your Club, held more than a month since,
you did me the honor to elect mo your Pre
sident, much agahist my own wishes. I
then stated as you will remember, both be
fore and after my election, that I reserved
to myself the right to vote for Mr. Buchan
an should I hereafter be convinced in my
own mind that Mr. Fillmore had no chance
for an election, and that the contest for the
Presidency of the United States was be
tween Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Fremont.
That contingency has happened. I am
now thoroughly convinced that there is not
a shadow ot chance tor i lllmoro's election
by the people.
This is conceded indeed by his warmest
friends, but it is contended by some of them
that he will get States enough to prevent
any election bv the people, and thus throw
the chance of President upon the House of
Representatives an event greatly to be
deplored at all times, but more especially so
now, when it is remembered that the elec
tion is made by the same House that elect
ed N.P. Banks, of Massachusetts, their
Speaker. Thev then ariruo that Mr. Fill
more has the best chance of an election by
this House of Representatives. Let us see
how they arrive at this wonderful conclu
sion. It takes sixteen States to make an
election. Mr. Fillmore has only three in
Congress Delaware, Maryland and Ken
tucky. The contest is between the Demo
cratic and Black Republican parties, and
ot course I cannot hesitate in my choice
between them. Nor is this the only or the
strongest reason why I cannot vote for Mr.
Fillmore. This is amply sufficient; but
did this not exist, there is another much
stronger and more powerful reason than
this for the determination to which I have
come, after loner and serious reflection. The
contest in which we are engaged is purely
a sectional one. The Slavery question is
the only issue, and the most prominent fea
ture of this is the Kansas Nebraska Bill.
The Democratic party, always the soundest
on the question of Slavery, have in their
platform endorsed this bill, and stand fully
pledged to its support. The Black Repub
lican party in their platform denounce it,
and demand its repeal. The American Con
vention which met in Philadelphia in Feb
ruary last, adopted no platform, but the
National Council which met at tho same
time, repealed the famous 12th section,
which is the only resolution ever adopted
by the party, with any pretensions to sound
ness on the Slavery question, and resolved
to ignore that question eutirely, and it did
adopt a platform in which they too denoun
ced the repeal of the Missouri Compromise
and the passage of the Kansas bill. Mr.
Fillmore endorses this platform, and in one
of his speeches made since his return from
Europe, has condemned in the strongest
language the repeal of this Compromise and
the passage of this bill. The whole Amer
ican party at the North cry out with one
voice and with one tongue, down with the
Kansas Nebraska Bill, and thus echo the
sentiment of the Black Republican party.
Only two of Mr. Fillmore's Northern friends
in Congress voted against the recent bill
restoring the Missouri Compromise. In
Indiana there ie an open, avowed and com
plete union between the two parties. They
have formed the same electoral ticket in
the language of the leading Fillmore paper,
" The cause of one is the cause of the other.
Know-Nothingism and Black Republican
ism are indissolubly joined together in holy
wedlock." No longer throughout the en
tire North, is the old watchword of the
American party heard- ' Americans must
rule America." This is not now in all then
thoughts, and I don't believe it ever was,
but for the purpose of deception and fraud.
Their real principle is, the North ought to
rule America. "Oh ye Pharisees, hypo
crites, there is no faithfulness in your
mouths, your inward part is very wicked
ness, your throat is an open sepulchre ; you
flatter with your tongue and you outwardly
appear righteous unto men, but within ye
are full of hypocrisy and iniquity." But
this is not all, nor is it the worst of it; not
withstanding all this, I might have voted
for Mr. Fillmore, trusting to his patriotism
and conservatism to rebuke aud check this
sectional spirit, had the American party at
the South stood firmly by the Kansas bill,
endorsed its principles and insisted upon
their support. Alas ! to their shame be it
said, they have loved Ca?sar more than
Rome, and their party better than their
country. They have deserted the South in
the hour of her danger and united with her
foes.
Like Balak of old, who sent a message
unto Balaam, to come and curse the Israel
ites for him, that he might drive them out
of the land, so the American party at the
North hare called upon then brethren at
the South, to curse for them the Kansas
Nebraska Bill and its friends, that they
may be able to drive them out of the land
Sat belongs equally to both ; but unhke
Balaam, who obeyed the o ommand of God
rather than Balak, and blessed the Israel
uZ ?Lar of cursiwr them, the Southern
Americans have obeyed the command of
their party rather than the voice of duty to
the country and the Soutn, ana tuey
therefore cursed the Kansas Bill and its
friends, and are continuing to curse it now
every day. Some of them openly advocate
its repeal others more cautious denounce
it as a cheat and a fraud, but say they do
not desire to see it repealed I am at a
loss to conceive how this can be. If they
! honestly believe the Kansas bill to be a
cheat and a fraud, tney cannot, s uomt.
men, it seems to me, do otherwise than vote
for its repeal. By the Missouri Compro
mise, Kansas would have been a free State,
beoause it is North of the Missouri line.
Now if under the principles contained in
the Kansas bill she becomes a slave State,
how in the name of honesty and good faith,
can those who believe that bill to be a cheat
and a fraud vote for her admission : ato the
Union ? How oan thoy consent to receive
stolen DroDertv ?
As honest men they can
f. to eheat. the North out of
their territory, any sooner than they could
consent to cheat a neighbor out of his land,
or acquire any of his property by fraudu
lent and dishonest means. They must
therefore vote when the question comes up
with their brethren of the North, for the
repeal of Kansas Bill and the restoration
of the Missouri Compromise.
Mr. Fillmore, with his views on the ex
ercise of tho veto power and the sentiments
expressed in his Rochester speeeh, in which
he denounces the repeal of tho Missouri
Compromise as a "pandora's box out of
which have issued all the political evils that
now afflict the country," could not do oth
erwise than sanction a bill restoring this
compromise and repealing tho Kansas bill.
He has been written to recently by Mr. Ken
dall, American assistant Elector for the
county of Orange, asking whether he would
or would not sanction such a bill, and he
replied by sending his Rochester speech. I
am required if I remain in the American
party, to sanction his course upon this all
absorbing question, to denounce the Kansas
Bill and consequently to advocate its repeal
and the restoration of the Missouri Compro
mise. 1 cannot do it, 1 will not do it. I shoulel
be false to myself, to my known opinions on
this question, false to the duty which I owe
my State and my Country, were I to consent
to such a course. In my opinion it is noth
ing more nor less than treason to the South.
I entertain-the same opinion about the Mis
seniri Compromise that most of the Ameri
can party do about the Kansas Bill. 1 be
lieve, aud have always believed, that it was
a cheat and a fraud. The North have never
kept it, and they never meant to keep it in
good faith. But for the Democratic party
of the North, which has always been wil
ling to stand by the Constitution and its
cemproniisos, the South never would have
gained any slave States under the Missouri
Compromise. Florida and Texas would
have been refused admission into the Union
because they recognized slavery in their
constitutions, but for the Democratic party
at the North. Neither of them received a
solitary vote from any ether party at the
North. The Fugitive Slave Law only re
ceived three votes from the North outside
of the Democratic party, and therefore
could not have been passed but for that
party. The Kansas Bill did not receive a
vote from any other party at the North but
the Democratic party. It has not now a
single friend in that portion of tho Union
outside of the Democratic party. At the
South, where upon its passage it receiveel
the entire vote of all parties with the excep
tion of two in the Senate and seven in the
House of Representatives, strange to say,
the American and Old Line Whig parties
are now arrayed against it.
I know that I have nothing to gain by this
course. Had I consulted my personal in
terest or ease, I should have remained where
I was, with the American party. I know
that in separating from that party, I am
separated from mostef my warmest and best
friends friends who have delighted to hon
or anel sustain me. I owe them a debt of
gratitude which I would gladly repay by
any personal service I could render them ;
but I cannot, consistently with my con
science, with my sense of justice and of
rigid, with my convictions of duty to my
country and the South, consent to uct with
them in the present contest. I believe most
of you are honest in the opinions you ex
press and the principles you advocate. I
believe most of you are actuated by patriot
ic purposes, and I ask that you will extend
the like charity to me; but if this is denied
nie and my motives should be ussailed and
impugned, a conscious rectitude of purpose
will sustain me amid all tho anathemas that
nmy be hurled against me. I now. respect
fully resign the Presidency of your Club,
gentlemen, and with my best wishes for
your individual happiness and prosperity, I
am with great respect, your friend and obe
dient servant, GEORGE D. GRAY.
LETTER OF THE
HON. CHAS. J. JENKINS, OF GA.
This distinguished gentleman, an old line
whig, who it will be rembered was some
time since the favorite candidate of the
Southern Whigs for the Vice-Presidency
and " a patriot of whom even his enemie s
have never spoken evil" has published a
letter in answer to a communication from
an old party fiiond, from which we take the
extracts below. It would afford us creat
pleasure to publish the entire letter, but
our space will not permit. Toombs, Steph
ens and Jenkins, of Georgia, will carry the
State for Buchahan by 30,000 majority.
Mr. Jenkins says :
"But with all its faults, that party (the
Democratic party) now stands forth alone
in its reliable nationality alone in its un
qualified pledge to maintain the present
status of congressional legislation upon the
l .: u . .1-- -l
sittverv uuesuou. rur me reriemntinrt i.t
this pledge their orators at the busting and I
- i -. . i .,
thei
r euuors tnrougn tne press are now
faithfully laboring. Exceptions there tnav
bo, but in general, even on free soil, they
come up manfully to the work. Their par
ty is planted on this policy, their commital
is complete with it they must sink or
swim. Their candidate, as broadly pledg
ed, as deeply committed as themselves, is
Mr. Buchanan, the wisest, most conserva
tive, most reliable Democratic aspirant to
the Presidency. They call him an old fo
gy. I have an instinctive leaning to old
fogy ism, when put in competition with
young Americanism. I would take him in
preference to the most promising sprig of
young America mai eieinucracy can boast
" This is no time to
struKsrle for
ascendancy
Now we must look to th'
country its continuing prosperity and
greatness in the Union, or ita utter ruin out
of it. We must have a President who will
uphold the Constitution now, as we inter
pret it, or all is lost. Let our enquiry then
be, first, who of the candidates wilf stand
firmly by us ; and secondlv, who of those
that will, have the fairest prospect of suc
cess. Self-preservation demands, that in
this crisis, we vote with reference to the
l
Seat issue, and to the availability of ft
indidates in the election. Let us sav
the Union now, through the instrumental'
ty of the Democracy if need be, and opno
them hereafter, when occasion shall recm;
with the same indomitable spirit they hav'
encountered in ns, heretofore. Thoy wh
admit the peril and then refuse this sacri
fice to avert it, are in danger of meruit)
the patriot in the partisan. " &
m t
I assume that it is a cardinal object to
secure the election of a safe man by the p 0
pie. Heaven forfend that the destinies !!f
this great country should be oommitted to
the House of Representatives, as now con
stituted. Does any Southern man feel dif
ferently, let him cast his eye on the speak
ers ohair let him contemplate the attitud"
of that body at this moment, and be warn
ed. Does he with all the lights before him
desire to send the election to that bodyte
the forlorn hope of thus securing the elec
tion of his party candidate, for him, I ba?
no argument, "He is joined to his idols "
'.
" In one word, then, were this a contest
between Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Buchanan
and were I assuied that Mr. Fillmore would
oppose himself to the restoration of the Mis
souri restriction, I would vote for him with
unspeakable pleasure. But being satisfied
be ond alt doubts, tnat it is in fact a con-
j test between Mr. Buchanan aud Mr. Fre
, mont ; that Mr. Buchanan as President
will interpose all the power of his adminis
tration to preserve, unimpaired, the Con
stitutional rights of the South and the per
petuity of the Union, whilst his real com
petitor would unscrupulously trample on tho
former, with full knowledge that he there
by imperilled the latter, I say let every
Southern electoral vote be cast for the
Democratic nominee. Let Georgia do so,
laying all party prejudices aud ufliuities,
as an offering, on the altar of our fmu
country. To aid in this result, no mnu
need sever any existing party ties, nor noed
he form new ones. For mysolf I disclaim
any such purpose."
Female School.
rpiIE exercises of Miss SAKAH F. DAVID.
-L SON'S .School will be resumed, u Monday
the 25th of September.
Terms for Tuition as Follows:
Miuor class, embracing Orthography ea&.
iug, Writing, first principles of Arithmetic
aud Geography $! to 8
Grammar, Geography, with the use of GHupe,
Arithmetic, Orthography, Reading, Writ
ing and Drawing
Modern and Ancient Geography, with the
use of Globes, Natural aud Moral Philoso
phy, &e. &.C
French
Music on Piano -
" Guitar
Monochromatic mid Perspective Drawing..
Painting
10
15
H
20
15
8
in
ty Miss Davidson would be very much db
liged to those of her patrons, who are indchti .1 to
her for tuition for the years 1854 and '55, to mafci
immediate se.tt lenient.
Charlotte, Sept. 1G, 1S5G 4w
Carolina Female College.
'I "HE exercises of this
JL Institution will com
mence on the 14th OC
TOBER, and continue
without vacation, until
the middle of July, mak-
iug two sessions of twenty weeks each.
Hoard and Tuition embracing the usual circle
of English Science, and Literature, Latiu and
Greek languagew, !$?( per session.
French $5, Drawing &10, Oil Painting 815. Mu
pic, Piano G.iitar 811. Other ornamental
branches, such as Embroidery, Wax-Flowem, it
a reasonable extra charge.
SO"StLdents uriiifrli their own Towels.
T. EL W Af.SH, Pi
P. S. The health ul the students haa been re.
markably good during their stay, with the cxceition
of one case ol typhoid lever. Thf student sflroilid
has recovered suttioientlv to return home.
Sept. i. 18563W T. It. PnVt.
Notice to Builders.
THE undersigned invite proposa's for tln
erection of College Buildings at Davidson
College, to .tost from M) to $50,000, the building
to be of brick on rock foundation, threcstorii s
high, covered with tin. The contractor to hnV
ish all the materials, and complete the work.
Plans and specifications will be exhibited hy the
Chairman, at any time, after the 1st of December.
The contract wm be closed at Charlotte, on the
18th day of December. Anv member of the cm
mittee will communicate information on the sub
ject to persons desiring to contract for the build
ings. DRUHV LACY, Chairman, V- C.
A. B. Davidson, )
J. VV. Osuoknk, Charlotte, X. C.
J. II. Wilson, )
John Knox, Ch merviuV, S. C.
Daniel Colf.man, Concord, N. C.
ARCH. Baker, ) c ,. ,
D. A. Davis, j 'Smmiry, N. C.
M. B. Gkikr, Wilmington, N. C.
CThe Salisbury Watchman, Raleigh Stan
dard, Weekly Carolinian, Columbia, S. C.,fimm
copy six weeks. Sept. 1(5, IrtTrfi (iw
Concord iflalc Academy.
fTMlE NEXT SESSION of this Institution
-L will commence the first day of October next,
under the care of B. V. FaocbttE, u piincipd.
In advance, for Classics, $-." H)
English, jjUU &l $K Oil
Contingencies, $ 1
Boarding in the best of private families from
eight to nine dollars per month.
(Jon cord, Sept. 9, 1H5G" 4w
Can be Keen,
AT MESSRS. FISHER & BI RKOl tJIfS,
or at Messrs. Dcma & Steel. V, a celebrate
PLANLNU MACHINE,
For inspection and sale built at this place by
S. J. PKHKV
Chailotte, Aug. Ifi, !-5r U
Furniture, Furniture!
K hLP on hand at my CAISI-
1XET ESTABLISHMENT, two
doors below the Pout Olhcc, Char
lotte, a general assortment of Furn
iture, which I sell on the most rea
sonable terms, and make to order
anytuiri-r in my line. 1 also keep on hand
Fik's H el a I S ic Burial CaMefff
And make at tbe shortest notice Mahogan?
and other Coffins. Give mo a call.
J. M. SANDERS
Charlotte, Sept 9, 185G tf
Office of tke c7&7c7r7r. Co.
August 2Mb l5.
A TRAIN with a passenger car attached, will
leave Charlotte "very MONDAY morn inl
and arrive in Columbia in time to connect with tb
4 o'clock train ou the South Carolina Rail Rod.
Leave Charlotte at ...... 6 00 A. J
Cheaer at 950"
Winnshoro-at U 33 P. M.
M Rideway at 1 25 "
Arrive at Columbia at 315
T. J. SUMNER, Eug. and Super't.
Sept. 2,18fs 3w
G. P. AXWKKt-UV
W. 0. REVSOLDS-
AIYDERSOX Sc REYNOLDS
vBiy JV "
i AJSB III BTf II Mian WS HIS Br M
Norfolk, Virginia.
Pay active attention to the sale of Flour and
other kinds of Produoe, avoiding unnecessary
: charges and rendering prompt returns.
1 Af .. .- .11 I jrx: 1 " '
Cash Paid for Hides.
rriHE highest prices will be paid for Hides
JL
- w
S. M HOWELL.
3 doors South of the Mansion Hotel
Charlotte, Oct. iK, 1856 6nj