JOSEPH W. HAMPTON,.
VOLUME 2,1
- The powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the People of the United States, may be resumed by them, whenever perverted to their injury or oppression.”-3/ad£«e
CHARLOTTE, N. C., AUGUST 2, 1842.
TERMS
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TRAVELLERS,
TAKE NOTICE.
m
TIMOTHY R. HUGHES
HAVING obtained the MANSION HOUSE for pub
lie accommodation, informs his friends and the pub
lic generally, that he is now prepared to receive and
entertain all who may favor him with their patron
age.
His TABLE chall always be well and plentifully
supplied with every thing the country atfords, to
please and satisfy the palate even of an epicure.
His BAR will be found furnished with a choice
selection of Liquors, Wines and Cordials, both for
eign and domestic.
His STABLES shall be constantly attended by
faithful and attentive hostlers and supplied with
abundant provender.
N. B. The Stage Office is kept at the Mansion
House.
Charlotte, N. C., May 23, 1812. Gl....Gm
Weekly Almanac for August, 1842.
DA VS.
tiUN
iSuN
RtSK
tj i:t.
I’uesday,
n 6
j (i f
•i *V%«lnt'sday,
5 7
(J 52 [
'1 'rhur.sday,
5 8
51 i
' i^riday.
5 9
t> 50
Saturtlav,
5 10
0 50
7 ■''Unday, j
5 10
6
H Moiid'iy. j
5 11
6 iH ,
MOON'S PHASES.
D. H. ]\l.
Quarter, 23 10 2S M.
-\twMoon 20 8 50 31.
First Quarter, I J 11 56 31.
Full Moun, 22 4 2
Alexauder Kethmie,
'2 E (Si m a
RESPECTFULLY ten
ders his sincere thanks to the
citizens of Charlotte and the
public in general, fbr the libe
ral patronage he has receiv
ed ; and hopes by strict atten
tion to busincejs to continue to
merit a liberal share of public
patronage. lie has now eov’-
oral first rate workmen em-
ployed and has just received
liis Springand Summer Fash-
Jle will warrant good Jits on all occasions.
Orders from a distance will meet with prompt at-
' ’'*.01,. Ili-^ shop will be found in the North-East
w iu'j of Tvlr. Licroy Springs’ brick building.
) T' liherai dis'count made to cash custmr.crs.
harloUc, April 1:2, 1813. 57...f
Dr. J, 31. Happolclt
HAS removed to the Oillce directly op
posite Maj. Joseph Smith’s Hotel, where
he may be found by his friends and the
public, and consulted at all times, unless
professionally engaged.
|I3* A report has been industriously circulated
for effect, relative to his charges. They have been
pronounced extravagant. He lakes this opportunity
to state to the public, that he holds himself ready at
anytime to compare cliarges, and weigh his service
with any of the Faculty. He wishes it to be dis
tinctly understood, that his CHARGES shall in all
cases be Reasonarle.
Jan. 4, 1842. 43...tf
ion
ALABAMA
liand for Sale.
undcr^isrncd wishes to dispose of a TRACT
OF LAND in Pickens C(mnty, Alabama. The
trai't i.s an even section, being a mile square, and
ontainiiig
610 ACRES:
It is all up-land, lies level, and produces excellent
corn and cotton: there is cleared on the tract about
tl'.irty acres, all fresh, and v/nll fenced ; a good dou
ble! log-cabin. a well, and spring.
Mr. John liineharger, recently of Lincoln Count}’,
N. O.. liv'cs near the place, and also Mr, Rossell,
troin tlie same County, I believe, -who if applied to
can give a satisfactory account of the premises. It
is in a gooJ neighborhood, and beyond example
healthy.
There is also upon the place a stock of Cattle of
• bout sixteen head, thirty or forty Sheep, and a
.'tork of Hogs. I offer tlie whole for two thousand
Dollars, (good money) one half cash, and the bal
ance in tv/elve months.
Here is an opportunity for one who wishes to emi-
rrrnat, to procure land already open and stocked,
u’heroby he will not be subject to delays and draw
backs as th.ose are who have to start on a place un
improved.
Should this meet the eye of any one who wishes
to remove to Alabama. I am sure he would do well
^ j make enquiry of
LINCOLN CLARK.
Tuscaloosa, Ala., June 30, 1812. 72...4w
Carolina
cuAnLorvi:, nortii-carolixa.
THE nb-ve Establishment, silua
ted on main-street, north of the Court
House, in the Town of Charlotte, N.
C.. is el ill kept open by the undersigned for the ac-
*' nnmodation of the public. The proprietor feels con
fident of his ability to give entire satisfhction to all
Vv ho mav patronise his House. The (ravelling pub
lic will find at the Carolina Inn every comfort, con
venience and attention necessary to refresh and re-
invigorate both man and horse. Particular pains
will be bestowed on the Table, Bar, and Beds—
that every thing shall be in the most sumptuous and
neat order;—and the Stables will always be sup
plied with abundance and attended by faithful, ex-
pcrienci vl Hostlers. In short, the subscriber is de-
"tTmined to keep up the accommodations at his
House in a style unsurpassed by any similar estab
lishment in the interior country. All he asks from
the public is, to give him a call.
Drovrrs can at all times be supplied with conve
nient and well enclosed LOTS, on moderate terms,
.md furnished with grain at a low price.
JENNINGS B. KERR.
Charlotte, June 2, 1842. 65...r
FACTS AND FIGURES.
In a recent speech in the Houso of Reprcsenta-
tatives, Mr. Watterso?i of Tenn., exposed the f;il-
sified promises of the Whig majority in Congress
in the following “knock-down” manner. Mr.
W.’s assertions were not disputed, because they can
not be refuted :
Public Expenditures, Retrenchment and Reform.
—They came into power on the 4th March, 1841.—
Let us compare the last year of Mr. Van Buren 'ivith
the first year of the Whigs.
Van Buren expended in 1840 - - $22,339,35G
The Whigs expended in 1841 - - 26,300,000
In 1842, ’3, and ’4, they propose to
expend in each year, after mak
ing all their rejrenchmeiits, the
E'um of ^20 or27,000,000
The Secretary goes much higher, but the chairman
of the Commit* ^e on Manufactures, and Mr. Clay, in
his speech on his resolutions, puts the probable ex
penditures down, at the least, for the last mentioned
sum of .^^>27,000,000, and this, too, afler all their con
templated relbrms. INIr. Saltonstall has expressly
told us, in his speech on the Tariflj “weshould how
ever remember that the estimate of twenty-seven
millions supposes retrenchment.” True, they may
kill od' a few clerks and pages, and dismiss a few old
carts from the service about the public grounds, but
after all this is said and done, this Administration, in
the first year, .spent ^20,300,000, and propose fbr the
other three to spend twenty-seven millions. Who
hears now since the election, what he heard every
diiybf^forc it,—anything about the 13 millions of Mr.
A-dams’s administration, as the criterion of the expen
ditures of this ? On the contrary, look at the picture
of expenditures as given by the Chairman of the
Committee on Manutactures, (Mr. Saltonstall.) He
is one of the very leaders of the Whig party in this
House, and tells us as follows: “ What is our finan
cial condition? The Treasury is empty—we all
know our revenue falls short, and has long follen
short of our expenditures ; and whilst we are°talking
about the amount of our debt, whether it be 18 or 20
millions, or more, it is going on increasing ; |£;|^ and
at the end of every month since the Congress has
been in session, the debt was perhaps one million
more than it was at the commencement.” Growino-
at the rate of one million of dollars per month! I—
God of Heaven, what arc we coming to ? What a
change has indeed been effected by turning out the
Democrat! They spent $22,389,356 per year—the
Whigs acknowledge that they can't get along with
less than 26 or 27 millions. Beside this, the Whigs,
by their own statements, in fifteen months have
created a national debt of 18 or 20 millions, and that
It is still growing at the rate of one million per
month ! 1 will not undertake to say what has gone
with all this money. We know that some 25 or 30
thousand dollars were given away to the family of
Gen. Harrison. He was President one month ; for
that the Constitution and lavy allowed him something
more than -«;2,000, but they voted to his w’indow the
full amount fbr the whole year. Besides this, the
then Cabinet, after the death of Gen. Harrison, in
stead of giving him a decent and honorable inter-
Congressional.
Trust Sale.
virtue of a Deed of Trust from John Sloan
tome, I will on the \th Moivday of July next,
‘'^t the Court House in Charlotte, expose to public
‘i'de, about Twenty Acres of WOOD LAND lying
Jibout a mile and a half from Charlotte also, the
Undivided interest of the said Sloan in the Lemons
Rold mine Trach Terms of sale made known at
'he time.
NAT. W. ALEXANDER, Trustee.
09,.,
ment, according to the usage of all Christian na
tions, and as worthy of one lately filling so exalted
a station, issued their orders and collected at tho
President’s all manner of frippery, of silk gloves, kid
gloves, crapes, &c., to be distributed freely to the
crowd who might choose to go up and help them
selves to whatever they pleased, until the funeral
expenses amounted to something more than ^3,000.
Let no man charge that 1 object to the necessary and*
proper expenses m burying the late President. But
1 do object to such shameless and unprofitable dis
tribution of silly finery among the crowd, many of
whom, by their incessant importunity for ofKce, had
contributed to his death. And more than all do I
object to the payment of such largesses, by a Whif^
Congress, which at this very session have refused
to refund to General Jackson the ^ 1,000 fine imposed
upon him at New Orleans. General Jackson saved
the most important city af this Union. In eavinn-
it he was compelled to proclaim martial law. For
this he was arraigned and tried, and lined in the
sum of SljOOO. He bowed submission to the law,
and paid down the money—that money you have
had the use of fbr many years, and you fiave refused
at this session to give it back to the General in his
old age. Sir, a little more than one-third of what
was wHsted in useless finery on the crowd, and in
hack hire for loafers who w’^ere too lazy or too proud
to walk in a funeral procession, would have restored
tlie fine to this brave old soldier and patriot The
generous deed would have smoothed his dying pil
low, and re-animated with gratitude a heart which,
whilst it lives, whether you give back the money or
not, can never fail to beat high for the honor, the
haziness and glory of his country
SPEECH OF
3Ir. SAUNDERS Of N, Carolina,
Delivered in the IIcusc of Representatives on ^th July, 13^2
Tho bill w’hich had been vetoed by the President being reject
ed, and the general tariff bill having been taken up'’ on the
5th of July, and referru-d to the Comniittee of the Whole
House—
Mr. Saunders spoke as follows:
Mr. Chairman : I am happy in having obtained
the floor, as it enables me to say some things andito
express some views on matters which the limits o
your hour rule on yesterday lorbade, but which I
hope to be able to do to*day. My experience as a
member of this House has led me to observe that,
whenever the capitalist presents himself at your bar
—no matter in what character or shape—he never
fails to find within these walls warm, zealous, and
able advocates; because he always comes v/ith the
disinterested professions of the patriot, asking noth
ing for himself, everything for the country. °lf he
comes as a bank monopolist, asking exclusive pri
vileges,—still all is for the country, as he only seeks
to improve the currency, and to regulate the ex
changes. If he comes as a manufacturer, asking
protection for the great business in which he is en
gaged,—all is for the country, t:s he only wishes
to build up home industry, and add to the wages of
labor. It in the capacity of the merchant, his on
ly w^ish is to giv^e prosperity to commerce and ag
riculture. It is the farmer alone, the great produ
cer of all that gives life and support to the nation,
who is but too seldom thought of he're—except
when the chairman of the Committee of Ways and
Means, as on the present occasion, seeks the avenue
to his pocket, unde? the pretext of advancing the
general welfare. So you have your committees on
the currency, on manufactures and commerce, each
ably sustaining the great interest confided to their
charge. But I may be asked here, as I have been
elsew^here, if I am not willing to relieve the treasu
ry—to restore the fallen credit of the country ? I
ask, in turn, w^hat was the relief promised, and what
is it you propose? If it be by again filling that
treasury to overflowing, and thus leading to those
expenditures which have been condemned as extra
vagant, tKcn I, for one, cannot go with you. You
propose to levy, by the bill? on your table, thirty-
two millions upon imports alone, with the view of
collecting and providing a net revenue of twenty-
seven and a half or twenty-eight millions of dol
lars. 1 ask, sir, if this is the relief promised, and
this the way you propose to redeem the pledges giv
en to the people before coming into power? It w'ilV
be recollected that, at the axtra session, on tho dis
cussion of the bank, the fri^nda of that measare
contended that was one of the issues which were
before the people ; and that I then had occasion to
refer to the speech of Mr. Badger, w'hich had been
used as a sort of text-book by the Whig orators in
my own State; and I beg now to refer to the same
document, lo see how far this question of the tarifT
was there snbmitted to the people. But I presume
no Whig from that State will be bold enough to
afiirm that any one ventured there to express him
self in favor of a protcctivc tarif}', or for a violation
of the compromise act of 1833. Mr. Badger
his Granville speech, says :
“ But why is the subject of the tariff brought for
ward at all'? It was settled years ago by the com
promise act, iVho proposes to disturb it 7 Who de
sires to increase the duties ? Certainly neither Gen
er^ Harrison nor any of his friends. But the Ad
ministration has lately recommended to Congress
the propriety of increasing some of the duties, or of
imposing duties on some articles received under the
compromise bill duty free. Then how stands Mr
V an Buren afiected towards this subject? Is he an
advocate of a protective tarifi ? You will scarcely
discover from what he says, for ‘non-committal’ is
his rule ; but, if you look to his acts, you will fine
that he has been foremost among those who carry
farthest the protective systcny. He voted fbr the
tariff of 1824, and for that of 1828. The bill of 18-
28 was deemed so oppressive to the South, that its
familiar appellation withus has been ‘ the bill of abo
minations and it was this which drove South Ca
rolina into nullification, and very nearly produced a
civil war.’’
Such were the language and the doctrincs of the
Whigs in North Carolina before the election. If
they were “ non-committal” then, they arc certain
ly not so now. At your extra session, you passed
a bill raising the duties to 20 per cent, on all arti
cles then admitted free of duty, with the exception
of a few enumerated articles. So that, at your first
session, you actually do what Mr. Badger condemn
ed the late Administration for proposing—if neces
sary to raise revenue. And you now propose to
violate the act of compromise, and impose a protec
tive tariff but little short of that of 18*28. Then, it
was denounced as “ a bill of abominations;” 7ioiv,
it is the great Whig measure of relief; and your
great leader would seem to rejoice in the distresses
of the country, because, as he supposes, it renders
such a measure necessary to relieve the treasury.
The compromise act, both in letter and spirit, is now
to be violated; and because, as the g?ntleman from
Boston [Mr. Appleton] has told us, the manufac
turers were never parties to it; because, as he says,
“ they considered it an abandonment of the princi
ple of protection.” The gentleman made other sin
gular developments, for a Clay man, as to Mr.
Clay’s private course with his tariff triends. He
tried to sj^tisfy them the compromise act contained
no abandonment of the protective policy, “ and that
in
ufactures, or that of the Secretary of the Treasury
the difference is like that of my uncle Toby’s hat-
bet weeri the old cocked hat, and the old hat cocked.
1 he object and design of each are protection and
high revenue. It is stated by Mr. Lowndes—one
of the most virtuous and patriotic statesmen this
country has ever knownt whose death cverv lover
of the country most deeply deplores—that tlie tarifi'
of 1816, which, as chairman of the Committee of
VVays and Means, he reported, was framed on the
principle of revenue and encouragement; that, un
der the embargo, non-intercourse, and war, many
flourishing manufactures had sprunj^ up, which all
were disposed to foster, as well as to encourage
others which might afterwards arise. With this
view, a duty of 25 per cent, was considered as sufii-
ciently high. But with this the manufacturers
were not satisfied; and at the next Congress (1818)
succeeded in raising the duties to 33 1-3 per cent.
Not content with this, they applied again in 1820;
but, after a full and able discussion, were defeated.
Hut their cupidity was not thus to be iioiled. In
1824 they were more suscessful; and the gentle
man from Boston will allow me to say to him that,
if I have been led into ericrs on this subject, they
were taught me then by Daniel Webster, and the
then member from his city. Thus successful. Con
gress was led to pass the bill of 1828, which drove
the South to the point of madness. We had, then,
the compromise act of 1833, which gave quiet and
repose to the country. But that is now to be viola
ted. Revenue is the word—direct taxes, or excise,
or impost, are the alternatives. I am free to say,
the people 1 represent (as I am myself) are in favor
of the collectioa of revenue from our foreign impor
tations, in preference to a tax upon our lands and
property. It is the more acceptable to us, if for
nothing else, that it at least has the appearance of
being voluntary—if that can be called so, which we
pay from necessity. Your farmer may dispense
with his broadcloth coat for himself, and with a silk
gown for his wife; but cannot do without his iron
and his salt; nor will he willingly give up, if he
desires peace and comfort m his family, his sugar
and coffee.
Mr. Chairman, it \'S>s the object of my friend
from South Carolina, [Mr. Vickcns,^ in his eloquent
remarks, to satisfy the committee that, if you pass
the bill imposing such high duties as it proposes,
you will fail to collect the amount of revenue you
desire, and be driven, in your necessities, to resort
to direct taxes, or some other mode of supplying
your wants. It shall be my purpose to show you
ought not, even if you could, to levy so heavy a tax
as you propose, in the present distressed condition o(
the country ; but that you can and should bring down
your expenditures to an economical administration
of the Government. Your chairman of Ways and
Means saj'sit is necessary to have this large amount.
And how is this necessity established ^ We are
J^rst called to the statement accompanying the report
of the Secretary of the Treasury, made on the 9th
Ma}»^ last;
“The following estimate of the expenditures of
the years 1842, 1843, and 1844, exhibits the measure
of income necessary to be raised during the same
period :
For the year 1842.
Civil, foreign intercourse and mis
cellaneous, military and naval, as
estimated ----- !^24,424,358 95
Permanent appropriations •• - 932,000 00
Debt due by corporate cities, princi
pal and interest - - - - 135,900 00
Parts of the old public debt - - 5.000 00
3 and 5 per cent, funds due to the
States, including the sums due to
Mississippi and Alabama, under
the late law - - - - 412,000 00
Interest payable in 1842, on the loan
of 1841 and 1842 - - ^513,000
Redemption of treasury-
notes, including interest 7,400,000
fo
belief
For the year 1843.
Civil, foreign inter
course and miscel
laneous, military
and naval - - .$24,424,358 95
Permanent appropri
ations - - 932,000 00
Debt due bj’’ corpo
rate cities - - 132,000 00
Parts of the old pub
lic debt - - 5,000 00
and 5 per ccnt.
funds due to the
States - - - 362,000 00
Interest payable in
1843 on loan - 1,003,000 00
Redemption of trea-
sury-notes, inclu
ding interest •• 5,300,000 00
For the year 1844.
foreign inter-
7,913,000 00
33,822,258 95
32,158.658 95
no future Congress would he ho^ind by it and
that “ circumstances might occur which would make
a greater revenue necessary them that which would
be produced under the act.”
Such was the secret language of Henry Clay to
his tariff friends in 1833, whilst he openly sustain
ed the act as binding on the country; and in 1837
eloquently protested against any change, even to re
duce revenue, as violating its provisions. The act,
says the gentleman, was made by the Jackson men
and the nullifiers, for the purpose of getting tha lat
ter out of their difficulties. It contained, says the
gentleman, an abandonment of the principle of pro
tection, and yet was only passed to relieve the nul-
lifiers. 1 hope, then, in future, the credit will be
given to the much-abused nullifiers for this act of
favor to the South, and not to the great pacificator,
Henry Clay. But fo return to my argument.
Whether we take the bill as reported from the
Comip.iitci} of Ways and Mean^. from that cn Man-
Civil,
course and miscel
laneous, military
and naval -
! Permanent appropri
ations
3ebtdue by corpo
rate cities -
Parts of the old pub
lic debt
and 5 per cent,
funds due to the
States - - -
Interest payable in
1844 on loan
Principal of the loan,
payable 1st Janu
ary, 1845 -
24,424,353 95
932.000 00
128,700 00
5; 000 00
100.000 00
1,003,000 00
5,668,976 S3
32,202,035
Total
h
aj
was ^
mittee teJl
conclusion
committee
rcsponsibiht}^, and
branch of the public
ditures may, in time of p/
000,000 per annum,” y u i m mini iny
portunity and the power, and you have dc>nc nothing.
You propose to raise your tarifl', increase your re
venue, tempt men to engage in manufacturing, and
then you will reduce. But the gentleman from
New York says he only proposes twenty-four mil
lions for expenditure, and three millions *jjd a half
j for debt, as he supposed there might be a reduction
of some three or four millions. But what did the
gentleman tell us? That, in the attempt which
had been made in this House (proposed and carri-
^ ed mainly by the votes of Democrats) to reduce the
I navy and army bills some three or four milhons,
' it was rash, and against the public interest; and the
Senate have refused their concurrence in these pro
positions of reform. The geniloman will pardon
I me; but I am forced to say, I wonid as soon trust
I the innocent lamb into the jaws of the voracious
] w’olf, as put a lull treasury under the control of a
j Whig Congress, and expect reform. How stands
' the facts? You have now been fifteen months in
power, and Congressin actual session eleven months
with VVhig majorities in both branches. At yoar
extra session your appropriations amoanted to 5,-
043,105, The bill reported to this House, from
the list I now hold in my hand, prepared by the
Clerk, coming with the sanction of Whig commit-
I tecs, amounts up to the 1st day of June, to the enor-
I mous sum of Ji532,747,G60 : besides what is to be
I settled at the departments, and the bills reported to
j the Senate, which cannot, under the most moderate
j calculation, make the whole less than forty millions.
You have now an authorized debt of seventeen mil-
I lions by loans, and an actual issue of nine millions
! in treasury notes—making a debt of twenty-six mil-
! lions, which you are more likely to add to than to
(diminish. Go on, sir—pass the' bill to repay tho
; claimants for their losses incurred d’jring the mari-
' time war with Friince, under the elder Adams, ajid
which have been ref'js^;d by Congress for the last
: forty years;—pass the bill sent from the Senate.
! giving lo Alassachusetts a bounty for her peaceable
”i conduct during the late war, of some 8200.000 or
- 95,242.J53 73 | >^300^000^ addition to v.'hat has already been
From which it will be seen the ordinary cxpen- j P‘'^id;--add to the list the bill for the relief of tfio
the Government for the years 1842, 1»43.! cowardly surrender of
ses of
and 1844, are estimated at ^25,354.358 95, besides brave troops at Detroit: then add to this
seven milhons more for debts, treasury notes, and
other liabilities. Not content with this, the gentle
man tells us “ experience is the only true test in these
matters,” and he gives us the ‘‘disburdsemtnts du
ring the four years of Mr. Van Buren s administra
tion, for tne orduiary expenses of the Government, ’
as Will be found in Doc, 580. page 31, as furnished
the House at the extra session, viz:
In 1837 - - - $31,610,003 09
lu 1S3S ' • ■ ?l.54i;3Mt5 19
daik cataloguethe assumption of the State debts:-
and if you do not establish for this Whig Congress
a character damned to everlasting fame ” in the es
timate of ail honest and patriotic jiien. I am no
prophet.
To return to the consideration of the tariff: It u
a question of dispute between tiie friends and oppo-
nen’s of the system, whether the duty falls most
havily on the exporter, the importer, or the consu
me: Thf'. jrrgimv^ni «Tf mari'ffn'^nrei U thfft