JOSEPH W. HAMPTON,-
VOLUME I,
-“The powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the People of the United States, may be resumed by thein, whenever perverted to their injury or oppression.”—A/arfwon..
Editor and Publisher.
CHARLOTTE, N. C., FEBRUARY 15, 1842.
NUMBER 49.
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Letters to the Kditor, unless containing money in sums
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in every instance, and collected as other account.**.
Weekly Almanac lor Fcbuary, 1842.
DA vs.
Sln
RISE
6un
SET.
MOOS'S PHASES-
15 Tuesday,
IG VVcuiusday,
17 Thursday,
IS Friday,
19 Saturday,
■JO Sunday,
'21 Monday.
G 3S
6 37
G 36
G
6 3-^
6 3-
6 3l
5 22
5 ‘^ 3
5 24
5
5 2ti
o 27
28
I D. II. M.
Last Quarter, 2 4 51 >L
I New Moon 10 6 ‘iO .M.
First (iuarter, 18 6 6 M.
Full Moon, 24 10 41 E.
I S C K L, I. A X Y
The widow and youngest son, who were to possess
the bulk ot his property, were to have the use of it
during their lives, and after their decease, the re
mainder was to be put at interest for one hundred
years ^hen to be expended in building a school house
in Brailleborough in that State. The man is staled
to hav'e been in his riffht mind.
ABOLITION.
From the O.xford Mercury.
EXPERIENCE OF A MECHANIC.
Two young men, both of them mechanics, wore
luurriecl ahoiU lh;‘ same time, iind entered lite with
apnarfntly equal prospects, exeept that one was ra-
iht‘r ‘riven to extravagance and fashion, while^ the
othor°was more prudent and frugal. The wile ol
the latter, however, being of a ditierent turn trom
her husband, became uneasy b\3cause the former,
without any superior advantages, made more show
than he did ; had many more tine things. She told
li»*r husband that liis income must be as great as the
other’s, and that she knew that they were able to
i.ppear as well as their neighbor.
- I want to do as other people do,” \vas her all
concjuering argument. Her husband yielded again
and agaia°to her cutreatie«, although professing that
he was not able. At length his more showy neigh
bor failed I And seeing their tine things sold under
the hammer of the auctioneer, his wife, who far trom
heinL' destitute of good leelings, began to mistrust
wiiciiicr imitating them, and doing as other lolks
do ” they might not meet with a siniilar iate. bhe
inuuired of her husband how liis atlairs stood. He
told her that his expenses had exceeded his income,
but he hoi>ed to get through and pay what he owed.
Before long, he was sued tor his bebt. Then his
wife was in panics! She knew that this misfor
tune was chargeable to her folly ; although he never
reproached her, nor cast any unkind reflections.—
Disturbed with conflicting emotions, she tried to plan
some way to get along in this terrible difficulty
But finding all her endeavors fruitless, she said to
her husband with unfeigned distress, • V\ hat shall
we do ? What can we do
“Do 1” he calmly replied, “ we must do as other
folks do, have our fme things sold under the ham
mer !”
This was enough for her. She had been the be-
/rinnincr and ending of this common folly, and she
fZZsRcd. From that tin.e he had no troubk to
persuade her to be frugal and prudent Tliey were
l)oth agreed in pursuing the same course. And it
is almost useless to say that their prosperity was in
proportion to their wisdom and prudence.
Love bet a sheep,’’ naid old Tom
Walker to his better halt, “ that our boy EHio is go-
in^T crazy—for he is grinning at the plough, and he
isTrrinning at the corncrib, and he is grinmng at the
table, and he is grinning to himsell wherever he
goes.'’ Poll, ” replied aunt Polly, “ don’t you know
ho fc'ot a love letter this morning? ’
The celebrated Dr. Hunter, whom Abernethy, iri
one of his arid veins, termed “ the English Blood
Hunter,” when starting in lite gave lectures, llis
first lecture was attended only by tlie porter.-
“ John,” said the great man, unmoved by the cir
cumstance, ‘‘take that skeleton down, that I may
say with propriety—Gentlemen.”
Ttin')ig 'itithoul IJrains.—As the late Professor II.
was walking near Edinburg, he met one ot those be
ings usuvilly called fools. “Pray,” say^ the 1 rofes-
sor, accosting him, “ how long can a person live Wfitn-
out brains ?” “ I dinna ken,” replied the tellow,
Bcratching his head; how long have you lived
yoursel, sir ?”
A.\ ANSWER WANTED.
If kisses were a penny each.
And words a groat a score,
A kiss for every twenty words.
And twenty in an hour.
Visit the fair one t\,ice a week,
And stay trom eight to one,
•Twould take liow long at such a rate,
To spend a hundred pound ?
* Phila. Times.
A little boy one day, looking iip into his mother
face with an air of deep reflection, asked her \yhy
she, instead of marrying his father, had not waited
until he grew up, and then married him.?
“ I don’t see as any thing is the matter with this
plumb-pudding,” said a tellow at a thanks-giving
dinner. “Well, who said there was?” growled out
his neighbor. “Why’’said the first “I concluded
there was; you all seemed to be running it down ''
A Singular Will.—A tavern keeper, in Andover,
Vt., died a few days since, leaving property to the
amount of about four thousand dollars. During his
last sickness , wlien aware that his end was near, he
made his will, distributing his property in the fol
lowing order:—To tbur of his children he gave one
dollar each—to his wife one half the remainder of
his wealth, and to his youngest son, who is foolish
the other half. The four boys to come into posses
^ion of their dollar each in one vear alter his death
REMARKS OF MR. WISE, op Virginia,
Delivered in the House of Representatives, January 26, 1842,
In favor of Mr. Marshall’s Preamble and Resolutions to
censure John U,uincv Adams for otfcnng a petition to dis
solve the Union:
Having commenced his remarks on the previous
day, and the subject again coming up;
Mr. Wise resumed his remarks, and observed
that when the House adjourned on the previous
day he had been examining the evidences, and they
were many and strong, which went to show that
English influence abroad was in league with the
same English influence at home to dissolve this
Union; that there was foreign conspiracy, aided
by home agents, to eflect a union between Aboli
tionists and dissolutioniits in this country. Mr. W.
said he now proposed to show tq the House, and
that on the highest authority, which would not be
questioned, that an American citizen had gone to
England, and had there asked not merely British
countenance and British prayers, but for British
MONEY also, to aid in destroying the happy union
of these States. The Rev. Mr. Gurley, the Secre
tary of the American Colonization Society, a gen
tleman generally known and respected for his ex
tensive learning, his high and unblemished integri
ty as a man, and hi? devoted piety as a Christian,
both at home and abroad, had lately returned from
a visit to England, which he had made as an ac
credited agent of that society, and had published to
the world a report of that agency and of what he
had witnessed both in England and Scotland. In
that work, Mr. Gurley presented to his readers
some specimens of the style of remark indulged
in by American citizens in what was called the
World’s Anti-Slavery Convention, and at other re
cent meetings in Great Britain, with a view to
show the temper of mind which distinguished those
individuals. Mr. W. w’ould read some extracts, in
order to furnish an additional proof of the existence
of that English influence of which he had yester
day spoken; and, in connection with the extracts,
he might refer to a note accompanying one of
hem to which the name of the honorable gentle
man from Massachusetts was signed.
Mr. W. first read from tlie speech of John G
Birney, Esq., delivered in the “ World’s Anti-Slave
ry Convention,” held in London in June, 1841;
and then from another delivered by the Rev. John
\eep of Ohio, in which that reverend gentleman
spoUe of hJs oiirn Innd as a “ slave-cursed countrv.”
and in which ae expressed his hope of the aid of
British countenance and prayers, and, if need were
of British mojicy also, in prosecuting their designs.
_’he sentiments expressed in these speeches had
)een fully backed by speeches in the same body
from a Mr. Stanton, a Mr. Philip?, a Mr. Bradburn,
and others, specimens of whose effusions were also
given in Mr. Gurley’s book. Mr. W. then procee
ded to observe that he had yesterday spoken of cer
tain emissaries of Great Britain to the United
States; to-day he had to speak of American emis
saries to England, going there to beg foi' British
influence, British prayers, and, if need should be,
of British gold. Mr. W. said he dreaded this omi
nous alliance between the dissolutionists of this
country and the Abolitionists of England. He
would now show the House that this “ World s
Convention” had had its agents here in the United
States as well as abro.\d. He held in his hand a
of a recent Grovernor of Virginia, his
amiable and respected colleague near him, [Mr.
Gilmer.] to the Legislature of his native State, ac
companied by a copy of the correspondence be
tween the Executives of Virginia and of New
York, and he read some extracts with a view to
show that the body called the World’s Anti-Slave
ry Convention had its agents here in the midst of us-
He quoted a passage in which Gov. Gilmer stated
that he had received, under the frank of a member
now upon the floor, whose name he was not at lib
erty under the rules of order openly to give, ex
tracts from the proceedings of the convention—one
of the facts which went to prove that that combi
nation of British Abolitionists had papers and aflll-
iated societies to aid and encourage them on this
side of the water. In connection with this subject,
the late Governor had, with true wisdom and phi
losophy, discussed the proposal of Abolition made
by them to the people of the United States, and
had very clearly and convincingly shown that the
design of those who urged it was, while they gave
personal freedom to the slave, to inflict political
slavery on the white man—to abolish black slavery
that we might have in its room that white slavery
which vvas the lot of the serfs in some of the des
potic European Governments and of the operatives
and lower classes in Great Britain. These benev
olent gentlemen asked us first to free our slaves, and
then to make slaves of the white population, by in
troducing among them that distinction which mark
ed the systems of monarchical Governments. Mr
W. observed that, wherever black slavery existed
there was found at least an equality among the
white population; but whtre it had no place, such
equality was never to be found. And that was the
question to which w'e must be brought at last.—
Look at England. He would not compare the
white man of the North and the white servants
there, or stop to show their inequality. The prin
cipleof slavery was a levelling principle; it was
friendly to equality. Break down slavery, and you
would with the same blow destroy the great Demo
cratic principle of equality among men. [A lau
in one portion of the House.]
Mr. W. would appeal for our defence against
this British Abolitionist dissolutionist party to the
Democracy of the House, and would call upon
them to maintain their great principle of equahy.
He appealed to those who were often and well de
nominated the “ bone and sinew ” of the Slate, to
maintain this equality among white men, and he
would invoke them to beware lest in the destruction
of that distinction which the hand of Nature her
self had established between the black man ana
hould at the seme time aestrov
the equality which she had made between white
man and white man.
Mr. W. went on to say, that it had been already
seen that a member upon the floor of that House
was an agent for the home operations as v/ell as of
the foreign operations of this anti-slavery combina-
nation. Now, he invited them to look at some of
the effects that had been produced. In response to
the closing appeal in the circular letter of that Jo
seph Sturge of whom he had yesterday had occa
sion to speak as an English emissary to the aboli
tionists of America, which advised them to direct
their eyes and their efforts to the coming Presiden
tial election, (and he wondered how many gentle
men there w'ere here present whose seats could not
3e affected by that election,) they saw this English
influence already unfurling the banner of the aboli
tion and dissolution party, and nominating candi
dates for President and Vice President to succeed
the present incumbent; that very Mr. Birney, to
whose speech he had already alluded, had been set
up by the British societies to be their candidate for
President of the United States, and a certain Tho
mas Morris, of Ohio, for V^ice President. This
Mr. Birney—of Pennsylvania, [several voices, “no,
no,” of Massachusetts ; then, cries of “ no,”] a cos
mopolite, then, I hear some gentlemen say—and
this Mr. Morris were set up in prompt response to
the advice of this foreign agent; and the gentleman
from Massachusetts himself complained, in a note
quoted in Mr. Gurley’s book, that the abolitionists
were becoming troublesome political candidates
from their submission to test pledges, and weaken
ing the influence of others in consequence. Now
Mr. W. insisted that this alliance between the
dissolution and the abolition parties, between a par
ty'abroad and a party in our own bosom, was dan
gerous, and most especially dangerous at this parti
cular time, above all others. He considered the
present as a most critical juncture, in consequence
of our existing relations witi\ great Britain; for the
direct influence of this alliance was upon questions
of peace or war. W^e w’ere told that we dare not
the white, they si
indicate our right against that haughty power, be
cause a black army was ready to march upon us
from Canada, and the treaty making pow’er of our
own Government would immediately interpose.—
What, he asked, Avere the questions now open be-
tw’een Great Britain and the United States on which
this influence had a bearing? They were—
1. The question of the Northeastern boundary
of Maine. Maine, he said, was the region of the
“ fierce Democracy ” of the North. Maine had
never supported the House of Braintree, (for there
was a place called Braintree as well as “a place
called Accomac.”) The House of Braintree had
hereditary feud against the Stiite of Tilainc; and
he would now say to the Democracy of the North,
as well as to that of the South, that it was not their
property alone which thi^ Abolitioni?^ and Disso-
uiiuiiiot party would bo ready lo sarrtfiiuci.
ley w'ould be quite as ready to yield up to great
3ritain a little bit of terra firma. England would
be told, he presumed, by a representative of the
louse of Braintree, that the treaty making power
would be thrown into the breach to prevent the ne
cessity of a war, to establish the rights whether of
the North to their territory or of the South to their
slaves.
There was another question involved; and that
was, the territorial occupation of Oregon. In re
ference to that subject, Mr. W. knew, and with sa-
isfaction bore witness, that the Representative from
Vlassachusetts, [Mr. Cushing,] from w’hose seat he
was, through his courtesy, now addressing the
iouse, had done all that, as an American citizen,
statesman, and patriot, he was bound to do. We
needed on the cost of the Pacific some commercial
depot and some depot of arms; but the British lion
was crouching there. That was one bone of con
tention between the two Governments. And what
was the nation told by the English American par
ty on that subject.? Mr. W. would call on Nan
tucket to aid him in strengthening the naval arm of
the United States, by the establishment of a naval
depot for the whale fishery of New England, not
as an aid in the convoy of slave traders, (as had
jeen most unreasonably said in relation to the home
squadron on the Atlantic waters,) but to aid in giv
ing security to the whale trade. But when was it
Droposed to establish depots not merely at the
mouth of the Columbia nver, but a great way
south of that, in the Gulf of California, what, he
again asked, \vould be said by this English party ?
We should be told that this was a mere scheme to
aid the infamous slave trade, by extending our do
minion in the Southwest; and they had rather sub
mit to have the British lion repose in undisturbed
security upon the territory of these States until he
should gain a right of possession by mere prescrip
tion and the lapse of time. The same influence
would be cxertetl here against securing the whale
fishery in the Western seas, which amounted to
not less than ten millions in value, that had been
made by the gentleman from Massachusetts against
the establishment of a home squadron.
[Mr. Adams. A home squadron in the Pacific
Ocean ?]
No: he said no such thing. But it had been as-
seited by that gentleman that the home squadron on
the Atlantic coast was proposed mainly with a view
to furnish convoy to the vessels of slave traders;
and it might just as well be asserted that the estab
lishment of depots for the protection of American
commerce in the Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of
California was to aid the slave traders, by extend
ing our territory in the southwest. The occupa
tion of Oregon might as well be said to be against
Northern influence and Northern rights on the Pa
cific, as the establishment of a home squdron was
said to be aimed against them on the Atlantic.
Neither charge was true. The object, in both ca
ses, was the advantage and safety of American
commerce.
There \vas another international question over
which this British and foreign influence would be
exerted with power against our own Government;
and that was the right of search upon the coast of
Africa. This was an alleged right, in the main
tenance of which the British Ministry seemed de
termined to persist. And what were our motives
in resisting that determination? The self-same
which had actuated and animated us in our last con
test with England—the drfence of “Free Trade
and Sailor’s Right?” Wai there no danger that
this English-American party would be ready to
yield on this point also? Would they not submit
to have our vessels searched by the armed naval
power of Great Britain? And if they did, what
would be the consequence? The admission of the
right ot search would connect itself with the right
of impressment; the right of impressment would
involve the right of a suspicion; and the right of
suspicion would be follow^ by the right to mana
cle our seamen, and drag; them away, in irons, to
Dartmoor prison.
Another question between the two Governments
was that which respected the confiscation of Ameri
can property by the colonial courts of Great Bri
tain. The infamous minions of a subordinate Bri
tish authority were to be allowed to invade the deck
of an American ship, to confiscate and set free the
slaves on board of her, those slaves being the pro
perty of an American citizen. Not content with
politically enslaving her own white subjects in Ja
maica for the sake of emancipating their slaves,
and thus palpably violating the far-famed and much
lauded British Constitution by depriving free born
British subjects of their property without any re
presentative voice to sanction the deed, the British
Government must undertake also to emancipate our
slaves wherever she might happen to find them!
Was this to be tamely borne?
Another question with England had reference to
the shielding of fugitive ciiminals against the
search of law.
Another was the question involved in the Chi
nese controversy, on the ends and aims of Great
Britain iti controlling the tea trade. This was
a matter which came home to New England. The
question was w’hether, after having, by military vi
oience, forced the poison raised in her enslaved do
minions in India upon the quiet Chinese, she shoul
assupie to become mistress of the seas there also
and control the ports of that ancient empire against
the rest of the world? whether she was to enjoy a
monopoly not only o{ the opium trade, but of the
tea trade a'so ?
There was a seventh question, and one of a most
dangerous character; and that had respect to our
relations with Mexico and Texas. W’ere these
relations also to be regulated by Great Britain ?
Was she to interpose and support military aggress
ion upon unofi'ending American citizens? Were
two sons of Kentucky to be shot in cold blood, be
cause they were weary upon their march as pris
oners ? Were the bans to be /orbidded between
Texas and the United States by this same English
party, lest the slaveholding portion of our territory
should be extended beyond the Sabine? The for
eign Abolition interest had poured into that House
petition upon petition against the admission of Tex
as into the Union on that avowed ground, while At
the same time the non-slareholding section of the
Union might push thoir vast boundaries beyond the
KOCKy ivioumaiijs ? iviuot tl»o olavdividing Sentca
3e hemmed in by the banks of the Sabine, and see
immense preponderance of territory and population
throw'n into the hands of the Northern States, and
thus have a foreign Abolition British American in
fluence perpetuated against them forever ? Here
tofore the South had had a guarantee against this;
and it still had.
He knew that up to this period, as the non-slave
iiolding population and territory extended, so had
the slaveholding population and territory extended
pari passu with it. But now, while the Gulf of
Mexico forbade their advance beyond the peninsula
of Florida, the non-slaveholding States of the North
had a boundless stretch of mountain and plain, and
woods and strean)?, and towering rocks and far-
spreading prairies, which extended in interminable
succession to the very shores of the Pacific (Jcean
a vast and boundless field in which to multiply
their numbers and establish and extend their influ
ence without let or impediment. Although at pre
sent the tw’^o interests stood in the Senate twenty-
six to twenty-six, to-morrow that equilibrium might
be destroyed. True, if Iowa were added on the
one side, Florida would be added on the other; but
there the equation must stop. Let one more Nor
thern State be admitted and the equilibrium was
gone—not for a few years, but forever. Th^ ba
lance of interests was gone; the safeguard of
American property, of the American Constitution,
of the American Union, vanished into thin air.
This must be the inevitable result, unless, by a
treaty with Mexico, the South could add more
weight to her end of the lever. Let the South stop
at the Sabine, while the North might spread un
checked beyond the Rocky Mountains, and the
Southern scale must kick the beam. On this sub
ject there was an accusation against the House of
Braintree, of the truth of w^hich he was not able
to speak with certainty. It had been asierted, how
ever, that long ago—as long ago as the negotiation
of the treaty between the United States and Spain
—Texas, which then pertained to Louisiana, had
been surrendered in exchange for the sandy and
swampy peninsula of Florida.
Whether the curtailing of Southern power had
been even then an object in certain quarters, Mr.
W. could not say. One fact, however, had been
brought out to view, (whether on good authority or
not he did not pretend to know,) that although there
had been so much florid declamation in a certain
section of this Union against Texas for refusing to
abolish slavery within her borders, yet it now a[v
peared that when Mexico emancipated her slaves, it
was charged by a certain Secretary of State then in
office as being an act unfriendly to the Lnited
States. Mr. W. gave the name of tRe individual
(but the Reporter could not catch it) on whose testi-
' .1 • * _ -1 * I lofoltr riiQi'nrprpn
ble regard; he alluded to our black sister Republic
of Hayti; and it was a great object with them to get
ler independence recognised by this Government,
I or the jaurpose, he supposed, of seeing the duash*-
jompo caricature, which had once created so much
merimeot in the Hall, actually realized. Yes,
duashipompo was himself to be here, with his
woolly head and his black skin, dressed out in all
the negro finery of his diplomatic costume, a.s one
mony this was said to have been lately discovered.
In a pamphlet recently put forth by that peison, he
1 11 I 1 .1 . 1 korl lAfkrcnn.i! nrr.i^s4 tO the
had declared that, having had personai access
archives of Mexico, he there saw despatches from
the American Secretary of State protesting against
(hat act of emancipation as an act unfriendly to the
United States. Mr. W’. added something here
about the negotiations of the treaty of Ghent, which
was too imperfectly heard to be reported without
hazard. The allusion w^as understood to be to
courting Southern votes for the Presidency, but of
this the Reporter is not sure.
He next adverted to another open question with
a foreign power other than Great Britain. While
Texas was no favorrite with the Anglo-American
Abolition Dissolution party, there was atjolher State
which enjoyed the warmest beams of their favora-
of the foreign Ministers, and to attend the President's
evees in solemn state. He would next walk into
this hall, and be inirodiiced to Southern gentlemen
lere as their equal, if not a little more; and the next
step would be that he must be received at our enter
tainments, and, as a high foreign functionary, he
must of course give entertainments in return. This
was the sort of amalgamation so earnestly nought
to be introduced by a certain class of Zealots among
us. 'I'his was what Mr. W. called social amalga
mation with a vengeance; amalgamation introduced,
not into the country merely, but into the Court.
And he did not doubt, if Monsieur Ciuashipompo
should enter here with his crooked negro shins anl
his splay feet shining and glittering in negro splen
dor, and was to make his negro congee, there would
instantly be some thirty or forty gentlemen of that
House who would be forward in showing him every
mark of afl'cctionate welcome and personal respect
and reverence. Was this to be tolerated ? Was it to
bo endured that an English influence was to be aided
and abetted in introducing here these practical tests
of universal emancipation?
Here, then, Mr. W. said, were eight distinct and
delicate questions in the foreign intercourse of this
Government, all having a direct bearing on this
fearful subject. They were not mere speculations ;
they were practical questions—not d'.stant questions,
which might or might not arise at some future day ;
they were upon the docket now tor trial in the great
court and chancery of nations. Here he again re
capitulated them. He ugain insisted that they v/ere
questions of present interest, whose elli-*ct3 were de
veloping themselves daily- \V hat was their tenden*
cy ? what was their political operation? What
was the natural ctVect of this union of a great Eng
lish party with an Anglo-American party among
ourselves ? The gentleman trom Massachusetts
had disclosed v.'hat was to be one ot their first move
ments, and what was it? At this critical juncture,
when we should be acting on the old and wise max
im, “in peace prepare for war,” that gentleman had
declared we must have no home squadron. Yes ;
the national defences were to be opposed, under an
erroneous (he would not say a false) imputation on
the present Secretary of the Navy that he had re
commended that measure as a convoy to slave tra
ders. Could it be necessary to defend that officer
from an imputation like this ? That gentleman had
not, It was true, been long known lo the country
generally, though long known and esteemed in his
own State; but, for tho timp bp had been in office,
he had won for himself a reputation high though
to meet and satisfy any man’s ambition. The re
port on which this hai been charged was, thank
God, no obscure paper. It was a public official do
cument, and pronounced by competent judges to be
one of the ablest which had proceeded from that
Department for the last twenty years. One of the
most distinguished scholars in the country had told
Mr. W. that he was so delighted with it as a State
paper that he had read it twice, from beginning to
end. before rising from his seat. It had been read
and approved by ail, nor had he head a single ob
jection urged against it till now*. He challenged
any gentleman to lay his finger on a paragraph or
sentence of that report which w’ent to corroborate
the statement so perversely made by the gentleniaii
from Massachusetts.
The squadron was intendfd for any thmg but the
convoy of slave traders. He hoped the American
navy, in every branch of it, was intended for the de
fence of the national property, in whatsoever it
might consist, and of the national rights and honor ,
and that, wherever the American flag floated.
There were objects of a domestic character connec
ted with this home squadron very different from the
convoy of slave traders ; it was for the training of
our seamen, officers, at«d sailors; it was for the
sounding of our coast and the survey and draught
ing of our harbors, and to keep those who were
disposed to be drones in the naval service hdrd at
work. But this great and important interest, our
national defence, was to be arrested and prostrated
by this English party, this foreign influence. Mr.
W. hesitated not to say that whoever could strike at
this interest desired to see our country left defence
less in case of a war. W^e were to have no home
squadron—no armed steamers; oh, no they
prevent the landing of these Jamaica troops, and the
pouring of them out upon our Sourthern plantations.
Emancipation, emancipation by the aid of a foreign
maritime power, was an objcct loo dearly cherished,
at home and abroad, to be given up by putting the
country in a state of defence. This was the true
meaning of the movement against a home squadron.
And he warned gentlemen (here Mr. W’s voice
suddenly suffered a syncope, and the sentence was
irrecoverably lost to the Reporter s ear.)
He went on to say that at this very moment there
was a proposition before the country, not only for a
home squadron, but a proposition by the merchantJi
of the country to imitate the policy pursued by
England, and set afloat vessels on the lakes, the
Mediterranean, on the Atlantic, on every sea, as far
as the people would allow the Government to go—
vessels capable of being armed, though not strictly
vessels of war, and which should, when war should
arrive, be ready to meet the marine ot England as
we met that marine in the last war. When our
population had been but three millions we had
proved ourselves able to achieve our Independence.
When It was seven millions we carri^ed to a success
ful issue a second war for free trade and sa^or s
rights* and he was determmed, so far as his efforts
could J-o, that we should not be conquered now when
OUT p'opulation had reachrd seventeen millions^
But those defences which British cannon had failed
to break down, were now lo be broken down by a
British party influence; Go on, cried Mr. \V., you
shall have your reward. Go on with this your
moral treason, and carry it so far as to come within
Chief Justice Marshall’s decision in Burr’s case,
and you shall get your hemp ! England had one
naval depot at Halifa.v and she was making another
B rmuda. Sucb wa^ the rumor. She was^
ui