Y:///
omary
emote
aa
HriT-
Li-
jS'a-
of
of
>ri-
lly
:u-
ic
lls
-1
re
ill
^i-
h
in
of*
ill
c-
1(1
’C
ts
ffllcckleivbtir
JOSEPH W. HAMPTON,
."The powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the People of the United States, may be resumed by thenv whenever perverted to their kijury or oppression.”—Madiion.
-Editor and Puliiisiiei ,
VOI-UME 2, \
CHARLOTTE, N. C., MAY 24, 1842.
\ NUMBER Qi
'Jf
TERMS
The Mcckh .Imrf' JeJ^crsonian'' is piiblislied weekly, at
Tiro Dollars and Fifty Cents, if paid in advance; or 'J'hrce
!)' !!ar?, if not priid before the expiration of three months
*ro:u tlie lime oi ?ubscribing. Any person who will procure
■ *• 5ul)sctibcrd and become responsible for their subscripiions,
hhall have a copy of the paper gratis ;—or, a club of ten sub-
'^ ribcrs may have the paper one year for Ticcniy Dollars in
dilvance.
No paper will \ e discontinued while the subscriber ow’cs any
*:uiig, if ho is al le to pay;—and a failure to notify the Editor
-:f a svisii to ditc intinue at least one month before the expira-
' ;m of the time i; aid for, will be considered a new engagement.
i)ri':iTial Subs'Tibcrs will not be allowed to discontinue the
j'ap r before the expiration of tlic first year without paying for
a fiiU year's subscription.
Adrcrtiscmcnis will be conspicuously and correctly insert-
I at One Dollar per square for the first inst.rtion, and l^icen-
’•■-Jivc Cents for each continuance—except Court and other
• .iiii.-ial advertisements, which will be charged ticcnty-fn'epcr
■ - nt. higher than the above rates, (owing to the delay, gene
rally, attendant upon collections). A liberal discount will be
made to those who advertise by the year. Advertisements sent
in for publication, must be marked with the number of inser
tions desired, or they will be published until forbid and^charg-
-;d accordingly.
Kiy Letters to the E.iitor, unless containing money m sums
of J 'irc Dollars, or over, must come free of postage, or the
nmoimt paid at the oflice here w ill be charged to the writer,
= 11 every instance, and collected as other accounts.
Weekly Almanac lor May, 1842.
yjA vs.
.‘Sun
rise
.Sun
SET.
Mooy’s PHASES-
'_:4 Tutsilay,
'^3 Wfiliu'sday,
’i) Thursday,
■J7 Friday,
■J-i Saturilay,
JO .‘Sunday.
'.'■Q Monciay.
4 5G ' 6
4 55 I 6 5^1
4 55 j 7 C
‘k 51 j 7 1
•1 .51 1 7 2
1 5 i j 7
4 5‘J j 7 ‘1
j D. H. M.
j Last Q.uarter, 2 7 2B M.
j Nuw Moon 10 G 21 M.
First Quarter, 17 6 5 .KM.
j Full Moon, 24 4 22 M.
Alexander Betlniiie,
“1? illl Ej ©
RESPECTFULLY ten
ders his sincere thanks to the
citizens of Charlotte and the
public in general, for the libe
ral patronage he has receiv
ed ; and hopes by strict atten
tion to business to continue to
racrit a liberal share of public
patronage. He has now sev
eral first rate workmen em
ployed and has just received
his Spring and Summer Fash
ions. He will warrant on all occasions.
Orders from a distance will meet with prompt at-
roiition. His shop will be found in the North-East
iiig of Mr. Leroy Springs’ brick building.
.1 lihcral dufco mt wade to Ciish ciisio7ncrs.
 'harlotte, April 12, 1813.
07...F
Wool Carding'.
HAVIXG ihoroughly repaired his Machinery,
the subscriber is now ready to execute all or
ders for CARDING WOOL in a very superior
btyle, and at short noticc.
JACOB STIREWALT.
Mill Hill, Cabarrus Co., May 2, 1812. CO...
Dr. J. 31. Happoldt
HAS removed to the Office directly op
posite Maj. Joseph Smith’s Hotel, where
he may be found by his friends and the
public, and consulted at all times, unless
professionally engaged.
A report has been industriously circulated
for relative to bis charges. They have been
pronounced extravagant. He lakes this opportunity
to state to tlie public, that he holds himself ready at
canes be Reasox.vble.
Jan. 4, 1842.
43...tf
The Bankrupt I^aw
IS in operation since the 1st instant, and the sub
scriber has received several applications lor his
professional aiil. He is about to engage his servi
ces, and is willing to increase the number ot‘ appli
cations, which will diminish the expense to the ap
plicants.
Tlie District Court of the United States has sole
•jurisdiction in all matters and proceedings in Bank-
rtiptcy, which for this District. (Cape Fear,) ciis at
■Wilmington, and all Petitions are referred by the
order of Judge Potter to that Court, which next
eits on the 2nd of May next.
All persons owing debts and wishing to avail
themselves of the benefit of this act, and of the ser-
N ices of the undersigned, will apply early ; with an
accurate list of their creditors, the residence and
amount due each creditor, together with an accu
rate inventory of all their property, rights and cre
dits of every kind and dcscriplionj and the location
and situation of said property.
Apnlication can be made cither in person, or by
ruail, post paid, to the subscriber; who can always
be found at his office in Charlotte. He will, howe
ver, be at the next Superior Courts of Cabarrus and
Lincoln. JOHN H. WHEELER,
Atto. at Law.
Charlotte, Feb. 15, 1812. 50...F ^
The Lincoln Republican ■will please copy 3
weeks.
OULD inform such of his friends as desire
his professional services, that he has removed
bis Oflice to Mr. Johnson's brick house, two doors
above the “ Carolina Inn,” where he may be found
W
at all times, unless necessarily absent.
Charlotte, February 8, ISiS.
48...F
iplM \cH^
JOB PRINTING.
WE are prepared at this Office witli a handsome
Bupply oi Fancy Type, to cxecute all kinds of
m a very superior style, and at short notice. Oders
" T ^ thanKfully received.
Jeffersoaian Oliicej Charlotlfe. March 19;! 1.
SPEECH OF MR. COLaUITT,
OF GEORGIA;
Delivered in the House of Rcp't esentatives, in com
mittee of the icJbole, March 28, 1842, in reply
to Hon. Mr. liayncr^ of North Carolina^ on
the Loan Bill.
Mr. CiiAiRM.vx: The extraordinary course that
has been pursued by gentlemen in this debate
prompts me to deviate from my original purpose, of
confining my remarks strictly to the subject, that I
may rebuke their conduct and repeal their abuse.
The gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. Ray-
NER,) as well as the gentleman from Indiana, (Mr.
Lane,) encouraged by the favor of a majority on
this floor, instead of attempting to strengthen pub
lic credit, already too wealr, and of offering argu
ments to win public confidence, already too much
shaken, have adopted the successful mode, of effec
ting their entire overthrow. How strange that men,
boasting so loudly oi their patriotism, while deliber
ating and devising means for procuring funds to car.
ry on the Government and prevent a violation of pub
lic faith, should select the time as affording a pro
per occasion to dishonor the Crovernment—by heap
ing unmeasured abuse upon its public functionaries,
proclaiming to the world that the President and
his Cabinet are base, treacherous, and designing.
I had no agency in placing the present Administra
tion in power; but for the honor of the country, it
should be knovvn that this quarrel among the Whigs
I is unreasonable, and has been gotten up to screen
! themselves from the just indignation of a duped and
I injured people—for the violation of promises they
1 never expcctcd,and well knew, they should never be
enabled to fulfil. W^hat let me enquire. What has
the Chief Majistrate done, which has drawn down
upon him the wrathful fulminat;ons of those who
cheered and lauded him with so much zeal and en
thusiasm in 1840? He is charged with betraing
his party; he is denoimced as a traitor, and condemn
ed bv the majority of this Houso for preventing that
majority from rendering the country valuable ser
vice. Are these accusations true? Do not gentle
men know that facts, well tmderstood by the peo
ple of this cotmtry, falsify these charges? In what
measure, at the extra session of Congress, except the
propositions for a Bank, did he fail or refuse to act
with those who placed him in ofiicc? I kiT0W”0l
none! Ho gave his sanction to the Bankrupt ia%v,
the loan bill, the distribution bill, and to every other
save the chartering of a Bank. The charge of
treachery and treason, so often and so loudly made,
if true, must be based exclusively upon his refusal to
sanction that bill only. If this be all, the gentleman
from North Carolina, (!Mr. Rayner,) and his com
peers, in this wicked attempt to blast private char
acter, and by so doing impair public confidence and
honor, richly deserve the reprobation of every honest
heart in the* land. That the much abused John Ty
ler, selected by the Whig party as a candidate for
the Vicc Presidency, had stood, from his youth, in
opposition to this measure, was just as well kno»vn
as any other fact connected with his history in pub
lic life. If he had been permitted to have spoken
upon this subject, v.’hen nominated at Harrisburg,
he would have proclaimed it to the Convention that
gave him a nomination. But if he had dared to rise
for that purpose, an hundred hands would ha\e
been thrown in his facc at oncc, w'hile a soft whis
per would have fallen on his ears from every mouth,
•4uish, hush, we know it—mum is the word !”—
The Federalists were out of power, had been repu
diated and condemned, by the repeated voice of the
American people. They w'ere willing to form any
connections, make any arraignment, ond use any
means, that might serve to constitute them once more
the administrators of the General Government.
They felt it as nccessary to their success to place John
Tyler upon their ticket, with a full knowledge of
his publicly avowed doctrines, and knowing_4hem
to be the very reverse oi those maintained by a ma-
tjority of the I'onvention.
Noe.vactions were to be made of either candidates
or voters; no political crecd was to be published;
“no new issues to be formed for the public eye.” As a
party, they were to have no faith; but, without re
gard to differences, moral, political, or religious, they
were to unite in the struggle for office, and for pow
er. Upon the subject of politics, there seemed to be
a tacit or e.vpressed agreement to disagree, without a
rupture.
Sir, that John Tyler permitted himself, used
by such men for carrying out their selfish and am-
bitious purposes, has subjected him to the alternative
of renouncing the cherished principles of his life, or
of being abandoned and insulted by those who claim
the credit of his promotion. It is not my intention,
however, to taunt, but rather to show that notwith
standing the vile denunciations of the President, by
the majority-party, not only that they knew hisopin-
tions upon the subject of a Bank, but that they prac
tised a fowl fraud upon the freemen of this country,
bv claiming any creed, or none at all, as was deem
ed most likely to conciliate the friendship of those
whith whom they chanced to associate. In commu
nities where the Bank was popular, the Whigs were
avowdly Bank men, while they denounced the Bank,
and were enabled to prove, beyond controversy, that
General Harrison himself was opposed to such an
institution, wherever they were called to address
anti-bank assemblies. Will the Whigs of Virginia
join the outcry of treason and trcachery against John
Tyler because be refused to sanction a Bank char
ter? ’if so, they should blush with shame, for at
tempting to impose and practice a fraud upon the
republicans of the “ Old Dominion.”
Virginia had been long cslabished m a well knowm
uncompromising opposition to a Bank, and the in
fluence of her opinions was felt far beyoud the con
fines of her own territory. There m 1840 the
Whio-s held a Convention, and proclaimed the fact
(which they felt important to establish in that State)
that General Harrison was oposed to a Bank, ^l^cre-
by desiring it understood and believed that so would
be his Administratfon.
The present Executive, John Tyler, whose opin
ions upon that subject were better known running
with Harrison on the same ticket, living in the
State in which the Convention was held—was
thought a sufficient confirmation of the truth of
this declaration. Was this publicatioB true or false ?
If the Whigs of that Convention believed it to be
true, ou^ht^they not to rejoice, that ^e action of
:h( Pje?!ieiit v^'rjfips as?^ticm ? Docs not the
charge of treachery, made by Virginia Whigs,
brand them with duplicity and fraud ? If tliey
knew this pubiication to be false, and intended by it
to win anti-Bank votes, for what they knew would
be a Bank^administration, then was the publication
a foul fraud upon the suffrages of an honest, confi
ding people. In almost every Southern States, the
same thing was published and reiterated, in forms
so solemn, and by men of such distinction, that to
doubt its truth was incurring an incredulous respon
sibility. Early in the canvass tor the Presidency,
the Delegation from Georgia divided in their pre
ference of candidates. The Bank and Tariff ques
tions I thought well understood, and that the party
of which we were members had given repeated evi
dence of their hostility to chartering a National
Bank.—Nor did a member of the delegation doubt
for a moment the position of the party upon that
point. Believingjas I did, that although the Whig
party refused to avow any financial measure, that a
large majority of them were in favor of a Bank—
I thought it my duty to notify the people of Georg
ia what were my convictions upon the subject. I
charged that General Harrison was the candidate
of the Bank part}% and if elected would sanction a
Bank. Those colleagues who differed with mo in
the choice of candidates well knowing what had
ever been the feelings of the party of which we
were members, did not doubt that if this charge was
belie\'ed, it would destroy General Harrison’s pros
pects in Georgia. They therefore published a cir
cular denying the chargc, and very triumphantly
furnished the proof that their candidate was oppos
ed to a Bunk. This famous circular exonerating
the Whigs from any such vile purpose, entitled
them to the distinguisheii *»ognomcn, Faithful
Six.” This denial v.^as kept up by ^nrJnir
the whole Presidential canvass—likewise by most
of their presses and public speakers. During the
last winter, an editor of a leading W’^hig Journal,
which is publisiied at the scat of Government, de
clared, in a monority report to the Legislature then
sitting, that the Bank question had always been
with them an open question. Yes sir, such w’as
the character of Whig politics during 1840? So
satisfactory was^ the proof upon this point, that the
electoral ticket in my State was composed of both
Bank and anti-Bank men. After all this, will the
Whigs still insist that their chief object was to or
ganize a Bank? This is a day of wonders; for,
strange to tell, and yet no less strange than true,
that “the faithful six” from Georgia, notwithstand
ing their circular, notv;ithstandiug the professions
of some of their leading presses, and notwithstand
ing the mixed character of their electoral ticket,
voted at the extra session to charter a Bank; and
still more strange, some of them openly declared
upon this floor, that they considered the questipn
settled in favor of a Bank, and that they felt in
structed by the election to support it. Was there a
secret understanding among the Whig politicians to
charter a Bank, if they were placed in power ?
Why were they so careful to deny the policy, until
they were trusted by the people, and then so quick
to claim it a triumph of Bank principles, when they
were put into power ? Truly, they are secret, obe
dient and “ faithful” adherents to party, but reck
lessly recreant to the principles of the Government,
and to the consulted wishes of the people. Can
the GJentleman from North Carolina point to any
other act of the President, that has given rise to his
oft repeated chargc of treachery and treason?
Does he deny the fact; that in and out of Congress,
during the late political struggle, that they frequent
ly pronounced the Bank dead: and that they
chargc, that the Wrings intended to revive it, was a
mere locofoco trick ? Does he not know, that they
often said they were willing to give the Sub-treasu
ry a fair trial, but that they wished honest men to
administer it? These facts he cannot deny, and
they are facts which condemn, in unequivocal terms,
his wanton and unjust abuse of the President. But
the gentlemen may have some secret oracle that he
consults, whose voice he esteems the vo'ce of the
Whig party. That there is to be no mind, no will
but his. That the Whig who dares to differ in
opinion is a traitor, and that any disobedience to his
will is treason. But so it is; some do dare to diff
er, and hence the gentleman is called to shed tears
of unavailing regret over the mournful and sad con
dition of the great Whig party. W hat a pity that
John Tvler will take the troublo to think for him
self. It would save him vast labor, and a great
deal of abuse, if the gentleman from North Caroli
na could be permitted to take the responsibility and
give the directions; but the President is such a
perverse, wilful fellow, that the honorable gentle
man is denied this opportunity of serving the coun
try, and cries out, in the anguish of disappointment,
‘‘that it seems to him that the curse of Heaven has
fallen on the Whig party/’ Happilyj however, he
found some relief from a half remembered, misap
plied quotation from the Bible, which very oppor
tunely flitted across his fevered brain, and he ex
claims—“but whom the Lord loveth he chasten-
eth.’‘ It would be well for the gentleman, well for
his party, and still better for the country, if the rod
of chastisement should bring them to a timely re
pentance. His verv quotation gives me encoinage-
ment. Since he looks to the Bible for cons^olation,
in this his hour of distress—acknowledges the chas
tisement of the Lord for their many and grievous
transgressions—1 am encouraged to hope for the
reformation of even these old offenders. But take
heed; that same book, which is so full of cornfor
to the penitent, gives this fearful threatening le
that being often reproved, hardeneth his neck, sna .
suddenly be destroyed, and that without remedy.
I do not think tiiat any one who heard, or shall
read the remarks of the gentleman, or those of his
friend from Indiana, (Mr. Lane,) will dare uoubt
their invincible courage.—They both valunteere
themselves for martyrdom in defence of the glorious
principles that brought the Whigs into power
They desire once more to unfurl their banners, ana
boldly march into the thickest of the battle ^Id •
and if they full, to fall there, and be borne off on
their shields—What rashness!--« unfurl their ban^^
nersl”~the banners unfurled by the Whigs »n 1°
to inscribe on them their glorious principles m g ow
ing capitals!! Ah, sir I we remember those ban
ners—they had neither “ stripes nor stars,
remember, loo, the glowing inscriptions, which the
•rcntleman call glorious principles, that they bore,
T"iil7 :• will roqtiirc a man nf prn'iim pl'icU. t.o
unfurl those banners, and march under them in the
year A. D. 1842.
Those incriptions of which they speak, callcd by
the high sounding name of glorious principles, ’
were written m capitals so glaring, ‘‘that he who
ran might read.” They were short, if not sweet;
“ Harrison and Hard Cider ”—all told. How
intelligent, how forcible, and irresistible the thrill
ing principles written and displayed on these ban
ners. to the mind of rational, thinking man. Tip
and Tye,'' “ they raised the cry.” 1 am disposed
to bestow on this Tippecanoe logic which succceed-
ed so well, Rochester’s compliment to reason and
cry out—
llail banner ! thou ignis fatuus of the mind,
Wliicli k-avcs the light of nature—sunsc, bchinJ,
1 would beg these vaunting champions not to un
furl again these invincible banners, nor spread
again such bewitching principles to the world.
Bui if, after my earnest dissuasions they will rush
again into the held of danger and of glory; as they
anticipate, they should fall, they shall be' borne oil'
shrouded in their honors, upon a well tanned coon
skin shield.
I would now ask the gentleman from North
Carolina in all seriousness, what were the princi
ples of the Whig party in 1840 ? When were they
published 1 In what Gazette? W'^here can a re
cord of them be found ? You call them glorious
principles:” will you tell us now what they are?
1 know that you promised ‘‘relief and reform;'' but
these arc not principles : they can be no more at any
time than the results of good principles. Still*!
lief to the people; they speak with trr.th, and vt r\
eloquently of public distress: this they would re
move, they saj’, accordir.g lo their promises, but
alas! alas! the President hangs like a mill-stone
round their necks, and they are prevented from per
forming their “ labor of lore.” What measures
have they proposed that have been defeated ? Was
it the Bankrupt law, which has given birth to an
army of silk-stocking paupers, increasing the dis
tress of the poverty-stricken mechanic? If so. they
should not complain, for the President gave it his
sanction. Was it the Loan bill of the extra session,
by which the way was opened to constitute a fund
ed debt for the Government ? If, so, they should
not murmur, for tho President gave his approval.
Was it the bill giving away Ifae proceeds of the public
land, by which public credit has been impaired, and
public faith violatc'd ? If so, they should not grumble,
for it had the President’s recommendation. What
mighty plan of relief has been thwarted? Surely
they do not dare to assert that a Bank was all they
meant, when they were holding out to the people
dreamy prospects of wealth, happiness and ease!
If so, thousands of others besides “ the faithful six ”
from Georgia, believed, without having evidence of
things unseen^ or more than the shadow of things
hoped for.”
This Bank question, lo say all for it that they
claimed, was but “ an open question,” and never
oncc entered into tlie calculation, held out to the
public as a measure of relief Yet this is the onlv
Whig measure that has not been sanctioned by the
President; while with unblushing impudence they
press the enquiry, what were ihe p^rincipics by Ithrow the just odium of an outraged
1^5 ^ j and insulted people upon John Tyler, and whh hy
pocritical cant excuse
had a mill-stone
themselve.''-. bv saying they
which you proposed to produce, these happy results
You were lavish in your promises if successful, but
lui'uaod to toll how, or in what manner these pro- 1 i^^d a mill-stone round tht i*" nccks.” No, sir ;
mises were to bo fuliilied. You promised ‘‘relief j poUtical gamblers shuffled and stocked the
and reform;” but no entreaty could induce you to jwere not carefui to hold with certainty
tell the measures by w’hicli the good has to be ac- ^^7 thing except the knave, and in playing their
complished. You had the audacity to assert, in the I 1^^”^ ‘"^re trying to reneag, rather than have him
face of a nation of freemen, that the peopio must i caught.^ I had thought that the doctrincs, spread
‘ out in the Whig manifesto, were condemned and
abandoned; but the gentleman from North Carolina
and the gentleman from Indiana made them their
boast, and called loudly ubon any Whig u-ho dis
sented from any thing that instrument contained, to
rise up and show his head, that proper wrath might
be visited upon his pate. They paused fora reply.
As none dared deny, I am to conclude that thcv
subscribe to its truth. The madness of party zeal
was never more manifest than in this attempt to
break down the state-guards of public liberty.
They cease to quarrel about tho conduct or measu
res of men, and rather than fail to charter a Bank,
make war upon the Constitution itself. The Con
stitution, formed by the statesmen of ’70, the boasted
palladium o( American liberty—that used to be held
up for tlifc envy of the world—the proud pattern for
politicians—the theme of the eloquent—the r.^edita-
tion of the philosopher, and the consolation of every
lover of equal riglits; this Constitution is now to be
trampled upon and destroyed. The insidious effort
to blot from that instument one of the indepenuent
departments of the Government under the pretence
of destroying the “ one man power,” and affrcting
to place that voice in opposition to the voice of the na
tion, is an insult offered to its understanding. \Vhat
gave rise to this odious proposition ? The President’s
veto of the bill for chartering a Bank. But for this
no wish would ever been indulgfd. How came
this bill to pass Congress? V>’’iH gentlemen re
member that a change of one vote in the Senate
Vv’ould have defeated its passage! Will they re
member, that two of those Senators gave their wish
es of a majority of the people of the States they re
presented ? Do they not know, that even before the
vote was taken upon the passage of the bill, that a
Senator from South Carolina, whose vote alone
could have sealed its destiny, was well apprised that
a very large majority of his constituents were hos
tile to its charter? Do they not know that a Sena
tor from Georgia since the passage of the bill, has
received en unequivocal declaration from his State
Legislature, that they disapproved the measure?
Here then vreretwo Senators diiTering in opinion
with the people of their respective States upon this
subject, cither of whom could have defeated its pas
sage. And yet the manifesto of the Federal Whigs
attempt to ridicule ‘‘one man power,” while tho
‘•one man knowingly misrepresented the people of
his State.” Shame upon such a device, to cry out
“ the voice of one man against the ivertion,” while
by the voice of one man,” they sought to fasten
a Bank upon the country against its oft-repeated de
nunciations. Does the gentleman from North Ca
rolina imagine that the people are so ignorant that
that they cannot see through this flimsy pretext for
destroying Constitution? For the sake cf brother-
I would gladl3’- give him better information.
risk you with something akin to “generous confi
dence.” You relied upon the times—upon the in
debtedness of the country—upon the distress of the
people—promised relief; and then left every man to
form his own plan, in conformity with his own pe
culiar notions of propriety and prospect of success.
In reviewing the means employed to bring you in
to power, a thinking man W'ould conclude that
W’^hig doctrines were based upon the belief, “ that
political virtue is the mere coquetrj* of political pro
stitution—that every patriot has his price—that Go
vernment can be carried on only by means of cor
ruption—and that the country is given up as a prey
to statesmen.” The present calamities of the domi
nant party, over which tho gentleman froiti North
Carolina makes his moan, have arisen fiom the
promises they made, atid from the fact that they
held no principle in common, agreeing in but one
thing, their hatred to Van Buren. On him they
united and directed the force of their batteries.—
With gross ignorance or gross dishonesty, they
charged the President as the cause of all the distress
of the country. To turn the Democrats out of of
fice, and put the W'higs in, was to bo the certain
cure of all tho evils suffered by tiie nation. The
battle was fought,the Whigs triumphed; and, amid
the shouts of victory, the hollow truce formed by
men whose political tenets were at war, w'as sud
denly dissolved. Does not the gentleman recognize
the picture? Can he not perceive the true cause of
the shame, discord, and rum that he laments ? No
line of policy could satisfy nil portions of such a
party. There were not ofiices enough to find pla
ces for a tenth part of the presidents and orators of
Tippecanoe cluds, travelling agents, “Buck-eye
blacksmiths,” and “Rosin-the-bow ” songsters, who
thought they had high claims to consideration and
favor. Amid the cries of oflice seekers, claim.ing
their rewards, the people who had taken your pro
mises as ) 0U asked them to do, something akin to
“generous confidence” were looking out for pro
mised relief You made the public mind drunk
with calamny, with songs, and with declamation—
you raised expectations that no party on earth could
satisfy—you taught the people, upon your success,
to look for a political millennium. Inflamed with
hatred and cupidity, despairing of success by the
honest and ordinary mode of politijal warfare, re
gardless of consequences, you put a whirlwind in
motion and must be ruined by its fury.
Here, sir, are some of the causes of your discom
fiture and dismay. Among yourselves you have
no just cause of quarrel: the country already under
stands the fraud that has been practised, and tears
will not save you from a just retribution. Ihou-
sands of honest, plain dealing men, were wrought
up to a feverish illusion, and like Ichabod Crain’s
horse, Gun powder, dreamed of towering corn crib
3umpkins, and sweet-scented hay, but doomed t
wake up in a dirty stall, with a dry trough and an
empty rack. Shall I pursue the gentleman farther;
and, through him, afford instruction to his party ?
He charges the President with thwarting all their
projects to relieve the people, with delaying public
business, and of hanging like a mill-stone around
their nccks.
ly love.
*, dreamed of towering corn cribs, ‘ he claims once to have been a State-Rights*
:eet-scented hay, but doomed to ^nan,) although his conduct proves him to be a mi
serable backslider. As the gentleman advanced in
his speech his wrath kindled, until he so burned
with rage, for fear a war might make capital for
John Tyler, he v,*ould not be driven into a war at
all. True, he was very indignant the other day
with his brother Giddings, for prematurely
tating the (Jreole case, and for taking sides w:tii
For this he voted for his ccr.surc
’Tis said by Jauius, that “ we owe it to the boun- j (xreat Lritain.
ty of Providence that the complftest depravity of j but now before there has been any nogotuult i;
the heart is strangely united with a confusion of the | while the question is now pending, he bring'? a^-niu
mind, that counteracts its rnost favorite principles,; the Creole case into discus.sion; and though fr^m .v
and rnakes the same man treacherous without art, •! slave State, takcii CJiddiQgs’ side ot tho sruvic quc^
and a hypocrite without deceiving.” In these se- lion and boasts that lie ditiers with Mr. Webster,
veral charges made against John Tyler, this strange • fMr. Kayner asked permission to state
confusion of mind is apparent, and in the same by- j was iTusimderstood by the gentleman; he cen-
pocritical designs, without tho ability to deceive.
The President can pass no law, and yet he is
charged with delaying the business of legislation. ^
The majority of this House, the Whig party, alone ;
are responsible for all the delay and contusions of it^ j
sured Mr. Giddings because he justified mutiny ai.vl
murder; and that lor fear of being misrepiesenteci
he had hist night himself corrected the notes cl i.ao
rcporler.'']
I was opprised that the gentleman had m
public business. They have a majority on every j some modilications in the report, since thjy are not
committee in both branches of Congress—the Dem-1 published so oflbnsively as they were delivered iu
ocrats can neither originate nor bring forward any j the Ilou.‘«e nor do I regret it. But as he is now re
measure. If, by mere courtesy, a member is per
mitted to introduce even a private bill, it never
reaches the order of deliberation. The whole busi
ness of this House is reported through its commit
tees, or introduced alone by the conseHt of the ma
jority. And before they are permitted to shuffle off
the responsibility of bad legislation, they must show
the bills they have passed, that have been vetoed by
the President, or destroyed by the Democrats.
Th/> Whig^ are very anxio’TS they say, to tifford re
ported, I seek in vain to his justification, Tho
whole force of his remarks were directed against
John Tyler, the Creole case, and his British argu
ments in its favor, were only additional evidi.
of his determination not to be forc'^rt ii.t-
with any power, w! ih 1 h" T: ’ -i .-.
dent. The gcntlcinan boasts of his confiding con
stituents; and when he meets them, he may tell
them from me, if they approve hi.? doctrines and
sctnct^ipn h^ ‘hrtt 1 ■'