Newspapers / Mecklenburg Jeffersonian (Charlotte, N.C.) / July 19, 1842, edition 1 / Page 1
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y blishsd, a nxEs. pular work book moBt classes of e important vors to ac- etallurgist, t respective y, the mae- ' ihem irom monly gov- utiiic. Dry sal tors, character- wliich pasa est develop- open an ex- Ihese kin- bc desirous 'c branch of g \ilausible Law ^0 be- ot‘ those pa- 'se to liiiga- a lear ex- lay dissuado ict industry, iry oi' many ador, Intent, s ol‘ many of in ellecting r to which e their pa- r the nations nt object of and usually f each ai’ti- econd r^on- It will bo e, and will ed in twen- 0 at twen- dollars, at le numbers )c Irom the opportuni- rmss e.Hra- uring tow’U, ited States etl with the e Hoy Suu- ertiscment r, one copy contiiitiing Vatchman, 'II. pose pub- Wehki.y IK, kSOl- aiicui.- 4 INTEL- impart in ss, profes- and reli- al ground ; h, to ena- religious- tated, ha3 ul it is to )scd to be prondi^es ted failure VC to say, thf^y have they have them 'Mid with the he South, RA will he tiul nii^rit V w’orks o> works of’ ,ns of EC- the Norlli will from in li- loroughly griciiltu- the papi r ill Ibrni a Ic to the ence, the a btand al of the ake it his our t.o\m- ucquaint- ea-board ill be cs- adelphia, New-Or- only tbc aud do- rrent of moment ol judi- 'cls, and al ciiiir tides of t ch; - of muse a ime the cter and i^hborR, nity be- eet the stablisli popular 0 cxer ly most remises nagc of r bib ter 1 sheet, be cm- d men, e pri‘ H very ol LU JOSEPH AV. HAMPTON, ■“The powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the People of the Unhod States, miy be Msuraed by them, wheneyer perverted to their i injary or opprcsaicm.”—Aladison.. ^Editor and VOLUME 2,1 CHARLOTTE, IV. C., JULY 19, 1842. TERMS I NUMBER 71. Tiic “ Meeldcnburff Jeffersonian'' is pxiblislied weekly, at ITVo DoUars and Fifty Cents, if paid in ad\’anco; or Three Dollars, if not paid before the expiration of three mokths from the time of subscribing. Any person who will procure fi-x subscribers and become responsible for their subscriptions, shall have a copy of the paper gratis ;—or, a club of ten sub scribers may have the paper one year for Tirenty Dollars :n lulvance. IVo paper will be ilisrontiuued while fh'' subscriber owes any f u lie IS able to pay;—and a feilure to notify the Kditor of a wish to discontinue at least one month before the expira- t .on of the time paid for, will be consider-.-d a new engagement. Subscribers will not bt* allowed tn liscontinni’ the P'lju r bt fore ih»‘ expiration of tin- tirst year without paying for H full year's subscription. Adi'crtisements will be conspicuously and correctly insert- eil at One Dollar per square for the first insertion, ami Ticen- ^ ;-Jlvc Cents for each continuanffi—except Court and other judicial advt.Ttisements, which will be charged twcnfy-f.ve per r- nt. higher than the above rates, (owing to the delay, gene rally, attendant upon collections). A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by tiie year. Advertisements sent ..1 for publication, must be marked with the nimiber of inser- ! desired, or they will be published until forbid and charg t'i accordingly. Letters to the Editor, '.;nlcs.=3 containing money m sums of Fire DoUars, or over, must come free of postage, or the ;!niount paid at the office here will bo charged to the writer, n ; vcry instanc*', and collected as other accounts. From tho N. Y. Journal of Commerce. Assumption of the State Debts by the General Government.—Following the lead of Wm. Cost Johnson, of Maryland, in the U. S House of Representatives, the Courier & Enquirer comes out point blank in favor of an assumption of the State debts by the general government. To us (says that paper) the matter is as clear ns any mathematical proposition ever \va?, that as- suinption of the State liabilities by the Government, is the only remedy for the people. The country owes aboiit two hundred milHons of dollars, and surveying managing, &c.; and whether they will be more profitable hereafter, will depend upon cir cumstances w'hich cannot at present be foretold with certainty. Next, the system assumes that the pub lic lands, instead of being disposed of for the benefit of the people in their national capacity, to help de fray the expenses of government, (thus reducing taxation in the shape oT duties on imports,) and as a resource in case of war, are to be distributed among the States. Has the nation sanctioned this doctrine? Is it likely to do so? We think not. The /act is. that this vast scheme of public robbe- whether this sum is owed by the States individu- distinctly avowed, is a part and parcel of Weekly Almanac for July, 1842. DA vs. \ fufsday, VVfiJncsday, Thiir.sdjiVj ■'.! Friday, ' sSaturday, J Sunday, jri Monday. tSuN I RI.^F. I 5li Sun SET. IMOON'S l^HASES- 4 .57 I - H 1 D. H. 4 57 I 7 ( Last Clunrtcr, 1 1 3'^ 't o8 i 7 ‘-5 1 Aew Moon 8 4 ‘54 M. ‘i 5il I 7 11 First (iuarter, 15 11 31 M. 5 0 7 0 I Full M-jon, ’J2 4 2 31. 5 0 7 0 1 Carolina Inn, CHARLOTTE, NORTII-CAROLI V A. THE ab-'ve Establishment, situa fed on main-street, north ol tho C ovi House, in the Town of Charlotte, N C., is still kepi open by the undersigned for the ac commodation of the public. The proprietor feels cqn- iident of his ability to give entire satisfaction to all who may patronise his House. The travelling pub lic will find at the Carolina Inn every comfort, con venience and attention necessary to refresh and re- mvigorate both man and horse. Particular pains •\v‘'!l br> bcstowcil on tho T:il*!o, T5rir, and Deds— ♦ hat every thing shall be in the most sumptuous and neat order;—and the Stables will alwa,ys be sup plied with abundance anil attended by laithful, ex perienced Hostlers. In short, tlie subscriber i» de- tprmined to keep up the accommodations at his J louse in a style unsurpassed by any simdar estab- !ishment in the interior country. All he asks froLO the pul)lic is, to give him a ctill. Drovers can at all times be supplied with conve- !iient and w'ell enclosed LOTS, on moderate terms, rind furnished with grain at a low' price. JENNINGS B. KERR. Charlotte, Jane 2, 131.':?. 65...f ally or by their general agent, moonshine.” is a mere matter of another vast scheme of public robbery, the object of w'hich is to compel one class of men to pay tribute j to another class, in order to malf? their business pro- Then, we say. let it be owed bv the States indi i , rr • ■ i ■ - it bo on-ed by those who have con-! If 1^!'*: who mav be supposed to have re- mous nat.onal debt, and tnen cut ofT all revenue ex- vidually. Let trocted it; and ceived the benefit of it. A pretty business it would be indeed, if States might rush headlong into debt, for all manner of chimerical enterptises, and then call upon the nation to foot the bills! Such was not the purpose for which this Union was formed. But the Courier asks.— What can be more just tlian that the General | Government, '.vhich is the mere crcature of the • States^ should be employed by them w'henever it is their interest to use it 1 What are the States but the People of tho States, and whut is the United cept from duties on imports, the ultra Tarifl’men will have gained the climax of their wishes; for all the revenue w’hich can be raised by duties on im ports, how'ever high the rates, u’ill be insutficient to meet the wants of the Government. pension of the law for distributing the proceeds of the sales of the public lands as an indispensable condition. This measure is, in my judgement, called for by a large number, if not a great majori- tj’’, of the people of the United States; by the slate of the public credit and finance; by the critical posture of our various foreign relations; and above all, by that most sacred of all duties, public faith. The act of Septerpber last, which provides for the distribution, coupled it inseparably w’ith the condi tion, that it shall cease—first, in case of war*, se cond, as soon and so long as the rate of duties shall, for arty reason whatever, be raised above 20 per cent. Nothing can bo more clear, expr ss, or im- perativo than (his language, it is in vain to al- j commenced bv lege that a deficit ,n the treasury was known to ex-, .emarking that there was a great coincidence Jf ist. and that means were taken to supply this deficit | = ihi„._and that Congressional. Tim TARIFF BILL. House of Rcprcsoitatives^ Jul/f 5, 1842. On motion of Mr. Fillmore, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, (.Mr. McKennav. in the chair,) a»id resumed the consideration of the general tariff bill. The proposition before the committee was INlr. Salt- onstall's motion to substitute the bill reported from the Comniitice on Manufactures for that reported ifrom the Connmiitco of Ways and Mean?!. Mr. Kcnnuiy of Maryland addressed the com* } mitteo in favor of by loan when the ac w.ns passed. It .s true that a , j^at somtthing must be done, or tho Govern- loan was authorized at the same session during ^ ’ ^ith regard to which the distribution law was passed ; but the , this .leficiency in tho treasury by direct taxes or excises, he held that Message of tlie Fresicleiit. VETO OF THE TARIFF BILT,. To the House of Representatives: I return the bill which originated in the House ot ilepresentatives, entitled “ An act to extend, for a I limited period, the present laws for laying and col- ! lectiuir iiuies on imports,” W'ith tho following ob it susr*cnds—in other vi’ords, abrogates for the States but tho sovereign States, or the people of whom they are composed ? Well, these States, and consequently the People^ are embarrassed. They find that separately, they have no credit, and that j ruin and dishorvor threaten them : at the same titTne } sus’^cnds i however,thcv are advised, that by resorting to Iheir the provision of tho act of 18:i3, commonly joint credit hnd using tho name of their mere crea-1 .. compromise act ” The only ground ture—their servant—thev can cxtr.cate themselves j ,,,15 departure from the solemn adjiislmen: from all then dimcuitics; ^ . i of a great and agitating question seems to have been “ iSow let us ii.vcn ^hem un.o ^ -C- 02 paitnei? m | j-c^rarded as expedient, is the alleged necessity of es- a mercantile house. W hat would men of sense do ! legislative enactnkMit, rules and regu- m such a cynlingency ? tiy, they would resoit . f-Qj. assessing the duties to be levied on ini- to their joint credit and all \yould be wdl. j June, according to the home 1 he People compose the States the States are the valuation ; and yet the Bill expressly provides that People—and the General Government w'_a_s mstitu- j 1st of August, there be no further and this that the , J - , -11 in honest man hesitate to resort to the comb;nrd power j continue to be, and to be executed, under of the People and the States for the general wcllare of the w’hole country?” This, we take it, is the mathematical demonstra tion ft'i. E. D.j by whicli it was made so clear to the Courier’s mind that the State debts outghtto be asstnned by the nation. It is true that the General Government is a creature of tho States, or the peo ple acting through the State governmenfs, (we leave that question to be settled by Mr. Webster and CJen \ such rules and regulations as previous statutes had I prescribed, or had enabled the Executive Depart- 1 ment to provide for that purpose, leaving the sup- I posed chasm in its revenue laws such as it was be- I fore. I I am certainly far from being disposed to deny 1 that additional legislation on the subject is very de sirable; on the contrary, the necessity, as u’ell as of establishing uniformity m the most sanguine of the friends of tho two measures 1 entertained no doubt but that the loan would be ea gerly sought after and taken up by capitalists, and speedily reimbursed by a country destined, as they hoped, soon to enjoy an overflouMng prosperity. The ver}'’ terms of the loan, making it redeemable t7i three years, demonstrate this beyond ail cavil. Who, at the time, foresaw or imagined the possibili ty of the present real state of things, when a nation that has paid oiT her whole debt since the last peace, w’hile all the other great powers have been increas ing their.?, and whose resourcns, already so great, are yet but in the infancy of their dev’elopment, should be compelled to higgle in the money-market for a paltry sum not equal to one year's revenue such an expedient would never bo tolerated. Ho referred to the repugnance always manifested by _ our Saxon ancestors to the resisting of the taxgath- I erer, and quoted the passage from Chatham descri- ! bing the immunity of every man’s home as his cas- I tie. i Mr. Appleton went for the old syatem—for spe- j cific duties, discriminating for the protection of our own products. He then gave his version of the history of tho compromise a:t, and said it w^as a compromise to wdiich the Jackson party and the State of South Carolina were the parties. The i manufacturers were parties also to that compromise. But it w^as but as victims, lie denounced the*'com promise act £s an arrant imposture, and contend ed that it was not obligatory on manufacturing in terests. Mr. Saunderft of North Carolina observed that upon her econonaical system ? If the distribution law is to be indefinitely suspended, according not only to its own terms, but by universal conscnr, in the case of war, wherein are the actual exigencies j of the country, or the moral obligation to provide : ^ ■ t. . j . u r r .1 1 1 4 ■ , .1 1 his e.\penencc ever since he had been a member of for them, less under present circumstances, than ).,• • .1.1 ■ r • ’ * - . ’ n 1 this House taught iiim that, w'hcnever on mdjvidufti catne here asking* for cxclasire privilege?, he never failed to find able and zealous advocates; bccause he comes here with disinterested patriotism, asking . , „ . , , . difTiculties, ot establislimg uniiormity in tne ap- Hayne.) but it is a creature of definite shape and , pi-.n3en^(^tiis to be made in conformity with the true proportions. It is not fish, flesh and fowl, one or j jntention ot that act, was brought to the notice of the Vv'hole, according to the alternatioris of the appe- j (jgnorebs in my message at the opening of its pre- tites of individual States, but it is precisely w'aat the j however sensible i may be of Constitution has made^ it ^Vhen the individual | embarrassments to which the Executive, in the States come into the Union, tney did not consent • of all aid from the superior wisdom of the TRATEL.L.ERS, TAK j: TIF* TI310THY SirCilES HAVING obtained the MANSION HOUSE for pub iic accommodation, informs his friends and the pub- ;i'' gcMierally, that he is now prepared to receive and i iitertain all who may favor him with their patron- li '^Hi^J TABLE shall always be well and plentifully supplied with every tiling the country atfords, to please and salisfv the pahite even of an epicure. Hit^ BAR will be found furnished with a choico i v^clection of Liquors, Wines and Cordials, both ibr- i-ifrn and domestic. His STABLES shall be constantly aitondcd by faithful and attentive hostlers and supplied with abundant provender. N. B. The Stage Ofiice is kept a House. Charlotte, N. C., May ^3, ISi^. 64....'^ra that each one might be fleeced b)- the rest, or that each should bear the pecuniary burdens of the re?t, j except in regard to matters of common interest, like the achievement of our Independence, the expenses I of which, it w’as manifestly proper should be shared I in common by the whole nation. I ‘‘ They find that separately they have no credit,” t i. c. some of them do, and these propose to use the credit of others, which is good, not having been abused, and thus to make out a general average. If this doclrmc should prevail, we would recom mend that it be applied also to the case of individu als. Take, for instance, the city of New York. There are many people here who “find that sepa rately they have no credit” and they would be haji- py to resort to the “joint credit” of the citi:{cns as embodied in the honorable Corporation. This Cor poration is “ the mere creature of the” citizens, and why should il not ‘‘"be employed bi' them w'henev- er it is their interest to use it ?” But, say the timid, the seltish, and tlic devotees of party, ‘it will be unjust to the solvent States.’ In the first place, the prosperity and the Legislature, w’ill be liable, in the enfoicement of the existing iaws, I have not, with the sincerest wish to acquiesce in its expressed will, been able to persuade myself, that the exigency of the occasion is so great as to justify me in signing the bill in question, with my present views of its character, and effects. The existing lavi-s, as I am advised, are sufficient to authorize and enable the collecting ofiicers, under the directions of the Secretary of the Treasury, to levy the duties imposed by the act of 183 they could be were we actual!}' engaged in war ? It appears to mo to be the indispensable duty of ail concerned in tho administration of public affiirs to sec that a state of things so humiliating and so pe rilous should not last a moment longer than is abso lutely unavoidable. Much less excusable should we bo in parting w’ith any portion of our available means, at least, until the demands of the treasury are fully supplied. But, besides the urgency of such considerations, the fact is tmdeniabJe, that tho distribution act could not have become a law with out the guaranty in the proviso of the act itself. This connexion, thus meant to be inseparable, is severed by the bill presented to me. The bill vio lates the principle of the acts of 1833, and Septem ber, 1811, by suspending the first, and rendering, for a time, the last inoperative. Duties above 20 per cent, are proposed to be levied, and yet the pro viso in tl:e distribution act is disregarded. The proceeds of the sales are to be distributed on the 1st of August; so that, wdiile the duties proposed to be enacted exceed 20 per cent., no suspension of the distribution to the States is permitted to take place. To abandon the principle for a month, is to open the way for its total abandonment. If such is not meant, why postpone at all? Why not let the dis tribution take place on the 1st of J uly, if the law so directs? (which, how’ever, is regarded as ques everything for his country, and nothing for himself. If be comcs here as a bonk monopolist, asking for exclusive privileges, still he tells you that his object is to improve the currency. If becomes as a man ufacturer, he tells 3’ou that his object is to protect I the industry of tho country, ann to render us inde pendent of foreign nations. If he comes here as a merchant, he says tliat his object is to benefit com merce. It was the farmer alone who asked no bounties, and whose Industry was the source from W'hich the monopolists derived their greatest ^iirofits. So highly favored were these exclusive classes, that some of the most important cominiltees of the House ’.vere constituted for their benefit. Tiius they liad the Committee of Ways and Means, whoso duty it was to take charge of matters relating to tlio ctirrencj'; the Committee on Commerce and the Committee on INIanufactures appointed, constituted to take care of the interests of commerce and man ufactures. Each of these committees was ablv fill ed W’ith gentlemen zealous in behalf of the interests committed to their charge. But he migiit be ask ed hero, as he had been elsewhere, w’as he not dis posed to elevate the financial condition of the coun try ? It was, therefore, his intention to treat this tionable.) l^ut udiy not have limited the provision ! 'i • . • A • i » r • jy . ,u . n- I - r .1 J r .1 [Subject in a nnanciai point of view. lie w'as dis- to that effect? Is it for the accommodation of the 1 •* , . , • i « .• o T .11 .1 . . nosed to elevate the financial condition ot the coun- treasury ? I see no reason to believe that the trea- ‘ • l .1 u . t * tt -,i I - , . I .1 . 1 try. and to replenish the exhausted treasury. He sury will bo in better condition to make the payment J •’'it , , • ■ 1 • • , on •the 1st of August than on 1st of .luly. ‘ “ The bill assumes that a distribution of tho pro-lfJ'f'™®' ‘h® gcnileinan w,io had just - - - ^ I taken his seat advocated; he was not prepared la 33. j ceeds of the public lands is, by existing laws, to be ! acuoca e . *e was not preparcQ to This act was passed under peculiar circumstan- L^ade on the first of July, 1842, notwithstanding *.producinor classes, ces, to which it Is not accessary that I should do more than barely allude. What may be, in theory, its character, I have ahvays regarded it as impart ing the highest moral obligation. It has now exist ed for nine years, unchanged in any essential parti cular, with as general acquiescence, it is believed : of the w'hole country, as that country has ever man- 1 ifested for any of h.er wisely established institutions. I It has insured to it the repose which always flows j from timely, wise, tmd moderate counsels—a repose I the more striking, because of the long and an;jry TAIiUABLiE liAND IT PRIVATE SALE. The Subscriber wi.shing to sell a partjof hi.s^ lands, noAV ofters for sale a. valuable Tract ot Land, with ‘jood improvements, CONTAINTNO 125 ACRES. of which there is laO acres in cultivation, of which there is 50 acres in Cotton, and the balance timbei^ od land. Also, is on the lands a new (ilvlbl MILL and COTTON-GIN propelled by w-ater power. The above land is sitnated in Mecklenburg Coumy, on Mallard Creek 7 milf’s Northeast ot Charlotte, and inferior to none m this section ot the country, for the production of Cotton, grain. AT'C- As to the location of the above described lands, as respects the abundance of good water, health, and fertility of soil combined, it cannot be exceeded in the .'’ountry. As I am determined to sell, I would res pectfully invite those who wish to make a purchase nf such as is above described, to call and view’ |the land and iadge for themselves. Terms ot payment made easy. M. S. ALEXANDER. ^ G4....tf Not so. happiness of the great w'hole are so interwoven—which” preceded it. This salutary law w’o are so emphatically one people—even if the ^ proclaims, in express terms, the principle which, solvent States were called upon to pay their portion , jgj {g the abandonment of a scheme of in- tho rjansion | of the debts of their insolvent or embarrassed ones, j taxation founded on a false basis, and pushed th-e people of the solvent States would be bcnefitted | dangerous excess, justifies any enlargement of by the proceeding. But such is not the case. No i called for by the real exigencies such necesssity exists. All that is necessary for Uie j public service. It provides ‘‘ that duties shall General Government, is to pass a law authorizing j purpose of raising such revenue as may be necessary to an eccnomicul administration JOB FATING. WE are prepared at this Office with a handsome supply of^Fancy Type, to execute all kinds oi Oders \S’il! be thanlcfully received. ^ ^ i'eflersrmlaxi Office^ Murdj n a very superior style, and a short notice. ... - the Secretary of the Treasury to issue stock of the United States bearing an interest of fcKir per cent, and payable in 1870, in exchange for any State stock W'hich may bo deposited w'ith him: and at the | same time direct, that each State’s portion of the proceeds of the sales of public land should be forev er pledged to redeem the stoock thus issued for the benefit of a State. What would be the consequence of such a law? Why about one hundred millions of State stocks at the utmost, would be immediately exchanged for Government .stock bearing an inter est of four per cent, or four millions of dollars per annum ; and all other State stocks w’ould rapidly go up above par. Then would prosperity and happi ness once more be diffused throughout the land; then would the mechanic and laborer once again have cause to rejoice that his industry no longer went tmrew’arded ; then w’ould Agriculture, Com- rce and Manufactures, oncc more flourish and give new energies to a whole people ; and then would the Patriot's heart be gladdened by the firm belief that the great experiment of the ability of man to govern himself, was about to be clearly and tri- umphanth’’ demonstrated.’ Bravo! Who w'ould have thought that stjch frlorious consequences would result from making one State pay another’s debts? The Bankrupt Law only compels a man to lose his debt [and pay postage on the notices of his debtors.] But this new device compels him, after foregoing supposed oppor tunities of gain in order to keep out of debt, to as sume and share jointly the debts of his bankrupt neighbors. Connecticut, New Hampshire, New Jersey, North Carolina, &c., become at once as much involved, under this system,as Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, &c. The hiimbug of the Public lands as a guarantee to the solvent States, will de ceive nobody. For in the first place the mcome from the public lands thus far, has but Iitt e exceed ed tho exjenstis cf foctingnfi^hmg the Wm of the Government.” It is therefore in the power of Congress to lay duties as high its discretion may dictate,lor the necessary uses of the (4overnment, there has been an imposition of duties on imports exceeding 20 per cent, up to that day, and direct; it to bo made on the 1st of Auirust next. It seems for the sake of giving protection to the manuracfti- ring interest. What did that bill propose? To raise thirty millions on imports, so as to give a nett 1 .u . .! • r ■ • n i revenue of tw’cnty seven and a half mil ions. He to me very clear that this conclusion is equally er-1 , , ,. , . r it- j 11 J- . r .u ; asked tne chairman of the Committee of U ays and roneous and dangerous; as it would divertirom the; -t •{ .u- ^ r t- r i • . ,1 ji I -J I i- .u 1 1 Means if this was the sort of relief his party pro treasury a fund sacredly pledged for the general j . .t . i r .i . • . > .L J . I posed to the country before they got into power. It was said by the friends of a national bank that the country had decided in favor of it at the last Presidential election ; but he would ask if it had ev er been pretended that a pro’cctive tariff was made of duty above 20 per cent, being found necessary for an economical administration of the Govern ment. ! The bill under consideration is designed only as a temporary measure, passed merely for the conve nience of Congress, is made to affect the vital prin ciple of an important act. If the proviso of the act of September, 18-41, can be suspended for the wdiolc period of a temporary law’, why not for the whole pe riod of permanent law ? In fact, a doubt may be W’ell entertained, according to strict legal rules, whether the condition, having been thus expressly suspended by this bill, and rendered inapplicable to a case where it would otherwise have clearly ap plied, will not be considered as ever after satisfied and gone. Without expressing any decided opinion u’ithotit infringing iipo'n the objects of the act of j on this point, I see enough in it to justify me in ad- 1833. I do irot "doubt that the exigencies of the hering to the law” as it stands, in preference to sub Government do require an increase of the tariff of duties above 20 per cent.; and I as little doubt that Congress may, above as well as below that rate, so discriminate as to give incidental protection to man ufacturing industry—thus to make the burdens which it is compeiled to imposo upon the people, for the purposes of Government, productive ol a double beaefit. This, most of the reasonable oppo nents of protective duties seem willing to concede: and, if wo may judge fi’om the manifestations of pub lic opinion, in all quarters, this is all that the man- ufacturiag interests really require. I am happy in the persuasion that this double object can be most easily and effectually accomplished, at the present juncture, w'ithout any departure from the spirit and principle of the statute in question. The munufac- turing classes have now an opportunity, which may never occur again, of permanently identifying their interests w'iih those of the whole country; and making them, in the highest sense of the term, a national concern. The moment is propitious to the interests of the whole country, in the introduction of harmony among all its parts and all its several interests. The same rate of imposts, and no more, as w’ill most surely re-establish the public credit, will secure to the manufacturer all the protection he ought to desire, with every prospect of permanence and stability which the hearty acquiescence ot tho whole country, on a reasonable system, can hold out to him. But of this universal acquiescence, and the har mony and confidence, and the many other benefits that v7ill cDtiainl/ result from I re^rd the stis- jecting a condition so vitally affecting the peace of the country, and solemnly enacted at a momentous crisis, and so steadfastly adhered to ever since, and so replete, if adhered to. with good to every inter est of the country, to doubtful or captious interpre tation. In discharging the high duties thus imposed on • one of tho issues? He w’otild ask Southern gentle men, at least, if any such issue was made before their constituents ? Such was not the issue, at least, in the State he came from. ?>Ir. S. then read some extracts from a speech made during the Pre sidential contest, by tho late Secretary of the Navy, (Mr. Badger,) to show that the question of the compromise was not one of tho issues submitted by either of the parties in that State. In the spcech, Mr. Badger deprecated the disturbance of the com promise bill, and denied that General Harrison, or any of his friends, had any purpose to interfere with it. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Ap pleton] contended that the compromise act was not binding, and, in doing so, made a singular dis closure, from which he certainly should not sup pose that he w’as a Clay man. He told you that the language held by Mr. Clay to the manufactu rers, previous to introducing tho compromise bill, w^as different from that usei by him in the speech he made in the Senate on that occasion, and from J ....in 1 which he (Mr. S.) read extracts yesterday. Tho me by the Constitution, I repeat to the House my entlemaa disclosed also another'singular fact— entire willingness toco-operato m all financial niea , = u sures, constitutional and proper which ,n its vvis- g„at pacificator and friend of tho manufacturing i.i- dom It may judp nec^sary and proper to rc-es ab- "ihe gentleman told you that the compromise Ijsh the credit o the Government^ I believe that ^ e^ompromise bet^4n the Jackson men on the proceeds of the public lands being restored to nullificrs on the other; and that the treasury-or more properly spo^aking, tho pro- nui|,fiers sustained il to get their heads out of viso of the act of September, 1S41 bemg permitted, to remain m full force—a tariff of duties may easi-! •' . j ly he adjusted, whi.:h, while it will y sufficient to maintain the Goveinmenl . o- . j the compromise was a surreuaer oi me pnnci- restoring Us credit, willaflord ample protenion, aiid i . . . ; was whaltiie nulliHers hope mto all our manufacturing estab- 1 J ^ hshments. The condition of the country cal s for jn’proceediug with his argument, noticed such legislation, and it will afford me the most sm- j yils presented for the purpose cere pleasure to co-operate in it. JOHN TYP.ER. Washington, June 20, 1842. It is said that the “ Whigs ” are desirous of im peaching President Tyler, so that they can get him oat of the w*ay long enough for Willie P. Mangum to sign a bill to establish a United States Bank.— We dare say they w'ould do this, if they could or I dared. Observation has taught the people that the sort of means to accomplish an object will never de- , ter the Whig^ioB.—Stand^d of raising revenue—one by the Secretary of the Treasury, one by the Committee of Ways and Means, and one by the Committee on Manufac tures; and, as far as he could judge, they all looked the same way in favor of protection. So far as tho South W’as concerned, there was no more difference betw’een them, than there was between Uncle To- I by’s cocked hat and Uncle Toby’s hat cocked. ’ So far as it was necessary to go for revenue, he was willing to go, and to give such incidental pro* , te^^ion 10 m^ufat«OT(ft t*rrW
Mecklenburg Jeffersonian (Charlotte, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
July 19, 1842, edition 1
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