1-..^
'i-
1^. .
> K
“•t-
I’t .1':
V^rniTiCntj^ Tlio Jclicicy wus iclt lu tlio adopiiuii
ot our own j the dangev 'may also befelt^ ij icc do
-not keep close to our chartered anihorities.
M-irk the reasoning on which the validity of the
Bill depends. To borrow money is made the end,
and the accumulation of capitals, implied as the
means. The accumulation of capitals is then the
end, and a Bank implied as the means. The Bank
is then end, and the charter of incorporation, a
monoply, capital piniishments, &c., implied as the
means.
If implications, tlius remote, and thus multiplied,
can be linked together, a chain may be formed that
will'rtach every object of legislation, every object
within the whole compass of political economy.
The latitude of interpretation required by the
Rill, is condemned by the rule furnished by the
Constitution itself.
Congress have power to regulate the value of
money;’ yet It is expressly added, not left to be
implied, that counterfeiters may be punished.
They have the power “ to declare war,” to which
armies are more incident, tiian incorporated Banks
to borrowing ; yet is expressly added the pov;er to
‘•raise and suj'j)ort armies;’’ and to this again, the
express power -• to make rules and regulatlous for
the Government of armies.'’—A like remark is ap
plicable to the powers as to a navy.
The regulation and caHing out of die Militia, arc
more appurtenant to war, than the proposed Bank
to borrowing ; yet the former is not left to construc
tion. It is not pretended that every insertion or
omission in the Constitntion is ths effect of systemat-
tic aUention. Thif? is not the character of any hu
man work, particularly the v/ork of a boJy of men.
Tiie examples cited, wiih others that might be
milled, sufiiciently incul:ate. nevertheless, a rule ol
interpretation very different from tiiat on v/hich the
Bill rests, 'i'hey condenm tiie exercise of any pow
er, parlicularly a great and import.Jiit power, which
is not evidently and necessarily involved in an ex
press poorer
It cannot be denied, that the power proposed to
be exercised is an important powtn-.
As a charter of incorporation, the bill creates au
artiMcial person previously not existing in law. it
confers important civil rights and attributes, which
could not otiierwise be claimed. It is. though not
precisely similar, at least equivalent to the .’laturali-
zation of an alien, by which ceitain new civil charac
ters are acquired by him Would Congress have
had the power t-.^ luitiiralizr*, if it had not been ex
pressly given?
In the power to make bye-Iaws, tiie bill delegates
a sort of legislative power, which is unquestionably
an act of a high and important nature. He took
notice of the only restraint on the bye-laws, that
they v/ere not to be contrary to tlie law and the
constitution of the Bank; and asked what law icas
intended; if the law of the United States, the scan
tiness of their code would give a j)Ower never before
given to a corporation, and obnoxious to the States,
whose laws would then be superseded, not only
by the laws of Congress, but by the by'-‘laws ul
a corporation within own jurisdiction. Ii th'
law intended was the lavr of the State, then the
States might make laws that would destroy an in-
btitution of the U. S.
The Bill gives a power to purchase and Iiold
lands. Congress themsel.-fS could not purcha.se
lands within a State, *• withou* tlic consent of its l^e-
gislature.” How could they delegate a power to
otliers, which they did not posst:ss themselves? It
takes from our succcssors, who have equal rights
with ourselves, and with the aid of experience,
v.dll be more capable of deciding on tlie subject, an
opportunity of exercising that right for an immo
derate term.
I* takes from our constituents the opportunity of
d*rl:bcrating on the untried measure, although their
hands are also to be tied by it for the same term.
It involves a monoply, which afiects the equal
rights of every citizui.
It leads to a penal regulation, perhaps capital pu
nishments, one of the most solemn acts of sovereign
authority.
From this view ol tiie power of incorjioration
exercised in the Bill, it could never be deemed an )
accessary or a subaltern power to be deduced by |
implication, as a means of executing another pow
er ; it was, in its nature, a distnict and independent
aui substantive prerogative, v/hich not being enu
merated in the Constitution, could never hp'e been
meant to be included in it; and, not being included,
could never be rightfully excrcised.
He here adverted to a distinction which, he said;had
not been sufficiently kept in view, between a power
necessary and proper for the goverment of the Union, j
and a power necssary and proper for executing the j
enumerated powers, in the latter case, the powers :
included in each of the enumerated powers, were
not expreessed, but to be-drawn from the nature of
each. In the former, the powers composing the
Government were exprcsshj enu me rated. This con
stituted the peculiar nature of the Government. No
power, therefore, not enumerated, could be inferred
from the general nature of Government. Had the
making of treaties, for example, been omitted, how
ever necessary it might have been, tke defect'could
only have been lamented or supplica by an amend
ment of the Constitution.
But the proposed Bank could not, even be called
necessary to the government; at most it could be but
convenient. Its uses to the government could be
supplied by keeping the taxes a little in advance—
by loxins from individuals; by *the other Banks, over
whicH’ the Government would have equal command;
nay, greater, as it may grant or refuse to these the
privilege, made a free and irravocaible gift to the
proposed Bank, of using their notes in the federal
re%’enue.
He proceeded next to the cotemporary expositions
given to the Constitution.
The defence against the charge founded on the
want of a Bill of Riglits, pre-supposed, lie Kiid, that
the pow’^rsjaot given were retained, and that those
given w'ere not to be extended by remote implica
tions. On any other supposition, the power of Con
gress to abridge the freedom of the press, or the
rights of consciene, &c., could not have been dis
proved,
The explanations hi the State Conventions all
turned on the same fundamental .principles, and on
the principle that the terms necessary and proper,
gave no additional powers to those enumerated.—
(Here li€ read sundry passages from the debates of
the Pennsylvania, Virginia, aijd’^r^orth Carolina
Conventions, showing the grounds oii which the
Constitution had been vindicated by its principal
advocates, against a dangerous latitude of its pow
ers charged on it by its opponents.]
He did not undertake to vouch for the accuiacy
or authenticity of the publications which he quoted.
He thought it probable, that the sentiments deliver
ed, might, in many instances, have been mistaken,
or imperfectly noted; but the complection of the
whole, with wdxat he liimself, and many others must
rccollect, fully justified the use he had made of
them.
The explanatory declarations and-amendments
accompanying the ratifications of the several States,
lorraed a striking evidence, wearing the same com-
flexion. He referred those v/ho might doubt .on
tlie gultjoct. the sevci'al acts of ratification
Tiie explanatory anr..mdmcnls proposed by Con
gress themselves, at least, would be good authority
with them; all these renunciations of powder pro
ceeded on a rule of construction, excludingIthe lati
tude now contended for. These explanations were
the more to be respected, as they had not oniy been
proposed by Congress, but ratified by nearly tfcree-
fourths of the States. He read several of the arti
cles proposed, remarking particularly on the 11th
and 12th: the former as guarding against a latitude
of interpretation, the latter as excluding eveiy
source of power not within the Constitution itself
With all this evidence of the sense in which the
Constitution was understood and tidopted, will it
not be said, if the bill should pass, that its adoption
was brought about by on^ set ot arguments, aiul
that it is now administered under the uifluence of
another set? And this reproach will have the
keener sting, because it is applicable to so many
individuals Concerned in both the adoption and the
administration.
lii fine, if the power were in the Constitution,
ti.e immediate cxercise of it cannot be css.'iiiiul—if
not there, tlie exercise of it involvts the ffuilt | at the next
usurpation, anl establishes a precedi nt ot in.- rpir- Mecklcnburg Coui
tation, levelling all the bnrriers which limit th.
powers of the General Government, and prott ct-
ing those of the State Governments. If the pom*
be°doubtful only, respect for ourselves, who ought
to shun the appearance of precipitancy and ambi
tion—respect for otir successors, who ought not
lightly to be deprived of the opportunity of exercis-
iiio" the rights of legislation ; respect for our consti
tuents, who have had no opportunity of making
known their sentiments, and who are themselves to
be bound down to the measure for so long a period;
all these considerations require, that the irrevoca
ble decision should at least be suspended until an
other session.
It appeared on the whole, he concltidtd, that the
power exercised by the Bill—
Was condemned by the silence of the Constitu
tion.
Was condemned by the rule of interpre'tation
arising out of the Constitution.
Was condemned by its tendency to destroy the
main characteristic ot the Constitutie^i.
Was co7idemncd by the expositions of the friends
of the Constitution, whilst depending before the
public.
Was condemned by the apparent intention of th.*'
parties which ratified the Constitution.
Was condemned by the explanatory amf’ndmnnts
proposed by Congress themselves to the Constitu
tion
And he hoped it would receive its final condem-
n.ailon by the vote of this House. -
MECKLENBURG JEFFERSONIAN:
Tiiesrtay Morning, June 15, 1841.
the‘‘Caroline ” wa^ impracticable, or would have
been unavailing: it must be shown that day-light
could not be waited for; that there could be no at
tempt at discrimination between tlie innocent and
the guilty: that it would not have been enough to
seize and detain the v’^essel; but that there was a
necessity, present and inevitable, for attacking her,
in the Jarkne^ of the night, virhile mooied to the
shore, and while unarmed men w’ere asleep on
board, killing some and wounding others, and then
drawino* her into the current, above the cataract,
settinf^lier on fire, and, carele6.=? to know whether
there Tnio-ht not be in her the innocent with the guil
ty or the living with the dead, committing her to a
fate which fills the imagination with horror. A ne
cessity for all this the Government of the Uunited
States connot believe to have existed.
“ All will see that if such things be allowed to oc
cur, they might lead to bloody and exasperated war;
and when an individual comes into the United
States from Canada, and to the v'ery place on w’hich
this drama was performed, and there chooses to make
public and v'ain-glorious boast of the part he acted
m it, it is hardly wonderful that great excitement
should be created, and some degree of commotion
arise. , .
“ Tiiis Republic docs not wish to disturo the tran
quillity of the world. Its objeet is peace, its policy
peace. It seeks no aggrandizement by foreign con
quest, because it knows that no foreign acquisition
could augment its importance so rapidly as they are
already advancing by its own natural growth un
der the porpitious circumstances of its situation.
But it cannot admit that its Government has not
both the will and the power to preserve its own
neutrality, and to enforce the observance of its own
I citizens. It is jealous of its rigths, and among others,
and most especially, of the riirhi of the absolute im
munity of its territory against aggression from
! abroad; and these rights it is the duty and the deter
mination of this Government fully and at all times
to maintain ; v/hile it will, at the same time, as scru
pulously refrain from infringing on the rights of
others.”
THE PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE.
The question has been often asked in our com
munity, tliat in case Mr. Tvler was to die, who
would be President of the United States. A learn
ed Judge, as we arc informed, recently gave as his
opinion, that the acting President of the Senate (Hon.
Sa.muel L. Southaud) would be tiie President for
unans'veritDie ; and how Mr. Madison himself got i the lerm ending at four years from the 4tli of March
ov '. when he afterwards signed the charier j last. His Honor is evidently wrong; and we add
(•1 *.>• Bank, is a mystery to our mind
CANDIDATES FOR CLERKS.
5^ We are requested by a number of citizens from all parts
of the Conuty to announce CHARLES T. ALEXANDER,
August election, for the office of
County Court.
We have also been similarly requested to nnnounce .TEN-
\1NGS B. KERR, Esq., a candidate at the t^anie time for
ro-.“lection to ilie office of Clerk of the Superior Court.
We arc authr>rized to annoMn’-e B. OATS, Esq., as a can
didate for ro-elrction to the oflice .of Cli'rk of Mccklenburg
County Com *, ut the next election.
Charlotte, March 30, 1611.
SAGE VtEWS.
An esteemed and venerable Democratic friend
handed us a lew days i^ince the ‘‘ Speech of Mr.
Madison against the Banlc of the United States,”
delivered hi Congress in 1791. It will be found on
our first page This speech comes in most oppor
tunely at the present time, when the Federal Party
are abo\it to yoke the country to another National
Br,nk, and proclaim it a Republican measuie, sanc-
l:(»ned by the Fathers of the Republican School.”
'i’he arguments in this speech against both the Con
stitutionality and expediency of a Bank are perfectly
One i’act stated l>y Mr Madison, stamps the char
ter of a National Bank as a pal]iable violation of
the Constitution He says ;
“III making these remarks on the merits of the
Bill, he had reserved to him«elfthe right to deny the
ardhority of Congress to pass it. He had entertained
tills opinion from the date of the Constitution. His
in:pression might perhaps be the stronger, because
he \rell recollected, that a jtower to grant charters
OF I.NCORPORATION had bce.ti p'oposcd in the general
convention and rejected.”
Mr INIadison was a prominent member of the
Convention which framed the Constitut’cii, ana fresh i 1th of March following.
flighhj Important from Washington. HVrr 'irilh
Kngiund Probable at last:—The United Stales (Ja-
zetie of yesterday has the following astownding state
ment :—
HIGHLY IMPORTANT.
Extract of a letter, dated
Washington, May 2f>, 1811.
Much surprise has been expressed by the publi*,
that our Minister in London should have taken up
on himself the responsibility of recommendinrr the
innnediate return of oar stiUadron Ironi the Medi
terranean.
This surprise will in some inrasnre r-^ase, when 1
inlbrni you that Mr. Stevenson liaJ in.brniaU'' (’ i-
the British Governmen’^ . hK-tru('tio-,.
to the Admtrra t!*-.; ^vniericaii station, . ui.mdishments of wealth, and persuaded bv evil coun-
them, immediately upon rereivinir authentic mtor- i , , ^ " -r, i •
mation that McLeod, an oHirci- of the Britisli army ; I sellors, he signed ^he charter of the lute Bank, it
had been executed, to proceed on the coast of the
United States, and to set fire to, and burn down, our
cities and towns alongr tlie wViole cuaM.
There is every reason to believe that this state
ment is true. We may as well prepare for v.ar
as not.
below tfie Constitution and an extract from the law
of Congress, by which it will be seen that in case
Mr. Tylku were to die at any time between this
and thirty-four days preceding the first Monday in
December next, Mr. S. would then act until the
4th of March next; but tha’ the Secretary of State
would in the mean time forthwith notify the Gover
nor of each State, and an eltction would be held
within the thirty-four days preceding the first Mon
day in December, aiid the persons elected as Presi-
and A'ice President would take office on the
from its labors when this speech was m ide. These
same s'^ntijnents are rcitercited in the celebrated Vir
ginia R oolutior.s of ’98, and again in his Veto on
tiie first Bank Billtnat was presented to him-"-which
show his objections to the use of the pov;er strong
lA well laundcd.. And even when, seduced by the
Indian Murder?.—The Tallahasscp Floridian of
the 22d ult, contains the following intormatioa ;
*' An individual was shot by the Indians on odult.
near Pilatka, East Florida.
“A persori by the name of Livingst^oa wa'ji mur
dered by them on or near Octella, a lew days ago.
He v.-as'barbarously mangled.'’
was with great reluctance, expressed at the time
and affewards. And yet many professed Republi
cans (tne crucmers of the pnncipres tiiey proicss}
cite this one great error in the life of Mr. Madison,
which contradicts all his previous and subsequent
history on the subject, to prove that the power to
charter a Bank is-recognized by the Constitution
They may succeed ,—this one hasty and unfortu
nate act of Mr Madison, done under the danfrerous
But a much more complicated and interesting
question arises as to who is the Vice President of the
United States at this time. Mr. Tvler is President
by virtue of his election as mucii as if he had been
voted for as President by the People ; this of course
vacates the oflice of Vice President, since he can-
CORRUPTIO^S OF BAIS.KING.
The following remarks upon the recent disclo
sures of the corrupt management of the United
States Bank, are by the distinguished Dr. Hawks,
Editor of a religious paper in Philadelphia, (the
Church Record). How true these remarks, and
how lamentable that they are true:
“The all-absorbing topic in our community, for
some da)'^3 past, has been the appalling disclosures
of the long smothered misdoings in the administra
tion of thiTBank of the United States. Deplorable
as these violations of trust must be, in their eflr^ls,
upon the numerous individuals who are pecuniary
sufferers from them—upon our national character,
for honor, and probity in business transactions, up- .
on our credit throughout the commercial world— v
and upon the confidence of our own- people in like
institutions; they are infinitely more deplorable ia
the proofs they furnish, of want of principle, and a
deadened moral sense among us, in relation to„ all
such matters. If the statements in the repojtqf the
stockholders’ conimiitee are substantially correct,
many of the charges against the officers of the bank
arc not to be considered as mere abuses of trust;
they are criminal iifiences; which in any other coun
try but ours, woul^have subjected them to indict
ment for fraud;’W“ Who can jefiect upon such con-
duct in men, h6lding ^ rtostimportant .trusts con
nected with the busings interests of this great corn-
mercial country, and enjoying the unlimited confi
dence of the public, without the deepest sorrow and
humility, and the gloomiest tears. Does it not prove,
that we have brought down our standard of niorol
integrity to the lowest point—that vre have discard
ed the restraints of honesty, from our dealings with
our fellow men, and the obligations of Christianity,
from our codes of duty ?”
The able and independent “ Whig’ Editor of the
New York Herald, also remarks:
“The explosion [of the United States Bank].has
revealed the demoralization of banking, and the
villainy of human nature. The more we see of it,
the more w'e are satisfied that banking has been re
duced to a system of bribery, lying, false-sw*earin£f,
and actual robbery of the poor and innocent. To
say notliing of the Ihotisand stockholders in botii
worlds, thus reduced to beggary, ihe famous Girard
Fund is also annihilated, and 'the splendid Girard
Collefje will have to remain unfinished, a modern
Parthenon in ruins, emblematic ot the banking sys
tem, and the classic mausoleum to its memory and
names.” ‘‘Certainly the United States Bank has
been badly, dishonestly, and foolishly managed;
but ive do not believe there exists a bank through
out the country, that has been conducted on any
other principles. The inherent error is in the system.
It is a system of credulity, mystery, and decep:lon,
fraud and roguery, from 'beginning to end. It cor
rupt.'; the b.cart—it destroys all principle—and saps
the foundation of all honesty in society. Thf*
fed States Bank lias not been a more marked fraud
upon the world than any other bank—it is only
greater in proportion to its capital. Nicholas Bid
dle is not a worse man tlian any other man in Wall
street connecieil with, or administering a system
tliat is concerned in swindling, sin. iniquity, njystcry,
and midnight robbery.”
“ The banking system will go down, and all tliosc
v*'ho hang upon it wi^^ soon be looked upon as fit in
mates for the state prison. The misery and pover-
ty which have overtaken the poor dehided stockhol
ders of the United States Bank—men, women and
children—v.ill assuredly overtake the stockholders
of every bank in this or any other country. The
explosion of the English banking systen. will aston
ish the world one of these days. It will revolution
ize that country—as our series of explosions since
! 1SI17 have revoIutioi:i/.ed this country.”
V-
APPALLI^'G DEGRADATION.
The Legislature of Alabama, at their late extra-
session, sanctioned the suspension of specie pay
ments bv the Hanks i ndejinitelij that is, they niav
retu-se to pay their honest debts with impunity, lor
all time to come. J.erislation in this country Iras
reached the lowest point to which human in‘amy is
attainable. There is only one step more to be ta-
ken—pull down all ihe i>eniteniiaries, and repeal
all penalties for the commission ol crime.
Old Dominion.
not hold two offices at once Mi*. Southard v.'as
elected President of tlie Senate, pro tempore, and it
is contended by Gov Poindexter, in a recent well
wriiteu letter in the National Intelligencer, that he
l.s \ ICC i'reSlOeni in laci, una sui. eeei.ls lu all ilie
rights, duties, and emoluments of that office. But
Mr. Southard is one of the vSenators from New
Jersey, and if he is in fact Vice President, he can
not be a Senator also There is nothing in the
Constitution or liaws that justify the conclusion in
ilie letter alhided to. and to our mind there is an in-
m
plea of necessiiy^' may enable the Federal Party iin tiie office of Vice President, v/hich
of this country to do what they could nex'cr other- the wisdom of the presrut Congress will supply by
wise have accomplished—iipiurn our beautilul .^truc- j some proper enactment.
ture of free government, manacle their energies and The second article of the Constitution of the Uni
load the laboring classes \vith intolerable burdens, {ted Sta\s says, “that in case of the death of the Pre-
by fntniling upon us a vr.'joiii, rapnciou.'' moiiird U-d'jit, the dtuics of ;aid edlice shall devolve on the
oligarchy. ^ ! Vice-President, and the Congress may by law pro-
^ of both the offices of
THE McLEOD IW.u and Vice ProMnl”
A very Interesting correspotlence between Mr t , ....
^ ° In pursuance 01 tins Constitutional nt'-fit, m 1  92,
Fo.k. British Minister nt Washm(ton, and .Mr. kb
City Council of Augusta.'^—Wc still occasionally
see shinplasters” bearing the above title, but tliey
cannot be passed in this place, upon any terms. I o
let our readers knov/ what eu'crtio^ut the City Coun--
cil have made and arc now making- to sustain the
credit of then- scrip, we will state a fact wliic'i v. as
related to us a few days since. The Carporation
that issued so many thousands of those bills, owns
the Bridge over the Savannah river at Auufusta, and
receives the toH; but our intbrmant says the keeper
of the Bridge recently refused to take the City
Council bills”of him, demanded specie, and would
not permit his vehicle to pass until it was paid!
*• • 1 .» -r, I Western Bank to I tion of the British GovevniJnt, auu upon this ground
sTKR. S.'cretary of State, has jctii published. It
frrew out of a demand made \f tiie British !\linis-
ter, in obedience to instruction^ from his Cio\ern-
mont, for the release of Ah’xa^'r ]\L'Leud
Tiic correspondrnce is toi' lengthy tor our co
lumns, and therefore a sket^i ot the mam points
touched upon, and a short elract from the ieilor of
Mr. Webster must suffice
In the letter of Mr. Fox.t is for the first sim^ of-
ncialhj avowed, that the bJiiiig of thf' .Steam Boat
“ Cur.)Hne” was done uu;T tiie authority and sanc-
‘Oh no”—said the Cashier
a man who called to take up his note for borrowed
money—“Oh no, you don’t come it over ns in that
! Take our own BUls indeed! You must
WtlV • A. w - -
think Bank offices are fools i”—Greenville MoiinVr.
The annual Examination of the young t.adles
of the “ Salem Female Academy,” took place on
Thursday and Friday of this week and resulted in
giving general satisfaction to a very numerous and
respectable audience. The display of painting and
ornanSiental needlework was rich and more tasty, ii
possible, tfian at any previous exhibition.
We had the pleasure of welcoming a number of
old friends and acquaintances, among the visitors to
our-village, at this festive season, and only regret
tliat theliouses of entertainment were too crowded
for the comfort and convenience of the great assem
blage of persons.—Salem Gaztte of June 6.
Gen. Armistead, at his own request, has been re
lieved from the command of the army in Florida,
and Col. Worth bas taken his place. We believe
this officer stands high in the estimation of the ar
my, and sincerely hope it will be his fortune to end
the’wiu-, so that it will stay finished.
Charleston Mercury.
It 16 said that young Semmes, charged with the
murder of Professor Davis of the University of Vir
ginia, is fast sinking through consumption, and that
it is very doubtful whether he will ever be brought
to trial.— Charleston Mercury.
the immediate release ol^d^P'^d is demanded.
Mr. Vv^ebster’s' repl to.this demand is ably
written. He laj^s cVown tl p^’ii^ciples ol ifiternation-
al law w'hich bear lipou case, and admits, now
since the crimes for whicMcLeod has been indict
ed have been thus avo\^l by the British Gox’ern-
m.ent, it would be.a violif^ of those principles to
hold McLeod ?/^sponsible;—yet, he in
forms the British Minist tfiat it is not in the pow
er of the General Gove:(W?nt to arrest the procee
dings against McI;eod»lhe State Court, on the
criminal process, iij anj-ther w’ay than by carry
ing the case, if he be tfe convicted, up to the Su
preme Court of the Und States, (to do which, in
structions have been gi*l to the United States At
torney-General) whereli^^^* prosujue will be en
tered, and the prisoner *5harged, afid that it is not
in tlit- power of the ^^11 to arrest the
civil .su!t against Mcpd for damages in the de
struction of the Caroli After thus disposing of
this branch of the sul^ Webster closes his
letter as follows ;
Congress declared, -that whenever the offices of
President and Vice President shall both be vacant,
the President pro tem. of the Senate shall act, and
in case there be no I'^resident pro tern, of the Senate,
then the Speaker ol’ the House of Representatives
shall act until a President .shall be elected, and that
in thi.N case (when the ofiices of President and Vice
President shall both be vacant by death or other
wise) the Secretary of State shall forthwith notify
the Governors of the States, that Electors shall be
chosen within thirty-four days preceding the fir.st
Monday in December next ensuing, at w'hich time
(fisrt Monday tn December) the Electors that may
be ciiosen by the People are to meet to vote for the
President and Vice President.’ ’
In his Message, Mr, Tyler says the Banks in
1816 were ‘‘forced to suspend specie payments by
means of the war w’hich hud previously prevailed
with Great Britain.” Will Mr. Tyler be good
enough to inform the country, what ‘‘war” it was
that compelled the Banks to suspend in 1837, ’38,
’39, ’40, and ’41, and still keeps them in a state of
suspension?’
jS7. Louis Tradgedy.—All four of the persons ac
cused of the atrocious crime of murder and arson
perpetrated on the 17th April, have been arrested—
three of them reached St. Louis in irons, and Madi
son, their leader, was on his way on the 5th instant,
strictly guarded.
Young men, learn wisdom. Spend less money
than you earn and you will every day grow’ richer.
Never run in debt, and lawyers and ccnstables will
have to bscoinc farmers.
“ Under these circu
mediately connected
will be for Her Majes
what state of facts ai
the destruction of the
It will be for that Go
of self-defence, inst
choice of means an
It will be for it to sh
ties of Canada, eve
moment authorized
the United States a
or excessive; since
ices, and under those im-
the transaction itself, it
Government to show upon
rhat rules of national law
iroline ” is to be defended,
lent to show a necessity
)verwhelming, leaving no
moment for deliberation.
[Ifeo, that the local authori-
)oeing tlie necessity of tlie
to enter the territories of
Wealth of ihe Country.—In the primitive histo
ry of our Government, when men spoke of the
prosperity or distresses of the country, they alluded
to the condition of the producing interests—agricul
ture manufactures, &c. Mr. Madison, in his speech
which we publish to-day, remarks that the wealth
of society” depends on the prosperity of agricul
ture, commerce, and niauufactures.’’ But a new
i era has dawned upon our country The Federal
politicians of the present day, w’hen they speak of
the prosperity or distres.s of the coiuitry, mean the
interests of the Stock-jobbers, Speculators, Brokers,
and Bankers. The interests of agriculture, &c.,
are secondary matters entireiy, and their legislation
is all in the same direction. No wonder the coun-
try groans.
I’wo shares in the Wilmington and Raleigh Rail
Eoad were sold a few days since at Tarborough,
did nothing ^anreabonabfe^ thirty-six dollars per share! The fostering
hand of our last Federal Legislature seems to have
done but little towards h^^Iping this Road out of its
t, justified by the necessity
of self-defence. mueili*^*^d by that necessity,
and kept ^clearly witH^-. It. must be shown that
1 admonition or rehioiw?e to the persona on beard difScultics,
Those valuable agricultural periodicals, the
“Farmers’ Register,” and “The Cultiva
tor,” each for June, have beerr received. Their
Tables of Contents are rich and inviting—they shall
appear in our next.
gress
to his
j^ied tlj
dictioi
Tiu
saq;e i^
m
We address the reflecting men of all parties;—
Are you prepared, with such facts staring you ia
the face—the evidence undenied and incontroverti
ble of the dark and damnable conuj:tion3 of th"
Banking System, its inevitable tendency to pvo
duce dishoaesty and swindling, to corrupt and blast
the moral fuuntahis of society, to join in entailing up
on the coimtry another National Bank ? Are vou
v.’illing that such a wbolscsale system of peculaticii
and fraud shall become the settled policy of this
country, and be longer legalized by the sanction of
laws? What patriot can look on such a picture of
national dishonor and the nioral profligacy of so
large a portion of his countrymen, without dcc-]»
mortification ? Yet, the leaders of the Federal par
ry now in power, cheered on by their blind ani
unthinking adherents throughout the country, are
struggling to fasten this system upon us lor all lu-
ture time, by chartering another National Bank'
What use are our v/ritten Constitution and Bill ef
Rights—Wliat use are our laws to punish crime
and encourage morality, if th.-rv can be disregarded
at pleasure, and trampled under foot, and all tli'‘
lights of experience scouted as the chimeras of
madmen, by the majority in Congress, who look
more to the iriterests and desires of the Bankers,
Stock-jobbers, Speculators and wealth\' money-lend-
eis of the land, than to the rights and welfare oi
the mass of their constitudits? Can we expect
or hope our country will prosper under such a
perverse reip^n ?
One fact connected with this subject is to us utter
ly inexplicable;—That laboring men—Farmers and
Mechanics—are found advocating and sustaining
this system of fraud and swindling by joining in the
clamor for a National Bank. Do such men under
stand their own rights and interests ? Do they re
flect, that the Bankhig System of this countr}-, (of
which a National Bank is the great controlling
head) always has, still does, and as long^ as it
ever will, support in our large cities thousands up
on thousands of idlers, men who never labor a mo-,
ment for their living, but exist upon the facilities af
forded them by the Banks, in shaving, stock-job
bing, and speculating? These men produce not a.
farthing to the w’ealth of the country;—yet they
must live, and do live and amass princely fortunes;
a?td where does their 'iccalth come from ? . Out of
your hard earnings, laboring menl I’bw pro^
DUCE, and they, through the swindling intricacies
of the Banking System, rob you of those produc
tions—you labor and they do not; yet they get rich,
live in ease and splendor, while you get poorer and.
live hard! “ .
We repeat, is it not strange that the laboring
men—the producers of the wealth of the country,
arc found, any of them, upholding such a system '?
says, II
^annf
^n,”
%}en.
princi]
if the
yency
the Gj
,4J^eopl^
■fionder
€d,” h|
tcncc-
ifeave
madmj
portanj
public
^vihemt
knew
trutii
into p]
openld
all pr\
UnianI
w'ere
10 be
it;—ill
ments,
the ok
proceed
cmpti(
of grer
INIr.
...condu.]
„like a]
iilhands
r he coiJ
adopt
ho\ycv|
hope
“ the uj
in” hi
stitutiol
countr
py
which
the coi
llis
measul
Banks!
the exj
and w|
and sel
evil.
To
the Ml
an assi
of lh(
Amor
prosp(
of the!
and W1
remedl
of thcl
says hi
and v. I
proacl
debts
Those of our Farmers who have harvested their
May Wheat, state that the yield is most abundant,
! and the grain very fins.
Rii
count!
corn 1
pickixi
at len;
corn I
sung
d