I'olitics of tiic Day.
From tho MlUedgevUle Standard of Union.
REPORT AND RESOLUTIONS
Adopted by the Georgia “Young Men’s Democratic Con
vention,” 3Iay, 1841.
The fundamental principle of Democracy is
equality—between citizen and citizen. To give ef
fect to this principle it was found necessary in the
establishment of our government to secure by or
ganic law, called a Constitution, the individual
rights of every member of community.
The his
tory of all governments, shows that the exercise of
an absolute and uncontrolled power by an irrcspon- j of the rigiils of the people,
sible majority must sooner or later terminate in | Re.olccd, That Congress has no power to char
upon the strict construction of tlic fundamental law;
that a departure from such a rule of construction
of the fundamental law, substitutes the will of tlie
majority for the Constitution itself, and in effect
abolishes the organic la»v of the land.
Resohed, That it is the diity of every branch of
State and Federal CTOvornment, to enforce and prnc-
tice the most rigid economy in the expenditure of
the revenue; and that all taxes, dircct or indirect
raised beyond the necessary expenditinx s of the Go
vernment, is a direct infiingemont of the rights of
the governed, an J a violation of the spa it of the C'On-
stitulion.
Resolved^ That a separation of the finances of
government from all connection with corporations,
is indispen&ibly necessary to a sound and safe cur-
aristocracy or depotism. The only guarantee m i
the stability of Democratic institutions, is found
in the moral restraints which the fundamental law,
directed by the paramount sovereignty of the peo
ple, is supposed to be placed in the majority of the
legislature. It will be pcrceived at once, that no
government can be organized under a constitution,
without creating two separate and distinct interests;
the interest of the government—to increase its pow
er, and the interests of the governed, to hold to the
terms of the compact. The slightest accession of
power to the governing beyond those conceded by
the compact for the detience and protection of all.
destroys at once, that equality of right between ci
tizen and citizen, which constitutes, as was said, the
essential difTerence between democracy and all oth
er sptems of gov'ernment. The conclusion is in-
t'viiable, that the durability of democracy eminent
ly depends upon a strict and rigid construction of
the Constitution, and the principle as well applies
to the State as Federal constitution. It would be
supererogation to declare doctrines so long acqui
esced in, doctrines wliich liave been sanctioned bv
time and confirmed by experience.
But a departure from those principles in many of
tlie leading measures of the Government, under*the
pressure of circumstances in some cases, and a par
donable confidence in the magnanimity of the ma
jority of the representatives of the American peo
ple in others, by their unforeseen effects, have bro’t
doubt and discredit on the practical soundness of
pven these cardinal principles. The charter of the
Bank of the United States, and the Tariff of 1816,
furnish in their history a sad commentary upon the
dangers of the slightest departures from the leUer
of the Constitution. While we read the lessons it
leaches, let us profit by the melancholy warning.
Kvery man who pretends to the least concern for
the public welfare, must heartily deprecate these
honest errors of many of the best and wisest of our
statesmen, and deplore their consequences. For
tticm we honor the motive, while we pardon the
wrong. But it has now ceased to be a subject of
magnanimous forbearance to the true and trusted,
nnd it is high time to rebuke the selfish ambition
that seeks to perpetrate those dangerous innovations
upon the spirit of our institutions which threaten
nothing less than the subversion of our Govern
ment. To the mischievous influences of the first
chartered monopoly, may perhaps be traced most
of the flagrant and confessed evils of the Banking
ter a National Bank; that we bcheve such an in
stitution one of deadly hostility to the best interests
of the country, dangerous to our Republican insti
tutions and the liberties of the people, and calcu
lated to place the business of the country within the
control of a concentrated money power, and above
the laws and the will of the people.
Resolved, That the distribution of any part of tly?
revenue of the United States to the several States,
or to individuals for them, is unconstitutional and un
equal between State and Slate.
Resolved, That the assumption or guarranty by
the general Sfovernment, of tlie debts of the several
States, directly or uidirectly, is inexpedient and un
constitutional.
Resolved, That Congress has no power under
the Constitution of the U. States, to interfere with
or control the local institutions of the several States,
and that the agitation of the subject in Congress at
the pesent crisis, by the reception of abolition peti
tions, or debate, is an open insult to the Southern
people, a palpable violation of the Utter and spirit
of the constitution, and tends directly to revolution
and complete individual liability, the trade in money
and paper credits might be left just as free as the
trade in shoes, hats, coats, wigs, mutton, beef and
bread. We want no laws to regulate carpenters,
Dricklayers, painters, masons, and the various other
mechanics w^ho'carry on their business by the laws
of competition. If people should pretend to manu-
i;icture money for sale, those to whom it was offer
ed would exercise their discretion in judging of its
nutmegs, whether they are made of wood or are
the genuine fruit of a tree. None but men of
known wealth would be able to keep notes in circu
lation, and such men would be cautious not to issue
too many, inasmuch as tlie whole extent of their
property would be liable for their payment.
J(?/j.e.9.™-But have we not had some examples of
individuals of doubtful character and credit too, put
ting notes in circulation to a large amount.
S/nith.—On\y in times of bank suspensions,
when notes were payable, not in money, but in
other notes. The Spanish proverb says, “all cats
are black in the dark.” So it is with banks or bank
ers when they do not pay their notes in coin. If
there were no notes in existence but those issued by
parties individually responsible, there could never
be any /general suspension of specie payments.
Individual bankers, like individual merchants, might
fail, but the community would at no time be liable
to gicat expansions or contractions of the currency,
and the evils to which it would then be subject,
would only be such as are inseparable from tlie ex
istence of credit, and which no human sagacity or
skill can prevent.
From the Philadelphia Ledger.
SHORT DIALOGUE,
On Matters a7id TViings in general, hdii'een John
Smith and John Jones.
Smith.—Did you see an account in the papers
the other day, of a newly invented instrumtnt of
destruction, called the “ IXath Dealer ?”
Jojies.—Yes, and I was amazed at the frighlfu
power It is represented to possess. I'he account ’
saw stated, that a ball weighing not more than ]i
pounds, was sufficient to blow the strongest fort in
to atoms.
Smith.—When I read the statement, I was struck
with the similarity between this tremendous piiysi-
cal agent and the equally tremendous moral agent
with whii;h we are all familiar, the piistnt bank
ing system. The one anaihilatts men’s lives with
the greatest certainty—the other annihilates men’s
property with equal certainty. It is true that one
is quick and the other is slow. It is also true that
the destruction wrought by one is accompanied by
noise and by occular evidtnc(\ whilst the other
works quietly and unseen. But tliey are ccjually
destructive. They are both death dealers ” in
the true sense of the term, for it matters little whe-
From the New York Herald.
GOVERNMENT BANKS.
There seems to be no hope of a speedy restora
tion of the currency. The banks have obtained
complete mastery over the State Governments, and
they have no longer the power to compel the banks
to pay specie. The last hope of a sound currency,
seems to be the possibility of the passage of a Bank
rupt Law; including institutions. This would have
the desired effect, by closing up all those concerns
that committed acts of insolvency. It would indeed
pioduce great changes in the face of affairs; but
would not be more violent in its operations than
would be the establishment of a National Bank,
which is the speculative road to a sound currency.
It seems, however, far more likely to involve the
Federal Gov^ernment in the same difficulties that
surround the State Governments. Georgia, Ala
bama, Mississippi, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and Mi
chigan, are existing witnesses of the inevitable mis
fortunes that befall a government bound in the mesh-
s of a monied institution. The two last have in
deed not thenis(-lves i stablished the b.inks, nor have
they become partin rs in the business, but they have
placed themselvi s in the power of the banks by
le arning to 1 an upon them for assistance. Alaba
ma an I lllinoi.-i are instances of the folly of a Go
vt rnment itself tuaiing a anker. In spite of all
this repeatal experienci-, there are some intelligent
men who sei iously lend their countt. nance to the de
sign of the stuck-jobbeis in tlieir eiibrt to obtain a
National Bank. Wh.it has become of history in re
gard to every bank hertofore chartered? The
system. To the same cause may be attributed the j ther a man loses his life, or the m« ans of sustaininsr
enactment of the Tariff; for a public debt, or a sur- j hfe, as tens of thou.samls of persons in the Unitdl
States have done within the last five years.
Jone!.—Very true. Your figure is rather stronor.
to be sure, but is there no mode of ridding the
country of an engine of such a destructive charac
ter'?
Smith.—It can never be accomplished but by one
process.
Jo7ics.—-And what is that ?
Smith.—By the community’s coming to it.s
ses, and abandoning the idea that the pupros
perity requires monopolies and sp.'i..l ' iviLir'-s
to be conferred upon any ou. [uitioii. I'here liis
the v.-hole seed evil.
Jones.—Explain your meaning more fully.
Smith.—I will endeavor to do so. You are
aware that in every trading community what is
called credit is a necessary auxiliary to the creation
of weahh. CrcKiit, as every body knows, is tlie
power of obtaining temporary possession of another
man’s property under a stipulation that property of
greater value shall be returned for it at some future
day. This temporary possession of another man’s
property, whether it be by buying things on a cre
dit, or hiring houses or farms, or by borrowing
money, is what enables people who have no pio-
perty of their own or not enough to answer all
their purposes, to turn their labors to account. It
is by means of credit, that the merchant who pos
sesses a capital of ten thousand dollars can import
or export goods to the amount of twenty or thirty
thousand dollars. It is by means of credit that the
manufacturer can ^pply himself with raw ma
terial upon which he can exercise his labor ami
skill, and thus derive a profit from what might oth
erwise be wholly unproductive. It is by means of
cerdit, that a vast number of houses and ships are
built, many mechanical trades carried on, and it is
by means of credit that industrious and frugal men
often become the owners of plantations.
Jones.—You are then, I perceive, a believer in
the benefits of “ the credit system.”
Smith.—Undoubtedly I am, and so is every per
son who has taken the trouble to examine the sub
ject. But mark me. By the credit system, I mean
the legitimate operations of business, prudently con
ducted, and arising in the natural course of trade,
and not the wild indiscriminate abuse of credit which
springs up under an ill-conducted banking system,
and which by some is confounded with the other.
Jones.—But are there not risks connected with
the be.st possible credit system that can exist, which
sometimes occasions losses to creditors ?
Smith.—Most certainly there are, but as no hu
man prudence or foresight can guard against cala
mities of every sort, so is it impossible that credit
can exist without losses. Still, as the advantages
of credit, properly conducted, to the community, far
outweigh ail the disadvantages, it has been intro
duced into every country where there has been
the smallest accumulation of capital.
Jojics.—Do you consider that a well conducted
system of credit can be benefitted by legislation ?
Smith.—All that legislation ought to do, or can
do advantageously, is to afford creditors the facilitv
of compelling their debtors to comply with then
contracts, and to punish them if they are guilty of
fraud. Legislation destroys the whole basis of cre
dit, when it confers upon any set of men the spe
cial privilege of exemption from personal liability
to the whole extent of their property for any of
their engagements. There is the whole pith of the
matter. If limited liability is to be tolerated by
the laws, in the transactions of individuals, or of all
the parties to a limited co-partnership, we should
have a race of swindlers springing up in all parts
of the land, w'ho W'ould act upon the true gambling
principle, of risking a part of what they possessed
for the sake of the chance of making great profits
upon the exercise of their credit.
Jones.—Then you consider that the proper reme
dy for a vicious banking system, is individual lia
bility.
Smith—I can conceive of no other. With full
plus revenue, are essential to the existence of a Na
tional Bank—The feathers that support the Cormo
rant in his flight, are plucked from the people; de
prive him of these, and you fix him hopelessly to
the ground. With the unrestrained control of the
public revenue of the country, no opposition can
reach, no forecast can resist it; corrupting wdiere it
cannot intimidate, defying w’here it cannot cor
rupt, it has brought relief but to disappoint; it has
won public confidence but to betray and rob: its
baneful influence and example has, in the end, fas
tened upon us a system of Banking that preys upon
the country with more hands than Brarius, more
heads than the Hydra.
Of this influence upon community, the present
iiecay of trade—prostration of private credit and
the abasement of public morals, bear clear but hum
bling testimony. The unhappy condition of the
country, all must acknowledge and deplore. In
such a juncture of affairs, it is surely the part of wis
dom to seek some remedy for these multiplied and
uccumulated evils—to palliate the ills from which
we may not fly—let us enter upon its discussion
with temper and candor. Extremes beget extremes
in the moral as well as the physical world, and the
best security for the lasting success of any measure,
is that w'e should enter upon it with becoming mo
deration. This remedy, is a thorough and radical
reform of the Binking System—a united and vigo-
iDUS opposition to the re-charter of any new bank
ing monopoly. State or Federal, upon principles re
cognized by the present sj'stem, and forbearance to
those in existence—not for the sake of the Banks,
but the sake of the people : for the rest, let time and
prudence and industry, by their sure and silent ope
rations, ease off'the pressure, and bring back our fi
nancial system to a steady standard value. Strin
gent laws upon the Banks and the great credit lend
ers of the country, ever recoil upon the community
and invariably produce revulsion and panic. The
proper tribunal for questions of debtor and creditor,
are the Courts of Justice and public opinion—guard
ed by the unerring instinct of interest.
In these general views, based upon principles of
equal justice to all, the great Democratic party of
the United States may be supposed to participate.
But any other subject frai>ght with deepest interest
to us as Southerners, commends itself to our earn
est consideration, and should find an echo in the bo
som of every friend of the South.
The delicate relation in which we stand as slave
holders to the world, bids us be no longer idle spec
tators in the great drama in which we must, soon
er or later, play an important part. For years it
lias been our unhappy destiny to be ever on the op
posite on thi^ vital question.
It is ever the position of a passive minority in a
representative Government; it is prehaps the char
acteristic of a dominant party as such to temporize
with the factious and discontented; it is ever their
interest to yield something to the clamors of the
obstreperous and violent; to'outrage no party by ri
gor; to win applause by concession Upon this
subject we must throw around us a tripple wall of
brass.
We mtist yield no point—make no terms; con
cession is surrender—moderate resistance is death.
.411 connection with this misguided fanaticism, is
contamination; their apologists and supporters are
traitors lo the South. Upon this subject, all South
erners, whethf^r Whig or Democrat, are alike
bound by indissoluble ties of interest-—our destinies
are alike for evil or for good. But it is ours—to
plant ourselves upon the inhibition of the agitation
of the subject in Congress—to hold those who pal
ter with abolitionists, for political purposes, to be
the wor^t and most dangerous, because the disgJiised
enemies of the South; and to the Southern Demo
crats, in conformity with these views, we pledge
oursejves to the support of the principles contaii:ed
in the following resolutiong.
Resolved J That the stability of all governments
/uwidcd iij)on ^ Co^yititutjon, t'ss'.intially depends
From the Augusta (Ga.) Constitutionalist.
Whatever may be the reasons which Mr. Tyle
will assign, should he sanction a bill for the cliar-
ter of a national bank, we are of the opinion that
he cannot do so without a disregard of his most
soknm declarations, made on various occasions pie-
vious to the late presidential election. The w higs
rely for such a sanction on his letter dated Ilcnii-
co, October 3, 1840, in which he says, in a most
explicit manner, and in reference to a national
bank, I have o'lly to refer you to my speech de
livered in the House of Representatives in 1819
071 the question of a scire facias against the bank,
and my note givi?i the Senate of the United
States in 1832, on the question of re-chdrtering
the late bank.'' And what are the expressions o:
i\L‘. Tyler in that speech delivered in 1810? He
says : For, sir, inasmuch as I believe the creation
of this corporation unconstitutional, I cannot,
without a violatioa of my oath, hesitate to repair
the breach thus made in the Constitution, when an
opportunity presents itself of doing so, without vio
lating the public faith. But beleiving, also, that it is
expedient to 'put it down, and other gentlemen feel
ing themselves at liberty to follow up that enquiry.
I propose to express to you my views on that sub-
ject.”
Mark, reader, Mr. Tyler declares that he be
lieves the charter of a national bank ujiconstitu-
tio7ial, and mark, also, that in 1832, in the Senate
of the United States, on the bill to continue the act
to incorporate the Bank of the United States, he
voted, with Forsyth, 'j'roup, Hayne, Miller, and
I’azeweli, in the iii^gative, and voteil in the nega
tive because he believed it would bo in violation of
his oath, if he were to vote fjr a re-charter of the
bank.
Now. read'*r. what is the opinion of Mr. Tyler
of the Constitution of tiie United States, of its sa-
credu- :s. of the disg-race which should f»llon those
who viol.jte it. anl of the penalty which any vio
lator of that instrumeru should suffer? The fol
lowing is an cxtnict of Mr. Tyler’s letter to the
Virginia l**crislature, assigning his reasons for not
failo\v!>ig the iiisiructiou to vote for the expunging
rt.'^ ilntions:
'!’h( ■ ‘onstitution of the Umu.d States is the
oti::^! **! and primary letter of instructions;, suprem^'
over all. and binding upon all For the agent
who is sworn to support it, to violate it Icnowinj^ly
and int('ntionally, would be an act of the grossest
immorality an I moi?t unmitigated debasement. Such
is the condition in which, in my view of the subject,
obedience to your instructions would place me. It
is known to you, gentlemen, that on my entering
the Senate, the only oath which I took was an oath
to support the Constitution of the United States;
to support it in all and each of its provisions; to
yi' Id it neither to force, persuasion, or expediency.
No matter what the object, should its attainment
confer upon me the greatest personal advantage, still
to remain imsrduced—not to touch that forbidden
f.uit. I entered into a covenant with my Creator
—10 break which, would not fn’l to place in my
bosom a proniethcan vulture, to tear and devour
me. The obligation, tht'n, to obey an instruction
which calls upon mo to break that covenant, cannot
possibly exist. I should be unworthy the confi
dence of all honorable men, if I could be induced,
under any circumstance.^ to commit an act of de
liberate perjury. Instead of a seat in the Senate,
I should richly deserve to be put in the pillory,
and to lose both my ears as an indelible mark of
my baseness—and such would be the sentence
which the laws of Virginia would pronounce
ajrainst me.”
ery
events of the last few yeais have proved satisfacto
rily that nothing could have saved the General Go
vernment from the humiliating spectacle presented
by the State of Pennsylvania.
The explosion of 183G--7 was inevitable sooner
or later. Had the Federal Government gone on
in its connection with the United States Bank, no
thing would have prevented the loss of the revenue
and the ruin of the public credit. The vast bubble
and accumulation of speculative credits that grew
up previous to 1836, could not avoid explosion. If
the government had continued its co-operation, the
catastrophe would have been delayed perhaps a
year longer, and would have proved so much the
more disastrous. The federal government would
have then been without funds or revenue, in the
toils of the bank and as powerless in her hands as
the government of Pennsylvania now is. Then in
deed would the integritj^ of the country have been
hopelesiily gone. The establishment of a new bank
with a large capital will inevitably lead to similar
results; after having to struggle at least ten years
against the imposing interests connected with the
nine hundred banks already in existence. On the
contrary, a mere enforcement of specie payments
through the operation of a Bankrupt Law, w'ould
restore the country without the convulsions hicident
upon withdrawing a large capital from its present
channels of employment, to turn it into new ones
'M.
MECKLENBURG JEFFERSONIAN
Tncsday Morning, May 18, 1841.
CANDIDATES FOR CLERKS.
We are requested by a number of citizcns from sU pan&
of the County to announce CHARLES T. ALEXANDEIR,
Jr., a candidate at the next August election, for tho offico of
Clerk of Mecklenburg County Court.
We have also been similarly requested to announce JEN
NINGS B. KERR, Esq., a candidate at the same time for
re-flectioa to the office of Clerk of the Superior Court.
We are authorized to announce B. OATS, Esq., as a can
didate for re-election to the office of Clerk of Mecklenburg
County Court, at the next election.
Charlotte, March 30, 1841. te
From the Charleston Patriot.
DEBTS OF THE STATES.
From an accurate account, compiled from official
documents, it appears that the debts of the States
amount to $194,176,145. This is a large amount
of State indebtedness. It reads a lesson which the
present generation will not speedily forget, for it
will have to sustain the burthen of payment. This
indebtedness is attended with none of the compensa
tions that generally accompany a public debt. Had
it been incurred in the vindication of the national
name from insult, and victory should not even have
thrown around the radiance of glory to our arms,
there would still have been consolation in the re
collections which are associated with the proud
sense of vindicated honor. We would have won
regard for the national spirit and energy. But mil
lions have been wasted in the puisuit of ill digested
schemes of gain.
Much the greatest portion of the expenditure has
the taint of commercial sordidness, without the re
deeming grace of successful speculation. Many of
the States have embarked largely in banking, with
the delusive hope of realizing their visions of wealth.
They havu trenched on the projects w'hich are or
dinarily left to private adventure. They have set
the example of gambling, instead of teaching the
wisest of practical lessons, to wit ; how to become
permanently prosperous by gradual advances and
moderation of desires.
From the Albany Argus and Rough-IIuwer.
MR. BIDDLE AND MR. LIPPINCOTT.
At the adjourned meeting of the stockholders of
the Bank of the U. S , at the banking-house, on the
4th inst., Mr. Lippixcott, who has been assailed
with great virulence in all Mr. Bididle’s letters, pre
sented a concise, well written and triumphant reply
to the allegations of Mr. Biddle. Mr. I.ippincott
has completely turned the tables upon the great fi
nancier, and made his ch/iracter appear several
shades darker than it was exhibited in the report of
the investigating commiuee.
In regard to the expinditurc of over six handrcd
thousand dollars, which the committee called on
Mr. Biddle to explain, without receiving any an
swer—ISlr. Lippincott discloses the astoundinn-
fact, that 7 HE VOUCHERS HAVE BEEN
DEb I R0\ ED ! I Aiiti that these voucheis ne
ver came under iiis obs* rvation as one of the exa-
niiiiiiV" committee of the Bank. Indeed he says
they were carefully kept out of his view.
Air. Lippincoit also states that the sum of 8100,-
000 paid to Mr. Biddle on cashier’s orders, withoat
detailing to whom or on what account, was finally
charged to the parent bank note account, imder
the old charter. This operation, however, made
the balances of that account on the 'wrong side i?i
the ledger, and showed the extraordinary result,
that more notes of the particular denominatian had
been redeemed than had been originally issued,
and requiring another entry !
After the exposures which have been made in re
gard to tiu- U. S. Bank, it is not perceived how the
name of ?sicholas Biddle can bo rescued from in
famy.
The Bank aristocracy have summon'^d an extra
session principally for the purpose of chartering a
great Bank, by means of which another set of spe
culators and stock gamblers shall be enabled to run
the career of Nicholas Biddle & Co.; and after
regulating the currency and the exchanges for 20
years, so as to take from the mouth of labor the
bread it has earned, and give it to the idle and the
dissolute, will finally close its account, as the pre
sent regulator has done, by robbing the widow and
the orphan of the pittance which the}' have entrust
ed to its manajrernent.
CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION.
The following is the vote given at the different
precincts in this county on Thursday last for a mem
ber of Congress:
Caldwell, (D.) Barringer,(F.)
Charlotte,
250
Harris’, 15
Hill’s, 19
Deweese’s, 101
Davidson’s Mill, 10
M’Leary’s, 54
Steel Creek. 30
Peoples’, 103
Steward’s, 65
Hart’s, 12‘i
Doster’s, 10
Labatt’a X Roads, 61
Lawson’s, 39
WilBon’s, 107
Phifer’s Schoolh’se, 05
1,071
793
215
67
33
75
73
7
214
55
12
17
9
12
2G
18
60
793
From the lioston Weekly Magazme.
STENOGRAPHY DONE UP.
An English p iper gives the following notice of
an important discovery which, if true, would seem
to surpass that of xMr. Dagu ’re. It is, indeed, no
less than a plan of rcndf-rit.g the vibrations of
sound permanently visible !
‘‘A most ingenious and valuable discovery has
just been made by Mr. Southwoith, of Cheetham
stret't Manchester, by means of which an individu
al although unacquainted with the art of writing,
is enabled to take down the spe( ch even of the
most rapid speaker; and, what is yet more surpri
sing, in such a way as to indicate the peculiar em
phasis with which it may be delivered. As the
inventor has not yet secured a patent, all that we
a re-at present enabled to state is, that it bears some
analogy to photogenic drawing. It is well known
in the laUer case that when a substance properly
prepared is presented to objects illuminated by the
rays of the sun, it receives a distinct and faithful
impression of them, which is afteiwards rendered
permanent by suitable chemical agents. So also
the present discovery consists of a piece of me
chanism, as susceptible of the impression of sounds
as the tj’^mpanum of the ear, which impression re
mains permanent, and is as perfectly legible as the
clearest typography.”
278 majority Caldwell.
CABARRUS.
Barringer 706, Caldwell 305.
Majority for Barringer 401.
We have not full returns from Lincoln County,
but enough is known to render Mr. Caldw’ell’s
election certain, by a majority considerably upwards
of eight hundred votes! Taking into considera
tion the thin vote given in all the Counties, the ma
jority we have obtained is a most cheering triumph
indeed ; and shows that Federal boasting and trick
ery succeed but poorly with the sturd}’, intelligent
Democracy of tiie Eleventh District,
The Federal boa.sters, in and out of the District,
who puffed Col. Barringer so lavishly at the com
mencement of the campaign, and declared that he
would be elected, or at any rate, make sad havoc
among Democrats, have found out by thie: tirpko,-
we imagine, that they are poor prophets, or that
the Col. is not “ the lion ” they took him fox.
Accounts from tlie Salisbury District Vender the
result between Rencher and Worth (both Fed.) ve
ry doubtful; though we incline to believe, from our
knowledge of the portion of the District yet to hear
from, that Rencher is elected by a small majority.
If the endorsement on the W'ay-bill by the last
stage from Greensboro’ be correct. Shepherd is no
doubt elected in the Stokes District, by a small ma
jority. A Democratic loss.
An extra from the Standard office, Raleigh, an-
nouces a majority for Gen. Saunders, in Wake,
of 225 votes; which, it continues, “ renders his
election certain by from three to four hundred ma
jority ! ” W ell done for the noble Democracy of
the “ Metropolitan District ” !
Wo have no news from the other Districts.
THE MONUMENT.
, In a few remarks, noticing an article from the
Camden Jouriial, two weeks since, w’e mentioned
that the erection of a suitable monument commemo
rative of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Indepen
dence, had been spoken of by some of our citizens,
and briefly urged its importance. Adverting to the
project, the Editor of tlie Journal remarks ^
“There are none, even of the citizena of Char
lotte, who rejoice more sincerely in its improvement
than we do, and especially should we rejoice in see
ing the latter suggestion of the Jeffersonian carried
out in a manner wortliy of North Carolinians. The
Declaration of Independence by the citizens of Meck
lenburg, on the 20Ui May. 1775, was, indeed, “ one
of the most patriotic, gallant and daring acts to be
found in the history of the world.” The act itseK
and the actors in this trying emergency, bespeak
for it and for them, some visible and striking mC'
mento of their patriotic devotion.
‘‘ We do trust that the project wdll be successfully
carried out, and we feel assured that there is scarcc'
ly a native North Carolinian, who will not cheerfully
contribute his mite in aid of so noble an enterprizf
The editor of the Jeffersonian may “ count ccrtainly
on the hearty co-operation” of our humble self, “i*''
counsel,” as far as it is w^orth any thing j but
should not sleep soundly if we did not co-operate
this patriotic effort in a more substantial manner
We have not forgotten our native State, nor havf
we forgotten that in Mecklenburg we spent some o!
tlie happiest of our young days. Success, immc»i'
ate success to tlie enterprize.”
W^e again appeal to the patriotism—the prii^*^
and public spirit of our citizens, and ask, will the)'
not move in this matter ? It becomes the citizens
old Mecklenburg to “set the ball in motion;"
will they not do so immediately
Assignment of the United States Bank.—The Uni
ted States Bank made an assignment on Saturday
of certain real estate, bonds, mortgages, &c., in
Philadelphia, Buti'alo, Mobile, District of Columbia,
Cincinnati, &c., amounting according to the sche
dule to ^7,772,250 33 to secure to ten banks of' Phila
delphia the payment of its Post Notes held by them
amounting to !$5,078,444 Richmond Star.
Previous to the election^ the Whig 'papers said
Gen. Harrison lived in a log-cabin....now they call
\iihe s'i7)ie building a via/n?‘zn hozi-s^.
Immense fire in New York.—After a long pe
riod of exemption from Fires of a serious nature.
New York was visited with one on Saturday mor
ning last, which occasioned an immense loss of pro
perty. It commenced at No. 146, Pearl Street.
The Journal of Commerce says that the total loss
of property is not far from $350,000, of which
about 8275,000 is covered by insurance, distributed,
more or less, among nearly all the Insurance Offi
ces in the City, and some in other States.
Tlal Rug. lith insi
Kentucky Elections.—It is probable, from 'vh2-
returns w^e have received, that the delegation in
next Congress frona Kentucky will stand as before>
two Democrats to eleven Federalists.
Visitors at West Point.—In making his scl^'- .
tions of Annual Visitors to West Point
Academy, we notice that the Secretary of ' ®' •-
John Bell, has not condescended to confer
pointment on a citizen of this State. Two
New York, two from Pennsylvania, two
ginia, and one^ from the other States, but Tion^
North CaroHn:t