an i ano.^nmii’y claiming the sovereignty of
.‘as, iVcqijriuiy violated the American fia^i'
ish Govcrnmorits concerning the rights of search.”
a eiiizon of the United States whoin we believe to-
be Gen. Cass, the American Minister to Paris,
has put forth a work which does honor to the en-
]i_rhtcnt d patriotism of the author. It is a produc-
I' Hi characterized by strong good sense, and a mo-
(I 'latioT unusnal in such disfussions where tiie na.
ii 'tial prl ie is concernod. On this snl-jei’t our rea
der? a; j aj:pris-d. a ct»nt:\n\‘r?y h'ng htca pen-
dingbvtwcen England and the United States. The
iorrnoi, refusing to acknowledge the rights of neu
tral' ' ’
froin the year IS'Ui to IS’21. She asserted the right
of searching American vessels, among which ships
of war were included, and ol impressing sailors
therefrom. Daring a profouild peace, the United
Stales frigate Chcs'ipea’ce was insnltingly boarded,
after being attacked and compelled to yield by su
perior force. Large numbers of American sailors
were seized and transferred from merchant vessels
of the United States on the ocean, uiider pretence
that they were Englishmen—at least had been, or
appeared to be. War ensued and continued for
three years. When peace was finally concluded at
(Thent, the Englioh Ministry refused lo abandon
any of the grountls they had assumed against neu-
side, sacrificed
had laid claim.
their
they
trals. The Americans, on
none of the rights to which
This resembled rather an armistice than a peace.
The armistice has continued, however, for twenty-
seven years, though the question is still open be-
. tween the two countries. They stand apparently
in the relations of courteous and friendly intercourse
towards each otiier, though in reality of mutual
doubt and distrust.
I;i the mean time, England, through a laudable
philanthropy, (it is impossible for us to impute mo
tives ol a difltnent character.) having proposed the
abolition of slavery, or at least of the slave trade,
urges the United Slates to consent to a treaty which
will establish the perpetual right of mutual search,
and thereby lead to the total suppression of this
abominable traffic in human beings. Assuming a
o o
tone quite modest for her, she declared in the begin
ning that she ilcmanded only the simple right “to
act as constables in boarding suspicious ves.^els bear
ing the American Hag.” But she now actually
holds up, or at least supposed that she would be au
thorized to do so in a short time, before the United
States, the assent of the four other great powers of
Europe. With this imposing unanimity, which,
however, as it seems to us, the late vote of the
Chamber of Deputies has completely nullified, she
assumes this rigiit as being now one of the irre
claimable articles of the code of nations. She even
speaks haughtily of enforcing it. The United
States are told that ‘‘ they have already tried a war
with England alone, and that a war on their part with
all Europe would indeed bea novelty.” On this point,
the leading Journals and the statesmen of England
have strangely deceived themselves. France will
never consent to become a party to any coa
lition against tiie United States. We have heard
this lately proclaimed fruiu the tribune by M.
Guizot himself.
The argument by which the author of the pam
phlet now under review resists the pretensions of
the English iNlinistry to impose upon North Amer
England obstinately refuses to give the United
State;4^rtny satisfaction, he makes this remark, which
deserves the serious consideration of every iEurope-
au: ‘-An xlmerican at home or in Eurppe may
boldly predict that the first man seized on board a
vessel of his own country, and detained, under pre
tence o( right, by order of the British Government,
Will be the instant signal of a war:—a war which
will be long, bloody, and fruitful in vicissitudes.’'^
iNotvviiiistandmg all this, the United Slates are
far from wishing to project, directly or indirectly,
the infamous traffic of this tra'de. No nation has
passed more laws to suppress it, or been more soli
citous to have them enforced. i|n fact, not a slave
now IS ever brought from Africa to the United
States. Gen Cass does not, however, think any
argument hopeless on which the right of search
might be based under certain limitations and guaran
tees. But at no price would he be willmg to enter
into a stipulation which could be construed into an
acknowledgment of the doctrine of impressment.
According to him, the United States would neither
know how to restrain this doctrine, or lay down
rules by which to govern it. It is scarcely even
permissible to discuss the point, since a good citizen
should never bring the national independence into
discussion. The United States will only rest satis
fied >vith a general declara'tion from the British Go
vernment that their flag shall protect their seamen
at all times, and under all circumstances. If Eng
land would thus explicitly renounce her extrava
gant pretensions, it is believed that some satisfactory
arrangement may be made, which would insure the
'lull co-operation of the United States wuh the
great powers of Europe in the suppression of the
slave trade. General Cass notices, as worthy of
attention, an idea lately started by a London Jour
nal, that the cruisers of each nation should always
sail with an officer of the opposite navy on board.
This officer is alone to exercise the right of visiting
the vessels of his own country. The independence
of both nations would, in this manner, remain in
violate.
In line, if both parties consent to approach this
grave subject in a true spirit of conciliation, with a
sincere respect for all national rights, w'e apprehend
no dilliculty in coming to terms. The object of
pursuit can be attained without wounding the digni
ty of either nation, without subjecting the bunting
of either to affront, to use the expression applied by
Lord Palmerston in one of his tits of arrogance, to
a sacred object, the national flag.
General Cass protests against any concession of
a nature to compromise the sovereignty uf his coun
ty j but cnce satisfied on that head, nothing more
eould be desired. On this point, his sentiments are
such as all generous men ought to avow for their
country; and every Frenchman to whom the na
tional honor is dear, will thank him for having so
well sustained a cause which is that of the civiliz
ed world, and which France will never consent to
surrender.
From the ]\orth Carohua Standard.
HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN M. MOREHEAD*
Sir . As in the last canvass you denounced what
youthen charged as the grossest acts of extrava-
..3 ^ , gance against those who administered the Govern-
icu, by autliority, a treaty adopted by the Europe-1 mentj so I presume in the coming canipaign, you
i.,r great force of reasoning. > —
an powers, is
by
marked
He eninnerates all the grave consequences involved
in such an interpretation of the law of nations, fie
opposes to the doctrine proclaimed by Lord Pal
merston. and adopted with some reservation in terms
at least by his successor, the opinion of the English
Admiralty Judge, Lord Stowcll, which is thus ex
pressed ; No nation can exercise a right of visi
tation and search upon the common and unappropria
ted parts of the ocean, except upon the belligerant
claim. No nation has the righ to forcc them away
lor the liberation of Africa by trampling upon the
indep.-ndence of other states on the pretence of an
eminent good, by means that arc unlawful, or to
press forward to a great principle, by breaking
through other great principles which stand in their
way.” lie likewise cites the opinion of Lord Wel
lington, which is stamped with the high authority
of his usual good sense. He exposes clearly, to the
advantage of every nation, the dangers which
would ensue from a concession of this claim to
Treat Britain, even upon grounds of reciprocity.
This reciprocity would be from the commencement
altogether nomhial. In fact, it would amount to an
acknowledgment of English supremacy on the seas,
since it would be found in practice that in ninety-
nine cases out of a hundred, it would be her crui
sers which would search the vessels of other na
tions. This would result in a supremacy without
limits, for the English nation is the most rapacious
and grasping on the globe. 'Vhis pencha7it, we ac
knowledge, has enabled her to extend the dominion
of civilization to all parts of the world. To this
Ihct Gen. Cass likewise offers a willing testimony
and applause. But to the civilized nations with
whom she comes in contact, this disposition to
stretch out indefinitely her influence and authority
becomes vexatious ami dangerous in the extremr-
'Fo no nation would the homely old adage, “ gu'c
her an inch and she will take a-, el' ' so exactly
apply. The Tunes indeed confesses this, when in
genuously avowing “that the law would work its
own way.” The English indeed possess many no
ble traits of character, combined with high intellec
tual powers; but they are remarkable for excessive
selfishness and hauteur. They are entirely per
suaded that the laws and customs of England are
incomparably superior to all others, it matters not
where their steps may wander, or how limited their
opportunity of judging. In fact, they take but very
slight pains to smother oi conceal these sentiments
in their official conduct. An arbitrary habit is en
gendered among the English officers’ by the man
ner of recruiting their navy; and an English pa
per, the San admits that they do not scruple to as
sume the habits towards other nations.
The right of search once admitted, General Cass
doubts not the world will see those scenes of vio
lence rapidly renewed, which for twenty years, at
tne close of the last century and the commencement
of this, w«!re enacting on the whole extent of the
ocean. W”e shall hear again, as in the days of the
Empire, continued complaints of hatches broken
up, cargoes overhauled, valuble goods damaged,
and many articles taken away without permission
and without compensation. 'Surely every honora
ble officer would deprecate these excesses; but
or
the
^ ^ / o— search
would eventuate in the establishment of a markime
despotism—a despotism' which no man can see the
end ot; for we all know u’itli what indomitable vi
gor and perseverance England strives to maintain
and defend her usurpations. The probable conse
quences of an admijoion of the right of search, are
shovyn by General Cass, by a clear and forcible in
duction. He considers them to be grave and immi
nent; and affirms, moreover, that America is fully
resolved to resist the claim at all hazards, even
though the issue should be war. Whilst brino-ing
prominently into view the impressment of sailors,
which thus becomes once more, as it was thirty
vear? ago. a subject of controversy, and upon which
wmU point to the evidences of economy and reform,
ot your Whig’' friends, in whose behalf j'^ou
ventured to promise so much to the country. To
prepare you thus to go before the people with facts,
and not mere assertions, allow me to call your at
tention to some matters which are to be found in
the reports v/hich have been made public by the
present Congress. For remember, sir, when you
shall again appear before the people, you will be
expected not to repeat your general charges and in-
flamatory denunciations, but tell us what has been
done to relieve the country from these acts^of oppres
sion, which, according to your former logic, had
ground the people iuto dust. How these burdens
have been removed, which then weighed so heavily
upon the community'. Then, w'e were informed
the times wQre dreadfully hard and oppressive. If
they have been made softer, or grown more tolera
ble, you, no doubt, will be prepared to inform us of
it. For, I assure you, if they be so, the country is
entirely ignorant of it. Times are as hard, pro
duce as low^, money as scarce, and as bad too, as
they w'ere two years ago. Such is the general
opinion through the country. And what is of more
importance for you to know, is the fact, that it is the
general impression, if these matters are to be made
better, it must be brought about by something differ
ent from any thing which your “Whig” friends
have either done or attempted to do. Your party
has now been in power more than twelve months,
and have had the command of both our State and
National Legislatures. If any thing was done by
the last General Assembly for the relief or benefit
of the country, you doubtless will be prepared to
show it. But it was^ the acts of the General Go
vernment, from which you promised so much to the
country. Here, too, you will find yourself most
wofuily at fault, when you shall come lo enumerate
the great “ Whig” measures of relief and reform,
it)out -.vhich you used to descant so eloquently. It
will be amusing indeed to hear you, when you shall
reach tins part of your subject. I can w'ell imagine
and even hear the loud applause with which you
will be greeted by your admiring friends, when you
shall touch upon these interesting matters. I now
fancy you before a large audience of your country
men, and hear you point with triumph to the relief
acts of the Extra Session of Congress. You can,
indeed, point to that holy act of universal relief, the
Bankrupt Law, whfch constitutes one of the great
est items in your releif measures, and which has en
abled so many gambling political speculators to free
themselves from their engagements, as well as the
little cross-road debtors, from the grasp of the con
stable s ca. sfi. ; and who hereafter are to be set free
from their contracts with the honest farmers of
the country by whom they had been trusted. So
you can boast of the relief which has been extended
to ihe poor man, as well as to the rich, by the ad
ditional taxes which have been imposed on the com
mon necessaries of life. You can boast, too, of the
relief which has been afforded to our sister States
so greatly indebted to the foreign creditor, for money
borrowed and wasted in acts of extravagance, by dis
tribution of the proceeds of the puiic lands; whilst
the lands and other property of our own citizens
have been pledged for the payment of the millions
which have been borrowed or authorized in the cre
ation of a national debt. Such are some of the great
“ Whig” measures of beneficence and relief, to
which your Excellency will be enabled to refer
with pride and efTect, And if you shoukl not find
in the recital of the glprious labors ot the Extra
Session, enough wherewith to insult a deceived peo
ple, as to the manner in which your extravagant
promises have been fulfilled, you can turn to what
is now doing, and to what your friends are likely to
do, during the present session of Congress. These
are, indeed, unpleasant themes for a Whig” ora
tor, and I should really sympathize with you, for
the mortification you are doomed to undergo, had
not witnessed some
shifts to which
of the misrepresentations and
. were in the habit of resortiuf*'
during your last campaign You will recolloc?.
you
too, you are not to meet with that generous and dis
interested aid you received at the hands of your
great orators in the west. That great log-cabin,
hardcider champion, General £dnei/, if report be
true, has retired from the field of poitics, having
been disappointed in his efforts to obtain an office.
So you know the gallant Gaither has taken up his
abode to enjoy the shades of those “ horse chesnuts”
;uid the sweet-scented flowers, about which you once
regaled us so iavisb4y. So loo, a Jones and ^ By-
ninn have received their rewards, and being in of
fice of course w'ill not intetfere in the politics of the
country. You will pardon this digression, and suf
fer me to bring you back to some things, which I
fear you may have forgotten or shall not find it con
venient to remember. You will rememder—or if
you should not, those who heard you will—the
charge you so often repeated against Mr. Van Bu-
ren, that he had carried the expenditures up to 37
millions of dollars. For the truth of this assertion,
when denied, you appealed to a garbled statement
of “ Levi,'' as you were so fond of calling the then
Secretary of the Treasury. Will you now do jus
tice to your hearers, when you shall again appear
before the public, by taking with you Mr. Secreta
ry Ewing’s report, in \vhich you will find, at page
twenty-five, a statement of the actual expenses of the
four years of Mr. Van Buren’s administration, ex
clusive of trust funds, &c., and from which it ap
pears the highest year (1837) was $31,610,000, and
the lowest (1840) §2‘4,389j356 ? And you will
find, in the same document, this expenditure, large
as it was, did not keep pace with the appropriations
made by Congress, which in the vf^ar 1837 excee
ded thirty-four millions, for which your“W’hig”
friends generally voted. So, sir, I must remind you
of what you over and again declared, that the ex
penditures of the Government ought, and under
Whig” rule w’ould be brought down to fifteen mil
lions a year. Has this been done, or is likely to be
done? I shall not msult the public by an answer
in the negative, but siiall leave you to their contempt
for hazarding such an assertion. For you will have
read with shame and mortification, if you can be
made to feel mortified for any of your unfounded as
sertions during your past campaign, that your is-to-
be captain, Henry Clf^y, has advocated on the floor
of Congress, that it will require twenty-six millions
to meet the demands of the Government, twenty-four
millions for ordinary and extraordinary expendi
tures, and two millions for the annual discharge of
the public debt. What will you, or can you say to
this? Acknowledge you were ignorant, or say
’'ou have been deceived by your friends, as they
have exceeded your calculations only in the moder
ate sum of ten millions a year. You may, and no
doubt will attempt to deceive and mislead by charg
ing this upon the heavy debt left by the late admin
istration. But that will not avail you, as the pub
lished documents show that debt not to exceed five
millions and a half, which two years and a half of
Mr. Clay’s sinking fund would discharge.
But I promised to call your attention to some sin
gular items of expenditure under the head of contin
gencies, as made by those great “ Whig ” reformers^
the disbanded cabinet officers. They, as you know,
were in office about six months, having entered on
the fourth of March and gone out in September fol
lowing. If you say the period was too short for
your promised reform, they certainly might have a-
voided any abuses in the expenditure on new objects.
You -cannot have forgotton, your own complaints a-
gainst Mr. Woodbury and those then in office, for
such charges as “ extra clerk hire,” “ newspapers,”
the great use by these .clerks of “ towels, soap, ice.”
Now, sir, if you will^exainine the reports made to
the present session of CoBgress, of these contingent
expenditures, you will iiad many items, for “ tem
porary clerk hire,” washing towels at the rates of
some tour or five dollars the month, •* clerk hire,”
and strange to say, ‘“office furniture’’ to an amount
intone department exceeding four hundred dollars.
So you will find in the State department other items
that call for your especial denunciation—such as
“articles for mourning for President, $170 87 ;—
print of General Hamson, $55 ; extra train for Pres
ident and suite, 5th April, $100 ; print of President
Harrison, $ 10; do. of President Tyler, $8.” Should
you say these are the acts of Daniel Webster— then
tufn to the expenditures of Messrs. Secretaries Bell
and Badger. And though you may not find a bar
ber's bill for shiving the honorable Secretary of the
Navy, you will think the public has been most suc
cessfully shaved. Please examine the report from
the Navy, and see if you do not find, during Mr.
Badger’s six months’ service’ extra clerk hire ;
washing towels; 2 portraits of President Tyler; 2
prints of President Hardson, $11 each.” So in
the War department, prints and portraits of Presi
dents Harrison and Tyler amounting to 852. This
contingent fund is certainly very convenient, as it
seems applicable to all objects. It reminds me of a
story I heard told of a member of Congress, who di
rected the clerk to have a supply of Brandy for his
daily drink at the House. being asked under
what head of expenditure it w’as to be charged, re
plied under that of fud. So in the same report,
you will find a free use made of ice by these great
reformers, as had been by those who liad gone be
fore them. It may be, this word cools your own
ardor, and possibly you will be restrained from talk
ing hereafter so loudly about those “ leeches,” as
you used to term the officholders, who were consu
ming the very substance of the people. And for
fear you may be silent on this delicate subject, allow
me to call your attention to some of your own con
tingent expenduures out of the thousand dollars ap
propriated by a “ Whig” Legislature for furniture
for your own palace. You will pardon me for co
pying some of the items from your account, for
fear it may not be made public before the next
General Assembly. If there be any mistake, then
it will be in your power jto correct it, by having a
duly certified copy made public. Here it is, “ er
rors excepted
John M. Morehead in account with (he State of
North Carolina:
To cash rec’d for the purchase of furniture, $1,000
By the erection of an Ice House, $300
By 12 dozen Tow’els, - • 82
By one Bedstead. French j^attcrn, 125”
8497
Now, whatever you may say, the public will
think these are pretty serious items to be found in
the account of one who, in seeking for office, made
so much to do about small matters. To drop these
small items for the present, I promise to bring to
light a famous correspondence of yours with the
Governor of a sister State, about a fugitive from jus
tice. You understand me, do you not?
LONG TOM.
Vv^hen war was declared agaist Great Britain, in
1812, Mr Henry was not of age. • His sentiments
in regard to its vigorous prosecution, as seen in the
subjoined extract from an oration delivered by him
in iFayetteville, on the 4th of July, 1814, are noble
and jpatriotic—they completely put down all the
whig slanders of him on that subject. Such lofty
and patriotic sentiments from a young man, just en
tering into life, arg6e the early and strong love of
liberty which has marked Mr. Henry’s maturer
age.
But who are they that prefer this charge? What
immaculate patriots are they who are falsely de
nouncing Mr. H. for opposition to the last war?
They are men who land Daniel Webster to the
skies—who voted for the man as President, who
made Daniel Webster Secretary of State—Daniel
Webster, who boldly, openly and vigorously oppos
ed the last war—who vot^ in Congress against
supplies for the American Army—who taunted his
country with her misfortunes, and vi^ho uttered the
traitorous sentiment, that “ it did not become a mor
al and religious people to rejoice at the victories
won by their countrymen.” This Daniel Webster,
who did all and every thing to oppose the war, and
embarrass his country after war was declared, is
now the Magnus Apollo of whiggery, the champi
on of their principles, and their prime minister.
But to the extract, it will speak for itself, and put
to the blush, (if such a thing is possible,) those who
are doing Mr. Henry gross injustice:
“ But sufficient that our country’s honor is at
stake, and we, as freemen, are bound to defend it.
No»v! let no unhallowed tongue of traitor be heard
among ua. Let party distinction be hidden in the
dust. The cause we fight for is a common cause.
The liberty it achieves is as much the right of him
who hangs over the plough, as him who is seated in
authority. The duties it exacta all are bound to
yield. We are, my friends, all Federalists, all Re
publicans. Our country’s prosperity is the prosperi
ty of every one of us; and he who will basely desert
her in the hour of tribulation, let his name be oblit
erated from the book of our remembrance. As a
nation, we ought to unite to establish a name among
the nations of the earth, to shew the world we will
always repel aggression on our rigts. As policy, wx
ought to unite lo put an end to the war, (no matter
how unjust in its cause, if such it be, or odious in its
prosecution) else by division we prolong its calami
ties, and by the defeat of our armies reflect disgrace
on our national character. I know there is a hope
at this time indulged among you that the late happy
chants in Europe will restore to you a peace. l3ut
iny friendB, “ lay no such flattering unction to your
souls,” lest hope might liken you to the foolish Car-
thagenians at Cannaai, who lost that by inattention
which necessity might have gained them. In war,
we must seek peace at the mouths of our cannon
In peace we must avert war by a v/ise and virtuous
legislation.
“ This is the first serious war since our revolution
it therefore becomes ua to show the firmness ofun
ion and valor, to protect us against insult in future
Whatever our conduct is now, it will have a great
bearing upon our future happiness or misery as a
nation. Sure we want not curage to tlie taak !
We have before measured swords with our adversa
ry and foiled her in the field! The heights ol
Charlestown w^here the American eagle rode tri
umphant over the bloody onset of the revolution, and
the plains ot Princeton, where it sat perched upon
the British standard, will ever testify the valor of
Americans. Never 1 then let the curse of coward
ice fall on our heads. Never! let it be said our la
thers bled and died for our birth-rights, and we! were
too base to defend them . Never! let it be said that
iu this land, where freedom found an asylum tVom
the despots of Europe, we were wanting in virtue to
protect it. No, never!
“ And I could rehearse deeds of v^alor in this pre-
sent tear, tiiat ought to inspire us with confidence.
The achievements of our gallant little navy have
surpassed our most sanguine expectations. The
skill and mlrepidity of our tars in every engagement
have confounded their adversaries; the (Jlisproporiion
oj our loss, the sitperiority of our viancaiiverinsr
passed by this life-guard. The Congress of the
United States, to die on the 4lh of March nott, or
the present life-guard is lo be continued over from
the necessity of the case. The credit of the nation
is to be struck down lo the credit of broken banks*
and then when all is chaos and night—when ruin
howls from her solitary den—Henry Clay, assisted
by Nicholas Biddle, and some other mighty philos
opher of money, is to walk forth and cry out, let
there be a bank.
Of numerous evils people of discrimination will
choose the least. Mr. Clay will then count upou
another paper age; his face will be engraved upon
millions of promises to pay, and the game of brag
will, as usual, favor the broken down statesman of
Kentucky.
We, therefore, proclaim lo the world that the ma
jority of the 27th Congress has determined to do
nothing, but that which will advance their leader’s
interests. That, in fact, the Whig party proper are
the life-guard of Clay, and not the American peo
ple.
Let every Democratic member stand to his arms.
Our safety is in union. With a firm front, we can
meet and conquer the whole bundle of factions
though composed of thorn bushes and bound logeih-
er by serpents.
Let the life-guard come on. “ We are armed.”
JEFFERSONIAN
CHARLOTTE, N. C,,
TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 19, 1842.
and the despatch of the victory have Ibreve
broken the cliarm ot her naval invincibility. Her
proud pretensions have been humbled, her sensibili
ty wounded to the quick. In all the warfares she
has ever been engaged—this she appears to dole
over as the most grievous and lamentable ; j’ea!
she mourns and grieves as a mother over her lost
child.
“ To be sure our prospects have been darkened
on land, but this is no cause of despair. To contend
with an enemy veteran in discipline and experience,
allied w ith a savage people, sanguinary in a mode
of warfare peculiar tor its dreadful features of atro
city, and that conducted in a manner hardly attaina
ble in the practice of civilized nations; seated too in
the interminable wilds of our northern frontiers, re
mote from assistance and supplies—required a pre
paration we have too severely felt the want ofj hence
our armies have met with defeat; but such shall not
long be the case when time shall have given us ex
perience and preparation. We, a people so fertile in
resource and vigorous in constitution, if united, must
meet with success.”
From the Fayetteville Carolinian.
MR. HENRY ANd”tHE LAST WAR.
The political opponents of Mr. Henry, in the
Western part of the State, are endeavoring to make
the impression on the public mind, that he was op
posed l6 the last war. On a former occasion, we
corrected this false rumor, by publishing an extract
from a speech dehvered by Mr. Henry in 1814, and
for the same purpose, we republish the extract as
the best refutation of this vile slander,
From the Alexandria Inde.\.
THE WHIG PARTY PROPER.
We have arrived at a crisis in State affairs, and
future action can alone determine what the end will be.
It appears, first, that there is a President acting
independently of all parties.
Second, that he has a Cabinet composed of all
parties, nominally, and agreeing whh him as often
as is necessary for them to save their places.
Third, that the Whig party proper, which is by
far the largest party, are, par excellence, Henry
Clay’s life guard.
Fourth, that the Democratic party, firm as the
crags that beat back the ocean wave, honor John
Tylei for his conscience, but cannot endorse his
whole acts as President.
Fifth, that the people of the United States have
had enough of old Federalism, and are returning to
the standard of republican simplicity, without noise,
drunkenness, or falsehood.
Sixth, that the people arc misrepresented in the
Legislative and Executive branches; and that their
agents, finding they cannot answer their own sel
fish ends by their acts of legislation, have determin
ed that there shall be no legislation at all.
The whig party proper, then, are the majority
in Congress. To them all praises and all curses
must be directed for sins of omission and commis
sion that arise during the present Congress.
The Whig party proper—Clay’s Life-Guards!
and these are the patriots who were above party du
ring Mr. Van Buren’s administration. These are
the pure immaculate souls who never could stand
the drill of party, who acted spontaneously lor their
country’s good, ad never debased themselves so low
as to cator for self.
These are the men who despised collar men
once ; but now how is it ?
Bow-wow-wow—
W'hose dog art thou ?
I am Henry Clay’s dog—
Bow-wow-wow.
We detest hypocrisy. We can pardon a man
for deceiving us, if he is himself deceived; but we
cannot forgive an individual or a party, for sucking
us irij wilfully and deliberately.
The Whig party proper will now block the
wheels of Government, unless a thousand stock
brokers can have the picking of the bones of our
country’s skeleton. No apportionment bill is to be
DcmGcrutic Republican Nomination i
FOR GOVERNOR,
Louis I>. Henry, of Fayetteville.
Election the 1st Thursday (4th day) of August next.
CUNNING FEDERALISM.
The address and resolutions adopted at the rccent
Convention of the Federalists of this State, comprise
the most barefaced attempt at humbugery ever per
petrated—it even out Herods Whigery iself in lhi&
respcct. But as it is understoQil lo be the work of
Mr. (jcorge E. Badger, no very great wonder
will bo excited by the audaciousness of the attempt
to shift the responsibility from off the shoulders of
the Federalists for the mismanagement of our na
tional afl'airs, since that party obtained power. Mr.
Badger's contempt for the intelligence and percep
tion of the mass of the people is so well know’ii in
this State, that nothing more than a smile of con
tempt will be excited by even the most extravagant
act of polilical tergiversation and quibbling.
After an elaborateargu-ment to prove ihallhe Fe
deral W’’hig party proper—the Clayites—are not
responsible for the falsification of all the fair promi
ses upon which “ Tip and Tye ” were elected—
for the increased embarrasmenis of the country, and
for bankrupting the Treasury and ruining the cred
it of the nation, the Convention adopted the follow
ing Resolution:
Resolved, That this convention disavows all polit
ical connexion with, and support of, John Tyler;
approves the proceedings and address of the Whig
members of Congress at the close of the Extra Ses
sion, and holds the whig parly discharged from all
responsibility for lh« conduct of public affairs whilst
controlled by the present Administration.
When Mr. Badger penned this Resolution, he
must have fancied himself in a Courthouse, passing
a judgement upon some poor victim of the law.
without the formality of a trial by jury: John Ty
ler is thrown overboard and Whigery absolv’ed from
all its sins at a mere dash of the pen. But not so
fast, Mr. Ex-Secretary. The people have some
what lo say in this matter:—they would like to
know how it comes that your party are not respon
sible for the mismanagement of the Government and
the ruin of our credit as a nation. Let us examine
facts:
Before the last Presidential Election, the leaders
of the Whig party in the Southern States streriuous-
y denied that a national Bank was their object.
Harrison was declared to be no Bank man, and it
was said lh.it Mr. Tyler was taken up for the Vice
Presidency on the'express grounds of his known
uniform opposition to such an institution. Mr.
George E. Badger himself, in a speech at Gran
ville Courthouse in this State, denounced as a base
slander, the charge that Gen. Harrison was in fa
vor of a national Bank. Under such circumstan
ces, Harrison and Tyler were elected ;—Harrison
soon died, and the duty of administering the Gov
ernment devolved on Tyler. The party came in
with a clear majority in both Houses of Congress,
and yet have a willing majority of at least twen
ty-five in the House and five in the Senate. They call
ed an Extra Session of Congress; and on its assem
bling, Mr. Clay, the acknowledged whig leader, camc
out with a list of the measures designed to relieve the
country, to wit: a law to distribute the proceeds of the
public lands among the States; a Bankrupt Law; a
loan of twelve millions, and a national Bank. All
these measures passed Congress by the force of par
ty drill, and Mr. Tyler signed them all, except the
Bank charter, which he said he had always been
opposed to, to which Gen. Harrison was opposed,
and which had over and again been declared no
measure of the Whig party. Here the secret of
Federal cunning leaked out: Mr. Clay was bent
upon being again a candidate for the Presidency,
and knew he could never be elected without the as
sistance of a powerful moneyed machine to strangle
the spirit of republican liberty among our people.
He and his party leaders adroitly dodged this issue
until they had elected a President and a majority of
both Houses of Congress to do iheir work. Then,
thinking all things secure, they exhibited their co
lors—came out openly for a B.\nk. Mr. Tyler
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