\
;6ttwklenbttrfl
JOSEPH \V. HAMPTON,
(If"
■“The powers granted under the Constitulion, bemg derived from the People of the United Slates, may be resumed by them, whenever perverted to their
injury or oppression.”—Madison..
VOLUME 2,
CHARLOTTE, N. C., AUGUST 23, 1842.
-Editor nnd PiiMislier.
T E li 31 S
The McckUnhur^ Jeffersonian^^ is publislied weekly, at
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Letters to the Editor, unless containing money m sums
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sv. i), e. eai5totu
■QI^LD inform such of his friends ag desire
iis proltj.ssional services, that he has removed
iii . Oflice to Mr. Johnson\s hrirlc house, two doors
above l]4e ^Carolina Inn,’- where Jie may be found
necessarily absent.
The Wliigery of 1840.
At a recent Convention of the Democratic young
men of Ohio, the following truly eloquent and pow
erful letter was read from the Hon. William Al
len, Senator in Congress from Ohio:
Washington City^ July 23, 1842.
My Dear Sir: Your bbligfing letter of the 8th
instant came to me several days since; and would
have been immediately answered, but for the pres
sure of business with which I could not dispense.
I should be gratified, I assure you, were it in my
power to altend, as you invite me, the Young Men’s
State Convention on the 28th instant. 1 should be
gratified for other reasons ; but especially so, that I
might there be able to take once more by the hand
hundreds of the noble spirits whoKi it is my pride to
call personal, as well as political friends j and with
many of whom 1 became first acquainted when tra
versing the State, to ofler my little aid in the con
test of 1838, and in the more terrible strugijle of 18-
40. But the madness of the dominant majority seems
likely to make this session of Congress as long, as
at all times, unit;
Chfirlotti*, Kebriiai y 8, 18
4S...F
py. e0.ii*lr/3 S. AFop
RI^tSPri.CTKULL\ tenders his professional ser-
\ ices to llie citizens ot Charlotte and the sur-
! uni(linL' country, lie may always he fotiLid at his
flice, .\o. G, while row ot‘the Mansion Ilouse, unless
absent on professionul engagcnents.
July 17, ISIJ:}. 71
L?r. J, 31. llappolclt
HAS rcmov'ci! to the GfTice directly op-
l)osile Mnj. Joseph Smith’s Hotel, where
he may be found by his friends and the
public, and consulted at all times, unless
j-iofessionaliy engaged.
A report has been industriously circulated
f T relative to liis charges, The_vliave been
Vironounc^ed exfravagatit. He takes this opportunity
■> BliUti 10 the jiublic, that he holds himself ready at
. ny fitt’.e t! compare charLre,'-. and wimlvU lii« service
witli any of the Faculty. He wishes it to be dis-
•inctly umienstood, that his CHARGES s/ia/l in all
• Jifeff be Reasonable.
Jan. 4, 184:3. 43...tf
MEmCiNES,
b. -3 '•
u- ^ W
ly
:*iIE
suuscrioci*
16
the entire
naving purcaasc
Stock ot
M!:dici\es. drugs and paints,
K \d by Dr. C. J. b'ox expects toreceiv^e a new snp-
in a very short lime, with a lull assortment of
I'-r mc'dical purposes. He will ofter the same to
’le citixon:; of Mecklenburg and adjacent counties
I'ii bciii i- terms than Meilicines have been sold in
lii.: country heretofore. A lull assortment of
THOMPSONIAN MEDICINES,
t >getiier with all kind of Pills, &c.. will be kept con-
lantly on hand, all ot’which he will sell lov
ClSJf. The attention of Dr. 1\ M. liOSS
-e given to the Shop.
13. OATES.
Charlotte, May 17, 1812. 03....tf
Woticc.
APPLICATIOX will be made to the next Le^is-
I ij.re ol rsorth Cnrolina, to repeal tlie law abolish-
Juries at the J.uiuary and July Terms of Mefk-
♦ iihurg County Court.
Auiu.>? \ IS 12. 74...tml
Caution I
The public are cautioned against _
two notes of hand given by the subscriber to
1 homas McGee, of Lincoln county. One is for
^ vv ' hundred dollars, due tiie25thol' December next,
t:d dated the 7th of February, 18PJ; the other is
1 =r 'I'venty-llve, dollars, due in June, 1S43, dated as
the first. As the properly for which said notes were
L^ven has proved unsound, I do not intend to pay
^ it'iii. unless forced to do so by law.
RICHARD RANKIX.
Lincoln county, July 26, 1S42.
I^ast Noticc.
it has alreay made it odious j and 1 have, therefore,
no prospect of being present m person. In sou land
in sentiment, however, 1 shall be with the Democ
racy then, and always, whilst I have reason enough
left to appreciate the value of freedom.
When the conven?ioii meets, it will€nd the Fed
eral Government, for the first time, brought down
by its own acts, in sixteen months of the profoundest
peace, to a point of distress as fow and as humilia
ting as could well have resulted from the mo3t pro
tracted and disastrous war. This great calamity is
the first-born offspring of Federalism, since it as
sumed the name of Whiggery, and embodied its
principles and its passions in the form of a 3«ation-
al Administration,
For many years prior to 1840, the leaders of
that p.irty had been busily collecting into a com
mon focus all the deceased elements of society. In
that year they found the public mind fretful and
restless. They found thousands discontented, whom
the reaction ol their own system of currency and
credit had ruined. They found btinks, bankruptcy,
indolence, avarice, impudence, venality, profligacy,
cupidity, and fraud, all standing ready to league
with ai'ir^ilion for the power and plunder of the coun-
r'he ^eague was ftjrfned, and every feeling of
the human heart, that lay within reach of terror or
corruption, was then stimulated into revolt against
the Democratic party. The prices of all tilings
were suddenly reduced, because the politicians had
prompted the banks thus to aggravate the public dis
tresses, by the reduction of ‘.heir discounts and cir
culation. The people were openly treated with
contempt, by the brutality of the appeals made to
ihtfir tjcnses. Kraud anJ folly, the most criminal
and rediculous, wero- employed to distract their at
tention, bewilder their nimds, and mislead their ac-
I tion. To affect their imaginations, everything, from
j the gorgeous ensign of the Republic, with its stars ,
and stripes streaming from its halyards, down to the
skin of llie most loathsome skunk, was displayed to
the popular eye. Globes and cabins, banneis and
bushes, barrels, brutes, harangue and music, revel
ry and feaijting, the song and the bottle, imprecations,
blasphemy, badges, and buffoonery—all things that
could minister to confusion, were made to chime in
the general din. Reason was silenced in the tur
moil, and truth, for once in our country, yielded its
empire to falsehood, fraud and frivolity. If these
leaders condescended, for a moment, to speak seri
ously to the people, it was but to denounce things
as abuses which did not exist, and to make pledges
of reform they never intended to fulfil. They de
plored the scarcity of money they had themselves
occasioned, and promised abundance on their acces
sion to power. They condemned removals from of
fice for the sake of opinion, and invoked Heaven to
witness that this practice should cease. They prom
ised the the unfortunate a reparation of his fortunes
—the laborer an increase of his wages—the farmer
an addition to his prices—the hopeless of every de
scription the gratification of being soon sin prised in
their despondency by the timely bounty of Govern
ment, to be distributed among them. To the nation
at large, they promised opulence and contentment,
the restoration of law and order, the healing of all
wounds, the restitution of ail rights, the reparation
of all wrongs, the cure of all ills, the remedy of all
disorders, the observance of all obligations, the re
duction of all burdens, economy of all things, secu
rity, plenty and happiness to all men. Thus was
excited every passion of our nature, to its extremest
limit, by all the means which the joint energies of
tradinf^ for ^^P^city could employ. Thus was the
public heart torn and lacerated—the public mind
stung and goaded; and thus was an Administration,
conducted by men of honor, ability, and patriotism,
undermined and overthrown by the most stupendous
cospiracy that ever yet was ieVelled against the lib
erties of a free people.
What has been the result ?
On the 4th of March, 1841, the whole power of
the country changed hands; Mr, Van Buren and
his friends retired wthout a murmur, and gave
place to General Harrison and his. The event of
the contest had for months been known ; and, from
^Iigeance, and the distribution of spoil, by submit
ting in that body the follov/ing resolution:
J?^sohed, That Blair and Rives be dismissed as printers to
the Senate for the twenty-seventh Con"ress.
On the seventh day after, this resolution was
passed; and thus were these defenceless citizens—
without a crime, or even a charge against them, but
that of their opinions—dep.ived of their contract so
lemnly made with theSemuo, their bond annulled,
and all the expenses they had incurred to execute
the work, thrown as a dead loss upon them. Here
was an example the President was expected to fol
low; and from that day, to the day of his final af
fliction, whether in his mansion or in his walks, in
public or private, under all circumstances, andat’all
times, the office-seekers still clustered around him.
It was not the plea of his infirmities, or that of his
arduous duties; nor was it the iifiiog of his time
withered hand with a gesture to retire, that could
remove the 4t*nse mass who pursued and importun
ed him. In Spite of all thevse, they followed him up,
swarming upon him still thicker every hour, until, at
last, like hornets, they stung him to death. Nor
were the terrors of a death-bua, or the solemn con
dition of an expiring man, sufficient to silence their
clamors, or stay, for an inslant, the removals his su
bordinates were making in his name. For, upon au
thority of that name, though insensible himself, and
sinking to the grave^ the more cruel of his cousel-
lors continued to swing the axe of execution, as if
determined that the last mortal sound which broke
upon the ear of the dying Pr^.Jent should be—
not the sound of prayer, or the filial sob, but the dis
tressful scream of a victim, struck down in his pre
sence. And, even after his death, and the transla
tion of his remains from the capitol to the West. De
mocrats were spurned from office, upon the sole al-
in his life, had intended their re-
S NUMBEK 76.
lor
wiil
legation that he
moval.
Such were the first results; and what was the next ?
They had declared the country ruined by Demo
cratic councils. They had deciii.red the single ob
ject of their own advent to be, its ini,media*e- re
demption, Yet, notwithstanding this, no sooner diu
they find themselves all-powerful, and the people
ali^powerless, than they began to disclose other ob
jects, far diflerent from that—objects, in their ten
dency, ruinous to every interest they had promised
to foxier, save the interests of the few against the
rights of the many; and blasting to all the hopes
they had labored to excite, save the hopes of the ra
pacious, for the plunder of the Government. But
to disclose such objects, was dangerous, if their ex
ecution was delayed. It wai important, therefore,
(and well they knew it.) to forge and rivet their
system of measures upon ‘he country, whilst the
pubijc mind was yet feveris?- and fiighty, from the
inflammation of tlxo rtcont str-.i4;^lf. Strike whilst
the iron is hot, was the signal pass to his followers,
by him who spoke for the whole and whom all
obeyed. Let not the people cool down; but now,
whUe mirth and giddiness of triumph are upon
ijiem, let us march to the capitol, and there, in the
midst of the general glee, band and clinch our sys'
tern on the nation.
This, it seems, was the policy which prompted
the convocation of Congress, in extraodinary session,
on the 31st of May, 184L
On that day, the extra session commenced; and
then it was that those measures were proposed,
which express the real motives of the leaders, and
which have brought the Government and the coun
try to their present condition. They were then
victors over the whole field of power. With the
Executive—with a majority overwhelming, in both
branches of Congress, there was nothin" to restrain
73...5w
MEDICI]\ES & C.,
n ■ \v informs all those indebted to him,either by note
'T Book account, that the same must be closed at or
before the July Courtlonger indulgence cannot
be given. Those indebted by Book accout will be
e.xpected at least, to close their accounts by note.
And as this is positively the last notice, all accounts
not settled by that time, will be placed in other
h uids for collection. C. J. FOX.
May 17, 1812. 63...tf
j that moment, proscription for opinion ceased to be a
THE Subscriber havin^’’ disposed of his Stock of 1 Ihroughout the land, one wiid and univer
sal cry was heard for the blood and bread of the De
mocrats in office. Before he had left the banks of
Ohio, the President-elect was beset by intruders
without number, and importunities beyond the pow
er of gratification. Oil his arrival in the capitol,
he found it already besieged by thousands, who had
trooped together from all parts of the Union, to de
mand of him the spoils of a conquered country.—
There was an impatient ferocity in their looks, like
that of a rapacious soldiery when restrained for a
moment from the sack and plunder of a subjugated
city. He was a man scarred with the infirmities
of age—of a heart, I believe, that found no pleasure
in the passion of revenge; and, therefore, vvhen left
to himself, was disinclined to inflict, without cause,
upon so many men, the miseries of a general remo-
WE are prepared at this Ofr.cc with a]iandsome
'^erc respccted by his victorious partisans; and, on
the very first day of his power—within ten minutes
after the official oath was administered, and, whilst
he was yet descending the eastern portico of the Cap
itol—his friends in the Senate admonished him of the
haste he was expected to make in the execution of
JOB PRINTING.
E are prepared at this Office with a handsome
eupply ot Fancy Type, to execute all kinds o
very superior style, and a short notice. Ordes
be thankfully received.
‘^nersoniaTi Otfice, Charlotte, Mh 9, 1841.
the full sway of their pleasure or their principles.
This they knew and this they felt; and therefore
it was, that their chief in the Senate, with all the
swaggering indelicacy of one unaccustomed to suc
cess, openly proclaimed to the Democracy of the
body, that we had been condemned by the judgment
of the people—had been brought together only for
execution; and that ail we uttered was to be heard
as nothing but the complaints of malefl^ctors on their
way to the scaffold. Such was the delirium of me-
ritless triumph and vulgar revenge with v/hich the
f^ederalists began their work; who, without pre
paring anything in its stead, laid hold upon the sub-
treasury, and lore it to the ground. Thus did these
infatuated men—they who had most falsely charg
ed the Democratic party with having committed the
pubhc treasure to the sole custody of the Executive;
with having united in his person both the sword
and the purse—thus did they, among the very first
acts of their power, do, themselves, the very same
thing so unjustly ascribed to others, by the. lepeal
of the only law which placed the money of the na
tion out of the reach of the President. No bank,
no law, no resolution, had they passed, to take the
place of the act repealed. Nor is there, to this day,
any such provision, or any such likely to be, while
the present Congress remains.
And why is this ? If the majority cannot get the
fiscality they desire, can they not pass an act to se
cure the revenue ? or do they intend to leave it, as
It is, exposed to the hazard of ofiicial pillage, in or
der to try, once more, the coercion of the poeple
into a national bank?
These men came into power, as we were told,
upon the holy mission of guarding the sanctity of
the Constitulion, the law, and all human obliga
tions. So pious was their reverence for the obser-j
vance of contracts, that some of their number were |
willing that this Government, though pennyless it
self, and plunging in debt, should assume the debts
of the States, rather than whness their repudiation.
Nevertheless, these very same men, the chosen and
the annointed guardians of all things sacred, by one
general act, with the name of bankruptcy for its
caption, repudiated the debts of the larger debtors
throughout the entire nation. By his single oath,
they allowed the interested party, if his debts were
large and his means considerable, to cancel his
bond; and thus to ruin the friend or the neighbor,
who, as creditor or security, had confided, in his
honor. I say, if the debts were large; because, if
small, and the debtor poor, the expense of the pro
cess makes the law unavailable, and, therefore, a
nullity to him. To execute the act, the Federal
judiciary passes over th'3 Constitution, usurps the
rightful jurisdiction of the local courts, defies and
spurns the sovereignty of the States. But no mat
ter for that—the greater bankrupts, the magnificent
inillionairs cf the paper system, wor^i brought Co
bankruptcy—not by misfortune in legitimate trade,
not by accident beyond the power of discretion, but
by the eagerness of an avarice seeking to gratify
itself ]n the gamblings of speculation, and then
wasting, in splendid profusion, all that the fortune
of the hazard placed within its reach. As men al
ready ruined and desperate, they had entered the
contest of 1840, with the pledge of the Federalists,
that their debts should be treated as gamblino' obli
gations, and sponged by the law and an oath."" And
this pledge alone, of the many made, has Federal
ism faithfully fulfilled.
Economy, let it be remembered, had been prom
ised as a policy proper in itself, and especial!, so in
the then necessitous state of the treasury. And yet
by this very convention of Congress, at a time not
appointed by the law, three hundred and ninety-one
thousand dollars were wasted in the payment of its
members, and other expenses of the session.
rioenty-five thousand dollars were next bestow
ed as a gratuity upon the widow of the late Presi
dent ; and this, without any request from her, or
necessity found in her pecuniary circumstances. So
far from any such necessity then existing, or likely
to exist, it was a fact well knovv^n and declared at
the time, that the piivate fortune of that respectable
lady placed her above the humility of asking such
favors, from any quarter whatever. Still, the mo
ney was voted from the treasury, as if taxes were
nothing to the people, and waste the duty of the
Government.
At its last session, which closed on the 4th of
March, 1841, the preceding Congress had made
all the usual and needful appronriations, and provi
ded the means for the public service of the ensuinir
year. But, regardless of this—regardless alike
of the condition of the country and of their own
promises, so solemnly given, the ruling majority
in the present Congress proceeded but three months
after, and before one-third of those appropriations
were expended, to appropriate, for th^ service of
the same year, ®n addition of Jive millions
and forty-three thonsaud dollars, Tfie name of
economy was no longer heard, but when pronounc
ed by the De:nocrats, to remind the Federalists of
what fhey had pledged, and to rebuke them for
what they were about. Heedless of this, the lead
ers, who projected these measures, seemed but the
more diligent to discover every excuse for extrava
gance, that could find impunity in the general pre
text of the public good.
But those who expend, must also accumulate
and, m the case of Government taxes and loans
are the chief sources of suppl3^ Hence it was that
after, by this additional expenditure, they .had effec
tually pickfd the very bones of the tri-asury, they
next Lurnt'd their attention to the increase of the
taxes. Here was a nerve to oe toucned, that ran
through tile body of the people; and, therefore, it
was important to prepare them for the shock, by
the soothing process of distribution. They had
left in the coffers of the Government not an unap
propriated dollar. The ordinary income was short
of the extraordinary outlay. Taxes, had they been
sufficient in amount, came m too tardily to meet the
rapidity of expenditure; and to borrow, became,
consequently, the only immediate resource. This
state of things svas known and acknowledged, be
cause brought about by the ruling majorit3^'" What
then did they do ? In aggravation of these evils,
and as if fatally bent upon the utter bankruptcy
and ruin of the Government confided to their care,
they proceeded to snatch every dollar accruing to
the treasury from the public domain, and to cast it
away in pittances to fhe States. No consciousness
of its folly, no barrier in the Constitution, no “ beg
gurly account of em^)ty boxes” from the Treasury
Department, no terrdrs of a national debt, could
possibly arrest them in this. Nor was the injus
tice of augmenting taxes, when the means of the
people to pay were diminishing, sulficient to retard,
much less to prevent, this profiigaty waste of the
nation’s resources. Distribute they would; and that,
too, at the hazard of the public execration. They
confided in the craft of the scheme, and were will
ing to risk its exposure. One dollar was to be giv
en by the Government, through the States, to'^the
people; and for that, three paid back, by the peo
pie, through the custom-house, to the Government.
The people would see, and might be templed, by
the amount they received; that which they paid,
was to be taken from them, in the dark and at a
distance. The first process was to be direct and
visible—the second, circuitous and obscure; and it
was upon this obscuiity, that the Federalists relied
for impunity against detection in the imposture
The act of distribution was therefore passed; and
then, in an instant after, the same men who passed
it, urged that very act, by which the land revenue
was thus excluded from the treasury, as an addi
tional reason why the taxes upon the people should
be immediately increased. A tax of siz millions
of dollars was accordingly added, in the form of
tariff duties, to the burdens before imposed upon
the nation.
But, in view of the lost revenue distributed, the
vast appropriations already made, and those intend
ed for the future, even this increase of taxes would
prove inadequate. A loan of twelve vullions of
dollars w’as, therefore, autiiorized upon the credit
of the people, and the pledge of their farms and
work-shops, for its payment, principal and inter
est, This it was supposed, would, together with
the taxes and treasury notes already afloat, afibrd a
fund sufficiet to feed, for the present, even the ex
travagance of the ruling power. A national debt
would, it was true, vvith all its evils, be the inevita
ble consequence. So much the better; for such a
debt, instead of being a reason with Federalists
why they should economise the public income, has
ever been, and yet is, with them, of all reasons, the
very strongest for the most boundless prodigality of
expenditure. And therefore, with this infatuated
affliction for a public debt, they were not to be sat
isfied with the twelve million loan as a beginning;
but, on the contrary, they proceeded immediately to
add sixteen millions to that—the last being intend
ed as the basement stock of the fiscality—a nation
al bank more hideous, infinitely, in all its features,
than was the former institution, whose conduct, de
cay, and dissolution, have appalled the world; have
doomed to penury so many families, and imparted
so much impurity to the social and political morals
of the country.
Nature never abandons men absolutely to ihei/
oivn indiscretions; for, even in the gross confusicn
of public afiiiirs, she often interposes her silent au
thority to check the dominant power in a State,
whenever it threatens to inflict a degree of misery
she never intended mankind should endure. Out
of the bosom of the Whig party, therefore, the veto
sprung, to strike down the .forthcoming monster,
whilst yet in its foetus condition. The presiding
magistrate had receiveil the sceptre from the hinds
of that party, but not upon the condition of perjury
and dishonor. He felt that he owed some allegianco
to the Constitution of his countrv'; and as it was the
constitutional veto which alone intercepted the bank
and the debt the majority desired, they resolved to at
tack the Constitution itself, and the'President who
had dared to support it. Thus far, upon that point
he still stands firm. How long the Constitution
shall stand, remains for the people and the Stales to
determine. It is enough that the nation now knows
ful l well the designs of the Federal leaders, their
principles, their measures—the measure of their
ambition and profligacy, as thus displayed, in an
tra session of three months and fourteen days
tion, and which closed its memorable lab
13th of September, 1841.
Congress commenced its
Gth of Docembsr, 1841, an4^
letter, has continued, without
months and seventeen days,
time or other—-but not, I pri
majority shall have more
sible) exhausted their own
of the people, as well as the^
the Government, When they .
but thorough revolution, which
the public mind, had then grral
visible in the popular
ry battle-field where, ie
have since been routed b^i
ing been so shamefSll'^
tlfoir numbers, both in'tfiF
now find themselves unsuppojj
and their measures sternb
and districts that sent th
however, this has prt
b*^ginning of the presi
of the extra S!_;ssion; anc
that policy, with all the preterri^
spair—as though resolved, d(
of its power, to stamp upot\.
as possible, the dark impreS
With these views, the parly hav^
authorized an additional loan of fre
lars They have added five milliom
treasury notes previously issued. But
those of the extra session, are still not
thenefore, another tanfl’has passed
will as certainly pass the Senate, ii
millions more, of taxes upon the ci
every article from abroad—all thingsl
to the wants of men—tea, coffee, vvi
needfultothe poorest citizen—each one
yields its tribute, to fill yet fuller ^the
tended maw of insatiate power.
And yet, after all this—loans, taxes, ant
notes—how stands the treasury itself? Still empty'T
stands the public credit—the credit of this
J
How
great Government—the credit that rtever once was
sullied when Democracy presided—how stands it
now ? Down ; and still hopelessly sinking down
lower, by far, than that of any respectable farmer
m Ohio—treasury notes, if not at interest, deprecia
ted, with no prospect of rising—the Governmant.
drafts daily protested and dishonored—its bonds
hawked about in the market, and returned without
a bidder; and the Government everywhere, and in
all forms, treated as an insolvent.
Appropriations, nevertheless, go on as profusel^^
as ever?—quite as much so, as though the ireasur^^
were fbll, and absolutely .exhaustless. For,
the amount already passed, and that pending 4
the certainty of passage, it is manifest that this ^’iU,
at the end of the session, bear its full and just pro
portion to all the other limbs of their monstrous sys
tem.
Claims—some the most base, and others the most
baseless—are now presented against the Govern
ment, and treated with the serious respect due only
to the just demands of the hottest citizen, T^o
lolders ol such claims seem to have discovereti^
majority of this OiSfe
mutual sympathy between the majority
gress and themselves They re])air to the Ca
with the instinct that J r. t t'.e vulture to the*®-
cass.
The militia of Massachusetts—they, the very
same^ who, during the late war, when the country
was invaded, and they ordered by the President in
to the public service, positively refused obedience—
refused to pass the line of their State—refused to
pull a tiigger in the defence of the Republic—they
who, by that very refusal, encouraged the British,
alloweni them a lodgment in a Massachusetts sea
port, they who trafficked with, instead of fighting,
the public enemy, they have, nevertheless, lived
long enough to faugh in secret at an Americ&n
S-nate for havirrg, twenty nine years after, voted" to
them the third of a million fiom. the national treasu
ry, for these their services in ihQ late war. These
rnt n. who in any other country would have been
irealtd as traitors, are, in this, ab^ut to be paid in
noney for their treason, by the very Government
they betrayed.
Ne.vt come the heirs of Gen. *Hiill, wit:i thrir
demand for the salary of their fulhei, as Goveiu .
of the Territory of Michigan, durcng the very
time,, and for no other time,that the Territory was
in possession of the British, surrendered to them by
IIvlU himself together with the gallant army from
Ohio—a crime fur which he was then under arrest,
and afterwards condemned by the law to death,, as
a traitor. Yet this claim, the very presentation of
which was an outrage to every American citizen,
and especially so to tfie citizens of Ohio, whose he
roic peopld had thus been, by this very man, so
basely surrendered to the enemy a? prisoners of war,
this claim found favor in a Whig committee in tho
Senate, was advocated upon the floor and defeated,
only because some of that party, and all the Demo
crats, were ashamed to hishonor the body by its
passage.
But economy and justice, Federal economy and
justice, were, with that very same committee, found
a suflicient bar to the repayment of the fine impos
ed by a vindictive judge on Andrew Jackson, for
having expelled traitors from his camp during his