“ The potcers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the People of the Unlii i r^tes, may be resinned by them, ickencrer jierverted to their injury or oppression—Madison.
VOLUME 3, i
CHARLOTTE, N. C.,\ APRIL 18, 1843.
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£vicli‘iice Qt a of 1810.
treasury. AVith all its means, the Government was
not able to meet its engagements, and Congress was
callcd together to devise ways and moans lor its re
lief. It seemed, therefore, st.range lo me, as it must
appear to you, that almost the very first measure
should iiave been one ot addilional etubarrastneiit
to the treasur}^, rather than one of relief—one to
withdraw the means of support from the Govern
ment, rather than lo add to them. It was not to dis
tribute from an overflowing treasury, or to divide a
surplus revenue; but it was to distribute from a
bankrupt treasury, which oi course, had to be made
up by siill heavier tivxes laid upon the p>3ople.—
Shortly after this bill passed the House of liepresen
tativos, and before it passed the Senate, in reply to
a Ktter from one of my constituents, I slated very
lully the reasons of my opposition to this measure.
I beg leave to extract from that letter;
t
\ NUMBER 108.
sidered Whig mcasuro?; and all who did not toe
the mark, were denounced as renegade Whigs.—
Resolved, however, to io niy duty, hard names had
no terrors for me. I saw their object was a high
taritr, and 1 would not contribute to it. At the first
regular session, lherefj»e, almost ihe whole party ral
lied for a high protecnVo tariif. The compromise
bill, which we were pjomiscd should be kept “sa
cred and inviolate,” v^as “thrown lo the dogs;”
retaining only those parts most favorablelo Norliiern
interests. Instead of-iv per cent., the duties upon
many of the mosi neceiiarv articles of consumption
were run up to more t3an 100 per cent., which is
to be paid in cash] wh^all tDudrugs anddye stuiiji
used in the manufactu^o[ the North, are allowed
to CO ne in free oj. du-j^^ i*-' ..o
I istribution could J wilnout repealing the
proviso in the distribi>ln bill of the extra session.
c-lKCUL.Mi OF THE
iion, Abraiium Henclicr
TO HIS CONSTITUENTS.
Fi'.i.LOW-CiTiZENs: B tor.‘leaving Wa h n^" n,
I avail mysfll of the occasiutj to sul.mit t.) v'o'i
biief revitw ot tne most j)rouuiitiu \viii(.*ti
have engag»^d the aiitniion ol iht* *^7th Congress.
It is a v.'.luabic custom in Nuith C-iroliti.i, winch 1
have never ncglecttd. Si parated trom most o( you
by the recent apportioiiment ot congressional ili'
tricts, 1 can now liavc no other objict than simply
to render an account of my stewardship to ihost*
at whose hands I have rec» ivcd numberless e.xpres-
sions of kindness and confiJence. To me this is
rendered the more ntctssary since theie have
not been wanting selfish political leaders in the dis
trict, and partisan presses oul of it who have enJca
vored to crcale the impression that, since my elec
tion 1 had abondoned my principles, and betrayed
Vour polilicai rights. L' this wen* /ruo, ji wenv^T
rrrreVOU^ vflVnct?, «iiir y*Jut co»v'
censure. Bui I aver, most solemnly, that 1 have
given no vote, nor expressed any opinion, inconsist
ent wilh the republican pnnciphs ol my whole life,
oral war wi'.h the pioniises and pledges which I
made vviit!ii a candida’.M belore you. It is true, the
Whig party h ive uiou^hl proper, since they came
in'o poweri^ to adopt a certain system of meastnes
as VV^nig m*;asures. u^ion which liiey hop; and t x
peel lo tied a particular man to the Preaidtncy m
1844' but moat of iheso nuasuies 1 have always
opposed, and so have you ; arid at it was no part ol
my duly to make a President, 1 have ih-mgrhr it^best
to pursue a straighttorward course, and h uvo Pres
ident-making to the people. This is ine sole cause
of my offence; and for this I iiave bet n denounced
as guiUy of treachery to the paiiy. B loit: I pro
ceed to examine this giave chaige, aiiow mu to say
ihal you, who know me beSt, well know that I have
never been the slave of any party, 'i'tiib exci >aive
blin J parly spirit 1 have aivvays deprec.iU-d. ll is,
in my opinion, the cancer of th^" body politic ; and
if our gloiious institutions arc evei desiroyed, it will
be the biller fruits of this bloody xMoloch ol party.
1 trust 1 shall never forget ihai I have a countiy to
serve; which counliy, next lo God, is entitled to
my highest obedience; and i can yield lo parly no-
thing, which a high sense, ot duty to that couiili y
wilTnot justify. These are principles wh ch 1 have
often proclaimed to you. and you liav(? as often ap
proved and applauded. They are the principles
upon which 1 liave endeavored most faithfully to
represent you, during the eventful Congress which
hasjust passed away.
But what are the Whig measures and Whig
principles »vhich I have leli it my duty to oppose,
and for which 1 have been denounced ? I can
mention only the principal ones, and leave you lo
judge whether, iir my oj)position to them, 1 have
aba*ndoned any of my lormei principles, or those
wWioW w«To proivfiOttd t>y vhu ‘tl \?40.
They are distribution, public debt, a protective ta-
rifT, a general bankrupt law, aboliiion ol the veto
power, and opposition to the rigiit ol tn- constituent
to instruct the representative, 1 do not say that all
who call themselves Whigs are in iavoi of all these
measures, because 1 know there are some » xceptions
among the people of the South; bul 1 do assert
that they are the principles held by the gieal body
of the Whig party, and it they succeed in electing
a Whig Piesideni m 1844, will be carried out un
der his administration. Neither do 1 say that these
are the only mvasures ot Whig policy, because I
know a bank ot the United Stales is a favorite mea
sure with them. But I voted for both iho bank
bills of the extra session, because 1 was pledged so
to do, and because 1 believed,at that lime, sve could
not have a sound currency without the aid of such
aa institution. I have since, however, had good
cause to believe that, in this opinion, I was wiong.
Most of the Stale banks have since resumed specie
pav'neiits wiilioui ititi aid ot such an institution ,
whjie the recent failure of ihe Bank of the United
States of Pennsylvania has exhibited a scene of cor
ruption and mismanageineni which has shaken
the confidence of many of its former most able ad.
voeaies. 1 shall confine myself, therefore, lo such
measures of Whig policy as 1 have felt it my duty
to oppose; and leave you lo judge whether I have
done so rightfully, or whether I deserve the censure
so liberally heaped upon me by a portion of the
Whig party, who, for party purposes, support all
these strong Federal measures.
DISTRIBUTION BILL.
The bill to distribute the proceeds hrising from
the sales of the public land, was one of the fiist mea
sures of the extra session. That session was culled
copsmuence of tbe embarrassed con Jiuon of ihe
“I voted against the bill to distribute the proceeds
of the fc-aliis of the public lands, though the hill did
not, by liny means, provide lor an equal or equitable
distribution. It gave to nine of the new States ten
per cent., in aildition to 5 per cent, heretofore allowed
them, more than iheir equal share ; while, of course,
il left that mut'h less for the old Stales, who gave a
large portion oi* these lands to the General Govern
ment. It gave 10 the same nine new States half a
million of acres of choice lands lor internal improve
ment, while it gave not an acre to the old Slates;
and this, ’oo, although the new Stales have hereto
fore received millions of acres of these lands for
schools and colleges, roads and canals, while the old
ISiates have received litile or none. Vou perceive,
therefore, that the distrihution was neither equal
nor equitable, but was both unequal and unjust.
\ ou know that 1 have tilways been opposed to
the jire einpiion system, by which the people of the
i new iSlales are allowed lo settle upon the public
lands \viiJiout any authority, and ilien take these
I lands at the lowect price, which is a dollar and a
I quarter an acre ; althougli the same land, if sold at
public auction, would often bring ten limes that
i amount. This system has always been deprecated
j t»y the people of Aorth Carolina and especially by
me \\ hig party, as replete both with fraud and in
justice; and yet this biil has established ihis abomi
nable system. Il ig as much a pre emption or a do-
natiun bill as it is a distribution bill; and all who vo
ted Jor distribution equally voted for pre-emption and
donation. Tlie bill contained other leatures equally
objeciionable. Il adiniited, in ex]>ress terms, the
right of Congress, hereafter to give away tfies6
lands to the new tSiates in which iliey lie—a right
always denied by the good people ol Norih Caroli
na, and especially by tlie \\ hig party in the fcJtate.
Tiiere are souie objections lo ihe bill itsell’; but
the condition of the treasury alforded an msuperp,-
ble objection to any distiibution at this lime. .It
was well understood belore my election, that, in con
sequence of the expendiiures of ihe late Admuiis-
tratioa naving been mucii greater than the current Luni^e
and trfat t«^13h\iai'aecfaiDg' rcveiiu5-iiere’'T-. . ’
atter would not be sulfioicnt for the support ol the
Government without a large increase ol the tariti,
or duty upon imports, at least lo the extent provided
lor ili the compromise of 1333. I therefore stated to
the people in mv circular, as well as in all my public
addresses, that,' whule 1 believed Congress tiad the
power to (lislribute the proceeds ot ihe sales ol
the public laiuls, and ought do so whenever tlie
condition of the treasury would justily it; \ el that
1 could not consent lo distribuie any portion of the
revenue as long as the Government was in debt,
without our being able to know exactly wheri or
how this debt was lo be paid. W hellier, therefore,
• was right or wrong in the vole 1 gave, no one
had a to su])potie 1 v^*ould give any other vote
taan 1 did.
•T concur entirely in the views ovpressed by the
President in his message lo Congress, m v-»iiich he
recommends* * a distribution oJ the proceeds oJ the
sales of ihe public lands aiiiujig the ^States, provided
such aistnUution does not Jorct upon Congrccs thene-
cessily oJ imposing upon commcrce heavier burdens
than those conlcmplated by the compromise act of
Ib33.’ Let ub wait and see whether a duty of twen
ty per cent., upon our iniportalions, as coniemplated
by Ihe compromise law ol lb’33, and as carried out
by the law we have jusi parsed, imposing a duty
not exceeding 2^) per cent, upon mostof the luxuries
of hie, will raise revenue suliicieni or the support
ol the Goveinmeiit. With economy, 1 think it will,
if
to
the ^
ot another heavy protective laritt,^ by
commerce and prosperity ol the South aie to be
crippled, if not destroyed, for the benelii of the ma-
nuiacturers ol the iNorih. 1 believe that many vo-
teu lor that distribution, as Diey do for every extra
vagant appropriation ol public money, that they
m^v thereoy have a better excuse lor violating the
Compromise law', and impj^ing heavier duties upon
imports than is contemi)iated by that law. 1 hese
taxes, though burdens lo you, are benefits to them;
Jiiuiiiuuch ;is they mcrwa'-e. llie price of lbrei^n goods
and of course increase, in the same degree, the
price of similar goods manufactured by them or
ineir constituents. Well, therefore, mignt ^'Ir. Ad
ams exhort his northern friends ‘ lo throw l^com-
promise act to the dogs.’
The bill w'asaccordingly amended it^ie Senate
by inserting a proviso, ikul no distrib^ioji should
take place ickenccer the duties imposed upon the
Tins was done under [(irty drill : and we had ihe
strange spectacle exhib;\'d in a free country, of im-
I am aware that ihc reason assigned for this vio
lation of the compromise was the w'ants of the trea
sury. But these wants were created in part by
themselves, and, as I believe, to crealc an excuse
for that violation. They matle a large increase lo
the appropriations made by i\Ir Van Buren’s Ad
ministration for the year 1841, and added very
largely to the navy—both in it.s olficers and men ;
as well as the numbt r of ships lo be put in commis
sion: and this, too, when that departriicnt was under
the direction ol a genilemon admitted by all to be
“ every inch a Whig.” But the wants of the trea
sury, though great, and made still greater by them
selves, \vas no sufficient ( xcuse for dnpartmg from
the compromisr*; for il was admitted by I'n ir mt st
rectiiuc putpOi':s
i^mpromJ^Vva^i^r tl^n liu- bill which
doubled Sub-
iit Kicts have shown this opinion lo have been
tcl; because the amount of our imports, m coii-
tion upon wjiom was im; jsed the heaviest burden. If
ever there was a bill of al'ominaiions m this country,
this was one; and I r* j ;ce that we had a President
sulHciently honest and dependent to strangle it by
the e'cercise of his con'll.’.utional veto.
rur.L.'J DEBT.
Our public debt, w:'.ii*n two years, has run up
from less than ten mill;.>ns ofdollars, to about thirty
millions: while our ant ual revenue, both from lands
and imports, does not e'jUal our annual expenditures
We must, therefore, ccrtmue lo increase our public
debt. If wo make diMrtbuiion, that public debt
must continue to iucre .|e more rapidly—and that,
loo, m lime ot profoun i ptace. Unless, therefore,
the people lake the a-V^, w*e shall have in this
country what the Englyn people are now groutiing
u.Tder—a pevviaricnt p i^Iic debt, so hostile to free
institutions. There art/'ther causes of alarm, which
threaten slill more to o :ci whelm us in public debt.
A large paity m bothllouses of Congress stood
ready, ai the last sessioii, to assume the payment of
claims for French spoliations prior lo 1800—amount
ing to not less than iwei,.y millions of dollars; while
a more formidable part^,. is growing up, especially
in the indebted States, iil favor of the monstrous pro
ject of the assumption t. State debts by the General
Government, to the aim ant of twohundied millions
ofdollars. Under all i lese circumstances, to think
of making distribution any part of our revenue,
isi the very essence of i,|litical folly. Who among
you could so manage Is own private affairs, and
sustain his character fo I honesty and integrity f—
What prudent man wolj give you credit, if you
III! rn fmnrl iTnlrinpr,1iTf|’Ayiiiin nf un'ir i ff''rl~'i ^ .
debt? nnd «*paoaHure greatly ex-»trad?*, that' is most mceiy to tS'criT^ TaTntTori
cfeeding your annual ii;|nne'^ The same rule ap | But high duties, diinm’shed importations, and the
duties were iowt st, was 010,739,545 ; w hile during
the two last quarters, aUer the passage of the bill of
abominations, it was only 05,770,670 -but little
more than half. So of the las*, quarter of the year
1841: under the compromise, the revenue was $4,-
936,U63; while for the corresponding quarter for
the year 184'^, undei the high tariff, it was only
02,465,164. So you sse an increase of duty does
not always increase the amount of revenue; but, on
the contrary, when the duty is very high, it dimin
ishes it, and may be put so high as to amount to ab-
.solute prohibition, and entirely destroy the revenue ;
and this constitutes the true distinction bet^\ttn the
friends of free trade and those of protection. Both
are in favor of some duty on imports; and whether
the duty be low or high, it must, to that extent, to
afford encourag* ment lo the manufactures of this
country. But the friends of free trade contend that
the Government ought nol to lay ai'iy duty but such
as shall be laid for revenue only; while the friends
of a protective tariff desire to cripple trade by duties
SO high as shall give them the control of the home
market, without regard to the amount of revenue
raised. To use their own language, they wish to
render the country independent of all foreign na
tions, by laying such duties as shall exclude foreign
goods from compctiJion with similar art'cles manu
factured by themselves. You perceive, therefore,
if ever this system should/ti^m complete success,
'there must be an end to revenue from imports—at
least from the importations of such goods as are
manufactured m this country. To supply the place
of this revenue, we must re^Lio direct taxes, which
plies to States that does fo individuals; and, accord-
jagly, we found the boml of this Government hawk-
edVbout in the markets "f Europe and this country,
without a bidder, until t! is reckless policy of disiri-
b'uiion was abandoned.
THE ]TARIFF.
But though the claus; making distribution was
abandoned under the veto of the President, all the
other odious features of ihis larifl'bill were revived.
We of the South had bein induced to believe this
exciting question was ftrever settled by the com
promise law of 1833.
mutual concessions on t!
and South, for the purr
advantages, 'i'his comj^
ual reduction of duties
hat law was the result of
j part both of the North
se of securing reci.'Tocal
omise provided for a grad-
ron\ 1833 to the 30lh ol
June, 1842; slowly at , >ut more rapidly as it
approached ils terminal^ -i, Affc)' June, 1842, all
duties were to be laid %r revenue purposes only,
arid were not to cxceed cent, ad valorem, or
on the amount of their i:!
sion to the South. Bui
Northern manufactures,.
should be paid in cash
other drujT^s uied in vi(h
per
uc. This w'ds aconcts-
as a further security to
was agreed, that this diihj
and that dye-stuffs, and
ufacturing, should come
people
ceed 20 percent. During the wholeof this period, no
considerable party in this country ever intimated a
disposition to violate this compromise. The late Ad
ministration, under all its financial difiiculfies, held
the compromise sacred : ?nd the whole of the party,
with very few’ exception.', voted against its recent
violation. During the ctUnpaign of 1840, both par
ties contended that the cj^yi'.promise net \yas to be
held “ sacred and inviolu‘^i|| Mr. Clay, itsdistin-
ijijished author, m a spp^JpieUvered in ButHilo m
1839, used the following etnphatic language :
“ If the compromise be hfiiolably viaintained, (as
I think it ought to be,) I trust that the rate of duty
for which it provides, its amjiinction with the stipula-
^ . ^ 1 niiri fhfi Inner ns:t
loss of revenue, are not the only evils wdiich this
system inflicts upon us. There is another law of
trade, which is as certain as anything can be; It
is, that the amount of your exports must depend up
on ihe amount of your imports. For a series of
veais they must be »qual, ot nearly iio. You can
not expect lo sell to othe; nations, unless you buy of
them. Whatever, therefo.*', diminishes the amoun-
of our imports, must, to the same exi« ni, diminish
the amount of our exports. And we of the South,
who produce most of these exports, will find them
growing less and less valuable lo as, until we shall
be compelled to abandon their production, or sub
mil to the slavish condition of allowing the North
ern manufactureis to fix their own terms—both for
what they sell to us, and w’hat they buy fiom us.
We find such to be the effects of the heavy duties
imposed by the new' tariff. Our impoits and ex
ports have both fallen of!'; the price of mauufaclurtd
goods has risen; whila the price of cotton, ihe great
staple of the South, and upon which almost every
other business depends, will hardly bear its trans
portation to market. 'I’ruly may it be said o‘ this
system, that it makes us hew’ers of wood and draw'-
e'rs of water foi the benefit of our northern brethren
You perceive, therefore, that the increase of the
taiifi' v.'as nol for revenue, but prelection—protection,
nol against vioh nce, but against low prices, wijich
the manufacturers wish to increase by an increase of
duty; for they know full well that the price of im
ported goods depends upon the amount of duty im
posed upon them. Oiherw’ise, you would not hear
their continual clamor for high taxes upon all such
imported goods as they manufacture, at the same
time that tney ask to import free of duly such goods
as they use and do not manufacture. Let us exam
ine into the secret cause of this extraordinary zeal
for » — i( •Ir.o rrmwTjCtcxeo o* VVt'f" f.DR-
should exceed 20 per cent., as provided jor
in the compromise law. i'his w'as some assuiance
to the people of the South that the compromise law
was to be held “ sacred and inviolate,” as promised
by the leaders of the Whig party in 1840. 11 the
coiiioromiSfc was violaitu, there was no distribution.
Bui it was evident, even at the axlra session, that
the great body of the Whig party were determined
to liave a high tariff; and they cared but little for;
distribution, except as it created an excuse for such
a laivif. Accordingly, no eflorts were made at re
trenchment, so as to'tiring down the wants of the
iovernmetii wiiliin its means, on the contra^y.lhe
aopropriations lor ttie year 1641, made by the
ciniouni of our indebtedness at least five millions ol
(loljms—and this, itjo, although we had complained
so loudly—and, m my opinion, SO justly—ol iheex-
iiavagance of our predecessors. So far from an in
crease of expenditure, there were many reasons why
there should have been a luge reduction. The
Florida war, so long a Siuk ol public money, was
just about being tenninaled; the exploring expedi
non was leiurning home ; and most ot tne costly
public buildings at the seal ol Government were
completed. Tnenc was, therefore, every reason for
a reduclivn,, rather than an increase ol expenditure.
With these views, you may well suppose 1 voted
iii^ainsl iheje exlia appropriations, lor which 1 was
no*, i iiltle censured at the time. They were con-
jact
equate j^rotectwnJ^
General Harrison, in iis Zinesville letter, holds
still stronger language ; j
“/ ajn (says he) for mpporting the compromise
act, and will never agre\ to its being altered or re
pealed. I Wtl.L APPROVE NO LAW WUlCn GOES TO AL-
tx:r or repi:al tiik act (jr 1833.” , ,
If that great and goo‘l man had lived, I believe
j{e‘ would have kept his ;|t'*:h to the country. But
Whig party ? Like
J o4)e devoured. As soon
as they came into pow'er^with John Q,. Adams, that
arch enemy of Southern lights and Sourthern insti
tutions, as their leader, ik^y determined “to throw
it to the dogs;” and yo.^^ve nothing of the com
promise remaining, bul duties, and the long
list of free articles the benefit of the
manufacturing inlcrest^'\ns\c^d of the 20 per
cent., w'hich was intendeti for your benefit, 2’ou have
to pay from 40 to 100 kr cent, and even more,
upon* many of your nei jj^sary articles of consump
tion. Before God, I dj not believe there can be
found, in the history of Warty warfare, so fragrant
and shameful an instanceof political treachery—not
only lo party, but lo the \'hole people,and especial
ly ;o the people of the South; and yet your party
leaders and party presset, instead of denouncing it
as such, turn round and ipprove the act, and invoke
your indignation againstjihose who could not be in-
daced thus to join ia betfrying you.
fined alone to the foreign article, they would be ns
much opposed lo high duties as we are; but they
know that the price of their own manufactures must
depend upon the price of the foreign atiicle, which
depends upon the amount of duty nni'/osed upon il.
VV’hen you consume vi foreign article with the duty
laid upon it, the increased price caused by the in
crease of duty, is paid for revenue, because the duty
has already been paid into the treasury by the im
porting merchant, and, of course, laid on the ijoods.
But when you consume domestic goods, equal in
price to similar goods imported wilh the duty on,
the increased price is paid as a bounty to the manu
facturer, and goes into his pocket. T.his bounty,
paid by the people, is what they call protection.
The people of this country, therefore, eveiy where,
upon most of the goods wdiich they consume, pa\'
a large part of the price, either for revenue oi foi
bounty. When duties are low, and your trade is
free and flourishes, the proportion of what you pay
for revenue increases, and that for protection dimin
ishes; but when the duties are very high, and youi
importations arc small, the amount paid by you on
account of this increased price, is much greater; LA
most of it is for bounty, and but little lor reveii/ie.
The late census tables enable US to form SOine tfill
mate of the relative amou.it paid for revenue, and
that paid for protection. The amoum of imported
goods upon which protective duties ^
down-by a very accurate gentleman at 04o,OOO,UOO,
and the amount of similar goods, rnanulactuied m
ihis country, and increased in price to the consumei
by the duty upon the foreign article,
this time,as one to ten. While 010,000,000 is paid
for bounty or protection. Tnis vasi burden dots
not fall alone upon the people ol ihe South, but falls
upon consuDfiption everyw’here; and the ptop e o
the North, not «r>der the influence of manufacturing
eslablisliments, are rallying with us against this un
just oppression. To us of the South, high duties
are peculiarly oppressive; for while they impose
heavy burdens upon our consumption, they cripple
commerce, and distroy the value of the products of
our prosperity mainly depends. You see, too, why
ihe manufacturers are so clamorous for high taxes.
To ihetn, taxation is a blessing; for if they pay one
dollar upon imports for revenue, they g*-t ten for
bounty in return. You see, too, wliy those w-ho re
present that interest always favor extravagant ap
propriations of public money, oppose retrenchment
of expenditures, and go for distiibution, or anylhmg
else that shall keep up this recissity for high duties.
You sie, loo, w'hy tliOc^ vs ’:o represent the farm* r:?
and planters, who are ihe piinfipal cont-umers in
this country, ought to oppose distiibution of anj'
portion of our revenue, w'hich is to be mad«’ up by
an increase of duties ; for while you get one dolla*
from the revenue in this way, you have to pay u li
times that amount for revenue and bounty. A* .soctj.
therefore, as the manufacturers found they imd
majority in the 27th Congress, they began lo pave
the way lor a protective tariff. They contrived to
make it a Whig measure, and either decoytd or de
nounced most of the party into its support. Their
orators and presses represented it as the great pana
cea for a suffering country. Even the bjnk vv:»i
secondary to it. The National Intellig* ncer, pj iri-
ted at the seat of Government, and the great oi^an
of the Whig party, thus introduced the tariff bill t-.*
the notice of its readers;
‘■It wrti to-d^iy” (?ays the editor)/‘be laid befo'-':-
the l^res;dent with whom the solemn responsdiiMt'
Will then rest, eitiier to sign the billand give reii«*!
to a suli’ering people, or, abutting his eyes and his
heart to the public distress, refuse his assent lo the
bill, and plunge his country into hopeless misery.”
Such was the crmmon language of the Whig
party in 1842. But suppose they had used such
language in the campaign of 1840, and had told
you that the great relit f they had in store for your
sufferings, were high taxes u ithc»ut which you must
remain forever in ‘*hopeh;ss misery:” would yoti
have rallied as you did to their stand-iid? Would
you not have rejected such proffered r lief w ith
scorn, and tiampled it under your leet? I think
you would. You labored for relief, an i they ire-
posed addilional burdens. You asked for a fish,
and they have given you a seipent.
Another argument resornd to in favor of hiL't.
taxes, especially in Noith Carolina, is retaliatioi
They say, because the British Giovernment impu^^r.^
high duties upon many ariicks, some of which
produce, (such as breadsuit^s and tobacc^
iuiuiuiu^iui ca. ' ou jpprd ol' flil SOpnTSTryV
the argument is simply this. that, because the But-
ish Government wilh an immense j,ublic debt, and
king and lords to provide for, oppresses her subj. cts
by high tax^-s,therefore wesliould cppiess our peo
ple; and this, too, not for revenue, as in Great Bri
tain, but for bounty or protection to a favored elai.5
of people. Our system, therefore, finds no justih-
ration even m thf Briti'^h system. The most oi the
large revenue which she raiscs, except what ii^
;*ai.^rd from excis«. and direct taxes, is raistd froni
a few aiuchs oniv which are not and cannot bo
produced in Great Bnuiin—such toKicco. coffee^
sugrr, tea, wine, spict.s, and perliaps silks. These
duties, therefore, are laid :?Ione for revenue, and are
paid for revenut, and are paid for revenue only.
Almost the oiiK high jiroKclive duty laid by Grt'at
Britain, is laid u['on bieadstnffs, lor the protection
of the farmer. U;'cn manufacturfd goods the duty
IS vrry low—5'»Jioin txcvi'ding 13 per ctnt., and
often much less. Thus, you see, the policy oi the
British Government is the very reverse of what is
here contended for. Most of her heavy duties are
laid upon the luxuries of life; while we tax luxuries
very lightly, if at ail. If England lays protective
duties, they are mainly for the benefit of the farmrr;
while we tax the farmer for the benefit of the man
ufacturer. We impose the highest duties upori the
necessarias of life; while in England, those duties
are very low’—the declared policy of her prt?sent
ministry being to enable h«^r people ’‘to buy chtap.”
This is niy policy, haeaUvays been,and always will
be; and I can ru ver const nt to act wilh any party
who adopt a diffeaent policy. I am willing to be
taxed to any amount for the support of the Govern
ment; but not a ct'iil beyond, or for the avowed ben
efit of any othei se ction, or any other class of people*
3Iillions for defence, but not a cent for tribute.”
Such are my view.s nf ihi.« protnctive policy.——
Wilh lae, it is the great question in politics ; for tip-
on it must dept^id ihe character ol every adminis-
tiation. You cannot expect, from any parly who
believe high duties a blessing, anything but schemes
of extravagant approprtaiion and wasteful expendi
ture to keep up the necessity for such duties. They
are the natural fiuits of such a ptdicy. Evni Mr.
Clay, in a rtcent letter to his W hig friends of Ne*v
Yoik. declared he considered it forltmate that the
wants of the treasuiy made high duties necessary.
Under the influence of such a piinciple. it is vain
to expect either economy in our public expendi
tures, or reform of public abuses,
THE BANKRUPT LAW
Was another measure w hich I felt it my duty to
oppose. It was, likew ise, made a Whig measure.
But for that, and its conn«xion w’ith other Whig
measures, il could never have become a law. Bad
as the law’ was, the manner in which it was passid
was much w’orse. It w’as litlerally log'Tolled into
existence. Men dtcidedly opposed toil, were in
duced to vote for it to buy support for other m« a-
sures' and thus an obnoxious law was saddiid up
on the country, w’hich never had the hearty appro
val of a majority o! your representatives. A well-
reiiulated bankrupt *law% operating only on dibts
contracted subsequvnt to the passage of the law^,
may be very proper; but a bankrupt law', such as
the one which was passed, authoiizing eveiybody
lo repudiate debts previously contracted, w as, ai my
opinion, most unjust and unconstitutional. li was
unjust to creditors who had sold proptrly, loaned
money, or given credit, before the existence of any
such law; and was a violation, in spiiii at least, ot
ihat clause in the Constituticn which declares that
•• no State shall pass any law impairing the obliga
tion of contracts."
But il is now unntcessary (o dw( II U| cn tniii 4aw,