North Carolina Newspapers

" mm TT TFT" T d TT1 ' v" " 1 ' "'' ' $3 Per Axxmrni SOUTH SIDE OF TRADE STREET CHARACTER IS AS IMPORTANT TO STATES AS IT JS TO INDIVIDUALS, "AND THE GLORT .OF THE OMS IS THE COMMON PROPERTY OF THE OTHER W tie YATISIS, Editob aUd Pkopreitor. CHARLOTTE, N. C., TUESDAY, AUGUST 28, I860. FIFTEENTH V0LC11EN C II B E C 7S2. UH X tl B I ) Hi WfiSTMH lljfiOCB&T (o)Pflblished every Taesday,(o) BY WILLIAM J. YATES, EDITOK AND PROPRIETOR. """OtHa $ 3 PER ANNUM, in advance. $ 2 for six months. tS5 Transient advertisements must b raid for In advance. Obituary notices are charged advertis ing rates. Advertisements not marked on. the manuscript f a specific time, will be inserted until forbid, and charged accordingly. $1 per square of 10 lines or less will be charged for each insertion, unles the advertisement is in serted 2. months or more. AUGUST NIEMANN, Practical Watchmaker fit Jeweler, (Next door South of the Mansion House,) CHARLOTTE, N. C. . . The subscriber respectfully informs the publfe that be is prepared to do all kinds of work in bis line promptly and efficiently. He professes to thoroughly understand his business, and those pa tronizing hiiu may expect to have their -work well' done. J5gy" Clocks, Watches, Jewelry, Music-Boxes, Ac, repaired at short notice and on satisfactory terms. AUGUST NIEMANN, . Next door to Mansion House. ' April 30, 18C6 Z. B. YANCS. VANCJE, dSVD 6c JOHNSTON, C. DOWD. R. D. JOHN8TO. ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Charlotte, N. C , Having associated tnegiselves together, will prac tice in the Courts of Mecklenbure, Iredell, Catawba, Davidson, Rowan, Cabarrus and Union, and in the Federal and Supreme Court3. Claims collected anywhere in the State. April 2, 1866 tf MEDIC All C ARIX DRS. GIDBON & McCOMBS, having associated themselves in the practice of Medicine and Surgery, respectfully tender their professional services to the citizens of Charlotte and surrounding country. From a large experience in private as well as Field and Hospital practice, they feel justified in proposing to pay special attention to the practice of Surgery in all its branches. , Office in Grauite Row, tip stairs, opposite the Mansion House. ROBERT GIBBON, M. D. ' Dec 11, 1865 J. P. McCOMBS, M. D. FULLINGS &. SPRINGS Have removed their CLOTHING and MERGHANT TAILORING STORE, to No. 4 Granite Row, lately occupied by J. S. Phillips. We are offering our stock of II CAD -71 ADC CLOTHING at cost for cash. Our former friends and patrons will do wel to supply themselves at once. We will keep at all times a good supply of Cloths, Casj-iiners and Vestings, which will be niade'to order in the best style and manner, We will keep also a good stock of Hats, Shirts, Drawers and other furnishing Goods. FULLINGS & SPRINGS. Jan 29, 1806 BSiitCtiasoii & Springs, CHARLOTTE, N. C, Ageuts of the most reliable l.VS I Jt.t.YCE CiyJlllJIiES n the United States. Be on the SAFE SIDE and insure your property against loss or damage by fire. Also, INSURE YOUR LIFE for the benefit of your wife and children. RISKS taken at moderate fates. Call ou Hutchison & Springs, No. 4, Granite Row. E. NYE-HUTCHISON, J. M. SPRINGS, March 5, 1866 Agents. Ladies' Hats and Bonnets, Trimmed and untrimroed ; Bonnet Ribbon, French Flower, &c, very handsome, at May 14th McLEOD & STEELE'S Handsome and Fashionable styles of Ladies' DRESS GOODS, Laces, Shawls, Ac, very cheap at May 14th McLEOD & STEELE, Grain and Grass Scythes, Scythe Suaths, Ames' Shovels and Spades, Collins' Axes, Ac, at McLEOD & STEELE'S. 5 Indies', Misses' and children's BOOTS and SHOES, Congress Gaiters, and Slippers, very hand some and cheap, at McLEOD & STEELE'S. UTU Gents' aud Youths' Caps and Straw Hats, very-low, at McLEOD & STEELE'S. Linen and cotton Sheeting, Pillow-case Linen. Ls. very low, at McLEOD & STEELE'S. May 14, 1806 J." T. BUTLER, Watchmaker Jeweler, CUAKLOTTE, N. C, Respectfully informs the citizens of Charlotte and surrounding country that he has opened a shop in the store occupied by C. M. Query, uext to Springs' corner, where he will give prompt attention to re pairing Watches, Clocks, Jewelry, Ac. Watch-glasses and materials in general atwhole sale and retail. May 22, 1865. tf The Southern Express Company, For the transportation of merchandise, valuable packages, specie, bank notes, bonus, sc, ior an pans uf the South and Southwest, in connection with ADAMS EXPRESS COMPANY, iiave established their agency at 59 BROADWAY, SEW YORK, where orders to call for goods to be forwarded South will receive prompt attention. Merchandise and valuables delivered to Harnden's, Kinsley's, American and United States Express Com panies, Cjr the Southern Express Company, will re ceive prompt dispatch. For particulars, rates of freight, kc. &c, apply at the office of the Southern Express Company, 53 Broadway. h. B. PLANT, Dec 18, 1S65. President. . . . . . JOriN VOGEL. R A CTICAL TAILOR, Respectfully informs the citizens of Charlotte and surrounding country, that he is prepared to manu facture gentlemen's clothing in the latest style and at short notice. His best exertions will be given to ' ender satisfaction to those who patronize him. Shop opposite Kerr's Hotel, next door to Brown & Stitt's store. Jauuary 1, I860, VALUABLE REAL ESTATE For Sale, My farm containing 175 acres, lying two miles east, from Charlotte, on the Lawyer's Road, in a good neighborhood. About one half of this tract is wood-land. The improvements consist of a double. Log-Cabin, Barn, Ac, a Well of excellent water, and an orehard of selected fruit on the premises. Posession given 1st January, 1867, and permission given to sow small grain this Fall. Also, a small brick Dwelling House in Charlotte containing 5 rooms, located sear the Depot and convenient to business. Also a large brick two story Store room at David son College, 110 by 30 feet, handsomely finished and centrally iocated, with a counting room and cellar attached, and a small, frame Dwelling House and Well of water on the premises. ' " '. Any. or all of these properties will be sold on terms to suit the times, and must be sold. JASi II. CARSON. July 23, 1866. tf CHARLOTTE FE3IALE INSTITUTE, CHARLOTTE, N. a The next session commences on the 1st of October, 1866, and continues until 30th June, 1867. The session is divided into two Terms of Twenty weeks each ; the one commencing the 1st October, 1866, and the other the 15th February, 1867. Expense per Term of Twenty weeks : Board, including every expense, except washing, $105 00 Tuition in Collegiate Department 25 00 " " Primary " 20 00 Music, Modern Languages, Drawing and Painting taught by competent and thorough Instructors at usual prices. Tot circular and catalougue containing full par ticulars, address KBV. R. BURWELL & SON, Principals, July 9, 1866. Charlotte, N. C. CATAWBA FLOURING MILLS. The undersigned has put his Mills in first rate grinding order, and is prepared to make Flour of superior quality. There are three pair of runners two for wheat and one for corn, and will grind from 150 to 200 bushels of grain in 24 hours. "The old patrons of the Mill know that justice h.is always been done them, and the undersigned solicits a con tinuation of their cus'ohi as well as that of new ones. He is g'ateful for the liberal patronage here tofore extended to his Mills. W. H. NEEL. July 23, 18G6 pd COM Oil I) FEMALE COLLEGE. The next Session will commence on the first Mon day of September, and will close on the 21stof De-" cember. The expense of Tuition and Board with washing included, will be from $90 to $100. Par tial advance payments will be expected. All need ful indulgence, however, will be given our patrons. Let no good and punctual parent hesitate to send his daughter because he cannot raise the money to pay in advance. Each pupil will furnish her orwn lights and towels, and also a pair of sheets and pillow cases. Extra charges will be made for Mnsic, French, Latin and Drawing. Address, J. M. M. CALDWELL, July 16, 1866 Statesville. N. C- Ceiitiine Durham SMOKING TOBACCO. The undersigned is the sole proprietor of the above named article, being the successor of the original manufacturer. Having obtained letters patent for said article, he hereby warns all persons against manufacturing or attempting to manufacture said article. All venders of the "Genuine Dorham Smoking Tobacco," must obtain it from me directly or from my authorized agents. The following are my sole autnonzeu Agents ai present. Others will be added : . Stenhouse & Macaulay, Charlotte ; WD Smith, Fayetteville; Walker, Farrar & Co, Newberu ; Northrop & Cumraings, Wilmington : H D Teel, Tar boro; J E Venable, Petersburg ; Ashton & Emerson, Portsmouth, Va.; Adolph Berry, 172 West Pratt St., Baltimore: March, Price & Co., 91 Waller St., New york. J. R. GREEN. Durham's, Orange co, N. C, June 25, 1866 . 3m Stenhouse & Macaulay, Agents at Charlotte. ATTENTION People or Charlotte and sur rounding country! SELLING OFF BELOW N. T. COST. A70 HUMBUG HQ HUMBUG! ! A $30,000 Stock of Goods must all It sold in three months. The citizens of Charlotte and surrounding coun try will do well to call at H. E. MORSE'S before purchasing elsewhere, as they will save from 25 to 50 p cent by so doing. Merchants from the city and country will do well io give jne a call, as I will sell them Goods cheaper than the cheapest. I have on hand a large and well selected stock of Dry Goods, Clothing, Millinery, Ladies', Gents', Hisses' and children's Boots and Shoes, a large assortment, all sizes ; Calicoes of every variety ; Hats and Caps ; Confectioneries ; Crockery; Trunks; Valises; a large stock of Notions, and many other articles too tedious to mention. jsgr- Don't forget the place at Dr. Pritchard's old stand, opposite the. Court House. II. E. MORSE. ALSO, for sale a fine, spacious RESIDENCE, with good Garden and out-houses attached. H. E. MORSE. June 25, 1865 3m JUST RECEIVED. Some No. 1 Mackerel; large and fine Sacks Liver pool Salt; 500 bushels superior Corn. A lot of North Carolina Shoes, made at Thomas ville, Ladies' and Gentlemen's. A lot of superior Shoes from Philadelphia. Some beautiful Summer Prints; Bleached and Brown Domestics; Bleached Cotton Diaper; Bed Ticking. Fine Napkins." June 25, 1866 H. B. WILLIAMS. ALFRED iTIARTIN. (Surviving partner of late firm of Rankin & Martin,) General commission jviercnant. WILMINGTON, N. C. Personal and prompt attention given to the pur chase and sale of all descriptions of Produce, and to the receiving and forwarding of Goods. Charges for the same as reasonable as those of any other regular biisins bouse in the city. He has ample Warehouse and Wharf room, and an experience of thirty years in the business, and therefore feels confident of beig able to give entire satisfaction t all who may favor him with their patronage. References T W Dewey, John A Young, M L Wriston, John Wilkes and Wm J Yates, Charlotte. June 25, 1S0J 2m Hfestfrn 3Jrmo.tr at. CHARLOTTE, N. C. AN ADDRESS TO "THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, Having met io ' 'Convention at the city of Philadelphia, io the State of Pennsylvania, this JOth day of August. 1866, as the represent tives of the people in all sections, and all tbe States and' Territ6ries of the Union, to consult upon tbe condition and the wants of the com mon country, we address to you this declaration of our principles and of the political purpose wo eeek to promote. - : ' " Sinoe the meeting of the last National Con vention, in I860, events haytf occurred which havd changed the character of our internal politics and given tne united ' states anew place atnons the nations of the earth. Our Government has passed through tbe vicissitudes and the perils of civil war a war which, though mainly sectional in its character, has neverthe less decided political differences that, from the very beginning of the Government, had, threat ened the unity of our national existence, and has left its impress deep and ineffaceable upon all the interests, sentiments and the destiny of the .Republic. While it has inflicted opon the whole country severe losses in life and in pro perty, and has imposed burdens which must weigh on its resources for generations to come, it has developed a degree of national courage in tbe presence of national dangers, a capacity for military organization and achievement, and a devotion on the part of the people to the form of government which they have ordained, aud to the principles of liberty which" that Govern ment was designed to promote, which must con firm the confidence of the nation in the perpe tuity oi its republican institutions and command tbe respect of the civilized world. Like all great contests which rouse the passions and test tbe endurance or nations, this war has given new scope to the ambition of political parties, and Tresh impulse to plans of innovation and reform. Amidst the chaos of conflicting senti ments inseparable from such an era, while the public heart is keenly alive to all tbe passions that can sway the public judgment and aflect the public actions: while the wounds of war are still fresh and bleeding on either side, and fears for the future take unjust proportions from tho memories and resentments of the past, it is a difficult but imperative duty which, on your be half, we who are here assembled have under taken to perform. For' tbe first time after six long years of alienation aud of conflict we have come togeth er, from every State and every section -ol our L land, as citizens of a common country, uoder that flag, the symbol again of a common glory, to consult together bow best to cement and per petuate that Union which i? again the object of our common love, and thus secure tbe blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. In the first place we invoke you to remem ber always and everywhere that the war is end ed, aud the nation is again at peace; 1 he shock of contending arms no longer assails the shud dering heart of the republic. The insurrection agains-t the supreme authority of tbe nation has been suppressed, aod thatauthority has been again acknowledged by word and act in every State and by every citizen within its jurisdiction. We'are no longer required or permitted to re gard or treat each qther as enemies. Not only have tbe acts of war been discontinued and-the weapons of war laid aside, but the state ol war no longer exists) and tbe sentiments, the pas sions, tne relations or war nave no longer lawlul Or rightful place anywhere throughout our broad domain. We are again people of the. United States fellow-citizens of one country, bound by the duties and obligations of a common pa triotism, and having neither'rights nor interests apart from a common destiny. The duties that devolve, upon us now are again the. duties of peace, and no longer tbe duties of war. . We have assembled here to take counsel concerning the interests of peace;- to decide how we may most wisely and effectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetuate the blessings it ha? secured and the blessings which, under a wise and benign Providence, have sprung up in its fiery track. This is tbe work not of passion, but,of calm and sober judgment, not of resentment for past offences, prolonged beyond the limits which justice and reason pre scribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which tdlcratfb what it cannot -prevent and builds its plans and its hopes-for tbe future rather upon a comoiunjty of interest and ambition than up on distrust and tbe weapons of feree. - lathe next plaee, we call upon you to recognize, iu their full significance, and to accept wttn all their legitimate consequences, the political re-sulta-of the war just closed. Iu the most im portant particular, the victory achieved by the national government has been final and decisive. First, it has established, beyond all controversy, and by tbe highest of all human sanctions, the absolute supremacy of the national government, as defined and limited by the constitution of he United States, and tbe permanent integrity and indissolubility of the Federal Union as s necessary consequence. And seeond, it has put an end, finally and forever, to the existenee of slavery upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of tho -United States. Both these poiuts became directly involved in the contest, and cootruvtr sy upon both was ended absolutely and fiually by the result. In the third place, we deaiu it of the utmost importance that the real cbarac- ter of tbe war, and the victory by wtucn it was closed, should be accurately understood. The war was carried on by the government of the United State iu maintenance of its own author ity and in defence of its own existence, both of which were menaced by tbe insurrection which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that insurrection accomplished that result. The government of the United States maintained by force of arms the supreme authority over all the territory aBd over all the States and people with iu U jurisdiction, which the constitution con fer upon it. But it acquired thereby no new power; no enlarged jurisdiction; no rights eith er of territorial possession or of civil authority, which it did not. possess before the rebellion broke out. All tbe rightful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it, either if express terms, or by facts and necessa'ry im plication, by the constitution' of -the United States. . ' It 'was that power and that authority which the rebellion sought to Overthrow,, aiid the vic tory of the federal anny was simply the defeat of that attempt. The government of the United Skates acted throughout the war oh the defen sive.. It sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither the war, "nor the ictory by which it was closed, changed in. any way, the Constituttbn of the tTnlted 8tates, Tbe war was carried on by virtue of its provis ions and under, the limitations which they pre scribe, and tbe result of the war did not either enlarge, abridge, or in any way change or affect the powers-it confers -upon the federal govern ment, or release that government from the re strictions which it has imposed. The Consti tution of the United States is to-day precisely as it was before the war, "the tupreme laic of the land, anything in the Constitution or laws of any btate to the contrary notwithstanding." And to-day, also, precisely as before the war, "all powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the general government, nor prohibited by it to the States, is reserved to " the several States "or to the people thereof." This position is vindicated not only by the essential nature of our government, and the lan guage and spirit of the constitution, but'by all the acts and the language of our government io all its departments and at all times. From the outbreak of the rebellion to its final overthrow, in every message and proclamation of the Ex ecutive, -it Was" explicitly declared that the sole object and purpose of the war was to maintain tbe authority of the Constitution, and preserve the integrity of the Union. And Congress more than once reiterated this solemn declara tion, and added the assurance that whenever this object should be attained the. war should cease, and all the States should retain their equal rights and dignity unimpaired. It is only since the war was closed that other rights have been asserted on behalf of one department of the general government. It has been proclaimed by Congress that in addition to the powers con ferred upon it by tho Constitution, the Federal government may now claim over the States, the territory and the people involved in the insur rection, the right of conquest and of confiscation; the right to abrogate all existing governments, institutions and laws, and to subject the territo ry conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regulations and deprivations as the legislative departments of the government may see fit to impose. Under this broad and sweeping claim, that clause of the constitution which provides that no fctafc shall, without its consent, be ' de prived ofits equal suffrage. in the Senate of- the United b tales has been annulled, and ten States have been refused and are still refused representation altogether, in both branches of the Federal "Congress; and the Congress, in which only a part of the States and of the people of the Union are represented, has asserted the right thus to exclude the rest from representa tion and all share in making their own laws, or 'choosing their own rulers, until they shall com ply witl; such conditions and perform such acts as this Congress, thus composed, may itself pre scribe. That right hag not only been asserted, but it bus been exercised, and is practically en forced at the present time. Nordoes it find any support in the tbpory that the States thus ex eluded arc in rebellion against the government, and therefore precluded from sharing its au thority. They are not thus in rebellion. They are one and all. in an attitude of loyalty towards the government and of sworn allegiance to the constitution of the United States In none of them is there the slightest, indication of resist ance to this authority, or the slightest protest against its just and binding obligation. This condition of renewed loyalty has been officially recognized by solemn proclamation of the Ex ecutive Department; fhe laws of the United States have been extended by Congress over all these States and the .people thereof: Federal courts have been re-opened and Federal, taxes - i -j i j. i . imposeu auu ievieu, anu, in every respect, ex cept that they are denied representation in Con gress and the electoral college, the States once in rebellion are now recognized as holding the same position, as owing the same obligations and subject to the' same duties as tbe other States of our common Union. ' . It seems to us, in the exercise of the calmest and most candid judgment we can bring to the subject, that such a clarrn, so enforced, involves as fatal an overthrow of the authority of the Constitution, and as complete a destruction of the government and Union, as that which was sought to be effected by the States and people in armed insurrection against them both. It cannot escape observation that the power thus asserted to exclude certain States from represen tation is made to rest wholly on the will and, discretion of the Congress that asserts it. It is not made to depend upon any. specified condi tion, or cuicuuastaoeeSr nor to be subject to any rules or regulations whatever. The right as serted, and exercised is absolute, without quali fication or restriction oot.eonfioed to States in rebellion nor to States that have rebelled it is the right of any Congress, in formal possession of the legislative authority, oxclude any State or States, and aov portion of the people thereof, at any time, from representation in Congress and lu the electoral college, at itf owo discre tion, and until they shall perform such acts and comply. with such condition" as it may dietate. Obviously the reasons- for such exclusion, being wholly within the discretion of Congresa, ..may change as the Congress. itself shall change, j Ooe Congress may exclude a State from all share in tho government for one reason; and, that reason removed, the next Congress may ! exclude it for another. One State may be ex- : ciuueu ou one grvuou Vuay, j J be excluded on the opposite ground to-morrow. : Northern ascendancy may exclude Southern 1 States from one Congress. Tbe ascendancy of lJ.J J - J o.- Western or of Southern interests, or of both combined, may exclude the Northern 6t the Eastern States from the next. Improbable as sueh usurpations may seem, the establishment of the principle now asserted and acted upon by Congress will render them by no means impossible. The character, indeed the very existence of Congress and the Union is thus made dependent solely and entirely upon tne party and sectional exigencies and forbear anoes of the hoar. ' - We need not stop to show that such action- not only Hods no warrant in the Constitution, but is. at war with every principle "of our Gov ernmeot, afld with the very existence of free t. i ...t ei. i inBiifcwv.i&u xt is, iooeu, iBe identical prac tice which has rendered fruitless all' attempts hitherto to establish and maintain free govern ment in Mexico and the States of South America. Party necessities assert themselves as superior to the fundamental law, which is set aside in reckless obedience to their behests. Stability, whether in the exercise of power, in the ad ministration of-Government, or in the enjoy ment of rights, becomes impossible and the conflicts of party, which, under Constitutional Governments, are the. conditions and means of political progress, are merged in the conflicts of arms, to which they directly and inevitably tend. ' It was against this peril, so conspicuous and so fatal to all free Governments, that our Con stitution was intended especially to provide. Not only the stability, but the very existence of tne uovernmenc is tnaae, ey us provisions, to depend upon the right and tbe fact of represen tation. The Congress, upon which is conferred tbe legislative power of the National Govern ment, consists of two branches, the Sena'te and House of Representatives, whose joiHt concur rence or assent is essential to the validity of any law.. Of these, 'the House of Representatives"-. says the Constitution, article 1, section 2 "shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States." Not only is the right -of representation thus re cognized as possessed by all tbe States, and ly every State without restriction, qualification or condition of any kind, but the duty of choosing representatives is imposed upon the p'eope of each and every State alike, without distinction, or the authority to make distinction among them, for "any reason or upon any grounds what ever. And, in the Senate so careful is the Constitution to secure to every State this right of representation it is expressly provided that "No StayShall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage" in that body, even by an amendment cf the Constitution itself. When, therefore, any State is excluded "from such representation, not only is a light of the tJTace'-dmefr; m th constitutional integrity of the Senate is impaired, and the validity of the government itself is brought in question. But Congress, at the present moment, thus excludes from representation in both branches of Con gress ten States of the Union, denying them all J share in the enactment of laws by which they are to be governed, and all participation in the election of the rulers by which those laws are to be enforced. Io .-other words, a Congress in which only twenty-six States are represented, asserts the right to govern, absolutely, and in its own discretion, atl the thirty-six States which compose the Union; to make their laws and choose their rulers, and to exclude the other ten from all share irr their own government un til it sees fit to-admit them thereto. What is there to distingush the power thus asserted and exercised from the most absolute and intolera ble tyranny? Nor do these extravagant and unjust claims on the' part of Congress to powers and authority never conferred upon the govern- mentby the constitution, find any warrant in the arguments or excuses urged on' their behalf. It is alleged: First That these States, by the act of rebel lion, and by voluntarily withdrawing their mem bers from CongTess, forfeited their right" of representation, and that they can only receive it again at the bands of the- supreme legislative authority of the government on its own terms and its own discretion. If representation in Congress and participation iq the government were simply privileges conferred and held by favor, this statement might have the merit of plausibility but representation is, under tbe constitution, not only expressly recognized as a right, but it is imposed as a duty, and it is essential, in both aspects, to the existence of tbe government and to tbe maintenance of s authority. - In free governments fundamental and essential rights cannot be forfeited, except against individuals, by due process of law. ' Nor can constitutional duties, and obligations be discarded or laid aside. The enjoyment of righta may bo for a time suspended by the- fail ure to claim them, and duties may be evaded by the refusal to perform them. The withdrawal of their members from Con gress by the States which resisted the general government was among their . acts of insurrec tion was one of tbe means and agencies by which they sought to impair tbe authority and defeat the action of the government. And that act was committed, add rendered void when the insurrection itself was suppressed. Neither the right of representation nor the duty to be repre sented was in the least impaired by the fact of insurrection. But it may have been that by reason of the insurrection tbe conditions on which the enjojmeqt of that right and the per formance of that duty for the time depended coald not be fulfilled. This was in fact the case. An insurgent power, in the exercise of usurpation and unlaw ful authority in the territory under its control, had prohibited that allegiance to the constitution and laws of th United States which is made by that fundamental law the. essential condition of representation in its government. No man within the insurgent 8. t a tea was allowed to take the oath to support the constitution of the Uni ted States, and, as a necessary consequence, no man could lawfully represent those States in the councils of the Union. . But this was only an obstacle to the enjoy ment of the right and io tbe discharge of a duty. 'It did not annjil tha one nor abrogate the other, and it ceased to exist when the usurpation by which it was created had been overthrown, aad the States had again resumed their allegiance te. the constitution and laws of tbe United States Second BaHt is asserted, in stpport of the authority claimed by the Congress now in pos session of power, that it flows directly from tbe laws of war; that it is among the rights, which victorious war alwaya confers iponr the con querors, and which tbe conqueror may exercise or waive, in his, owor discretion. To this we re-. ply that the laws in Question relate solely, so far as the righta tbey confer are concerned, to wars waged between alien and independent na tions, end can. bare no place or force io this re gard in a war : weged by i government to sup press an insurrection ofits own people, upon its own soil, against its authority. If we had car-, ried on successful war against any foreign na tion, wet migh t thereby have acquired possession and juriadiatioQ of their toil, with the right to enforce our laws upon their people, and to im pose upon them such laws and such obligations as we might clioose. But we had' before the war complete jorisdictron over the soil of the Southerg States, limited only by our Own con stitution. Our raws were the only national lawa in force upon it; tbe government of the United States was the only government through which those States and their people bad relations .With foreign cations, and its flag was the only flag by which they were recognised or known any- where on the face of the earth. Iq all these re spects and io all other respects involving na tional interest and rights, our possession was perfect and complete. It did net ne'ed to be acquired, but only to be maintained, and victo rious war against the rebellion could do nothing more than maintain it could only viodicate and re-establish tbe disputed supremacy of the con stitution. It could neither enlarge nor diminish the authority which that constitution confers npon the government by which it was achieved. Such an enlargement or abridgment of cocsti- -tutional power can be effected only by the amendment of the constitution itself, and such amendment can' be made only in the modes which the constitution itself prescribes. The claim that the suppression of an Insurrection against the government gives additional author ity and power to that government, especially that it enlarges the jurisdiction of Congress and gives that body the right to exclude States from representation in the natiocaLcounoils, without which tbe nation itself can have . no authority and no existence, it seems to us is at. variance aliko with the principles of the constitution and with the public safety. . , Third But it is alleged that in certain par ticulars the constitution of the United States fails to seoure that absolute justice and impartial equality which the principles of our government require. That it was in these respeots the re sult of compromise and concessions, to which, however necessary when (he constitution was formed, we are no longer compelled to submit. and that now, having tbe . power, through suc cessful war, and just warrant for ita exercise, in the hostile conduct of the insurgent section, the actual government of tbe United States may im pose its own conditions and make the constitu tion conform, in all its provisions, to its own ideas of equality and the rights of man. Congress, at its last. session, proposed amend ments to the constitution, enlarging io some very important particulars the authority of. the general government over that of the several btates, and reducing by indirect disfranchise- V ment the representative power of the States la . which slavery formerly existed. Aud it is claimed (hat these amendments may be made ....1:.4 . . . I : - 1 -. i vaiiu ua pan ui iuo original constitution wiin out the concurrence of the States to be most seriously affected by them, or may be imposed upon those States by three-fourths'' of the re- ' matniog States as conditions of their re-admis sion to representation in Congress and in the electoral college. - - It is the unquestionable right of the people of the United States te make such changes in (he constitution as they, upon due deliberation, may deem expedient Bat we insist that they" shall be made in the mode which tbe constitu tion itself rointa out, in conformity with the letter and the spirit of that instrument, end with the principles of 'self-government end equal rights which lie ' at the basis of our republican institutions. We deny tbe right of Congress to . make these changes in the fundamental law without the concurrence of tbree-fourtbs of all the States, including especially those to be most seriously affected by them, or to impose them upon States for people, as conditions of repre sentation or of admission to any -of the rights, duties or obligations which belong aoder the constitution, to all the States elite. -. And with still greater emp&asis do we deny tbe right of any portion of the States excludiog the mt of the States from any there in their -councils, or to propose or sanction changes Sn the -constitution which are. to affect permanently political relations and control or soerce tbe legit imate action of the several members of tbe com mon Union. Sueh an exercise of power is simply a usurpation jast as unwarrantable when exercised by Northern States as it-would be if exercised by Southern ; and not to be fortified or palliated by anything is the-past history either of those by whom it is attempted or ef those upon whose rights' end liberties if is to take effect. It finds no warrant io tbe consti tution ; it js at war with tbe fundamental prin- ' ciples of onr form of government, and if tolerated in one instance, it becomes the - precedent for . future invasion of. liberty and constitutional right, dependent solely "opon the will of. tbe party. In possession of power, end thus leads, by direct and necessary sequence, to the most fatal! and intolerable of all tyrannies- -the tyrannies of shifting . and irresponsible factions. ,lt is against this, the most formidable ef all dangers' which menace the stability of (ree government, ' that the ooostituuon of tbe United States was intended most carefully to provide. We demand a strict sod steadfast adberenee to its provisions. q this, and in this alone, can we find a basis of permanent union and peace. Fourth 'But it is alleged, la justification c Continued on 2d Page. . , .-