W the ‘Squire ot a quami^ de;nuie iooking individ
ual of the party>
“ Well, 1 reckon, ‘Squire I kin tell you the whul
truth of it, if you diu want to know ir, I guess Jon-
aihan Coffin ;irv'’r toM a He, and you may dtjpt’nd.
on what ^ ifH yon. Yju 'Squire, human natur,
numan natur, all tho world ovt r, and so I used
lo tell dad when I was to hum ; you see dad had an
old bull ”
* I don’t want to hear any thingr about your fath
er; tell what you know of this affair, sir.’
‘Oh,-well now, you nRod’nt be so snappy. lull
ways begin at the beginning of any thing. So I
tell you our dad’s old bull used to run arter the gals
which was all natural, cause the he’s will run arter
the ’
‘ Are you a natural fool, sir?—about this affair
I want ic know—nothing else*
‘ Well now, I reckon you are in a pucker, and
I guess I aint a natural fool nei'her. or sensible mtn
would be tarnation scarce, 1 can if ll you.’
‘ Can you tell what you know of this mailer, or
can you nolV
‘ fieaven and airth I how wild you look; have
you got the bots, or any other darjgerous complaint
’Squire ’cause I am said to be the best Thompson
ian doctor in our party.’
‘ Mike the uliot stand aside, and let‘s hear a man
with some sense.’
‘Cracked what a passion you're in; you wont
Lear the truth when iis told to you.’
‘ SiUnce, sir ; well, can j*k)U tell anything of this
matter?’ asked thejiisiicy, rather sharply of a little
shabbily dressed tiMn.
‘ Well, ’Squ.re, wv were only playing the Land
lord’s game,’ and the G«mman was beat, and ‘ re
fused to pay for ih* ten glasses, and some how or
other they got from words to blows, and a general
sort of a ftghl took place, in which I was not en^
gaged, but got out of the way.’
‘ Faiih and \ou tniy say that, fj- I saw you on
top of the stove, and it hoi too; lifting up one fool
when it burnt, and pulling down another.’
‘ Well, watchman, what saw you of this not?’
‘ I was on my ward, and h‘ard somebody crying
‘ murder,’ when I ran in, and saw this Irishman
beating tne G^rma;^, wi;h a pretty large stick of
wood, who was hollowing ‘ murder’ very lustily.’
‘ Be the powers, and h«‘ did holler most beauti
fully, you oiuy say thal with a cleai conscience,’
chimed in l^at.
‘And I guess I was trying to keep the peace,’
said Jonathan.’
‘ No sir,’ said the watc.hman, ‘ you w'ere standing
on a chair, crying to first one and the other to * go
it,’ and ‘stick it to him,’ instead of keeping the
peace.’
‘ VV’^ell, I reckon, that was the rery way to do it,
I knows human natur loo w ll, lor when one or
ihe tother got whipped, of course th» spree would
soon be over, anJ I was only urging one to whip
the other as quick as possible,’ answered Jonathan.
‘ It appears you got th? worst of the bargam.’
said tho =Squire, speaking to the German, who
stood silently looking on.
‘ Mine Got! diJnt I git more than I ought to;
mine poor head, all blue, all black all over, wid der
blows from dal go it for d—n Paddy.’
• Never mind, stranger, I’m a doctor, and I’ll
prescribe for you. Just take—let’s see—I guess,
about two cups full of .’ Before Jonathan could
finish the senlonco he was interrupted by the En
glishman, who observed,
‘ Thai severe bruises should not be h’entrusted to
h’ignoranl and unskilful ’ands,,’
What might have been the upshot of this remark,
. nnf tnniv- Tpe niiirU a« ihoupht
etripped oir Ins jacket, when he was seizea oy a
watchman who requested him to put it on again,
which he did very reluctantly, vowing he would
give him a sound thrashing, whenever he caught
the cowardly Englishman.
• Afier some consid»'rable time sp^nt in endeavor
ing to find out who was the actual aggressors, the
justice discharged the whole party, they having
'made the matter up amona themselves in a satisfac
lory manner to each other.
Jonathao, before he went out, came ’round, and
looking the Justice in the face, said—
‘I guess, Squire, you don’t know law rnough for
these chaps, if they bf' • natural fools;’ hut as 1 have
got plenty of time, I’ll just tell, (‘t you want to
hear it,) th» story of dad’s old bull, ’cause it are
a most laughable affair, and as you are tolerable
‘ pussey.’ why I’d advise you to tie your hanker
chief’round vour bread-baakel ’for I commence.’
Being informed that his room was more agreea~
ble than his company, he absquatulated, whistling
as he went out, • Yankee Dooile,’ with the great'
jest air imaginable.
The shadow of an Aas.—The Greeks had a pro
verb which ran thus; “To dispute on the shadow
of an ass.” This took rise from an anecdote which
Demosthenese ia said to have irlated to the Athenian?,
to excite their attention during his del'nee of a crim
inal, which was bMiig but inattentively listened to.
■“ A traveller " he said, “once went from Athens
to Megara, on a bi-^ed ass. It happened to be the
lime of the dog-days, and at noon. He was much
exposed to the unmitigated heat of the sun ; and not
finding so much as a bush utider which to take she!
ter, he bethought himself to descend from the ass,
nnd seal himself under its shadow The owner of
the donkey, who accompanied him, objected to this,
declaring to him that when he let the animal, the
use of Its sbadow was not included in the bargain.
The dispute at last grew so vvarm. that it came to
blows; and finally gave rise to an action at law.”
After having said so much, Dnmosthenese continued
the defence of his client; but the auditors whose
curiosity he ha«i piqued, were extremely anxious to
know how the judges decided on so singular a cause.
Upon this, the oraior commented severely on their
childish injustice, in devouring with attention, a pal-
iry story about an ass’s shadow, while they turned
a deaf ear to a cause in which the life of a human
being was involved. From that day, when a man
.showed a preference for discussing small and con^
lemptible subjects, to great and important ones, he
was said “to dispute on the shadow of an ass.”
A Roaring Orator.—“ Mr President, I shall
noi remain siltnt, sir, svliile 1 have a voice that is
not dumb in this assembly. The gentleman, sir,
cannot expostulate this matter to any future lime
that is more suitable than now*. He may talk, sir,
of the Hercu’aneum revolutions, where republics
are burled into arctic regions; and the works of
centurions refrigaled to ashes—but, sir, we can tell
him, indefatigably, that the consequences there
from multiplied subterraneously by the everlasting
principles contended for thereby, can no more shake
this resolution than can the roar of Niagary reju
venate around these walls, or the midnight tempest
conflagrate the marble statue into ice. That’s just
what 1 told them."
“Squire,” said a wag, entering a magis
trate’s office, “ I have an account which I wish set
tled; will you attend to it for me ?” “ Certainly,
sir. What is it?’' “ it is my cash account—thir
ty dollars short—wish you’d collect the ballance
for me.”
prom tb^ Richmond Enquirer'
BRITISH INTRIGUES.
The following letter, from a gentleman of Intel
ligence and high standing, has given us no liule
uneasiness as to the stand which Texas may take
upon the terms of admission tendered her by the
United States. Most deeply do we regret to hear
that Houston, the gallant victor at San Jacinto, is
now “heading the English parly” and tarnish
ing his laurels by such an affiliation. Has he lost
all sympathy for the free inslilutions and noble as
sociations of his nr.livo land, and is he, from ram
pant ambition, or some other sinister motive, about
to destroy his fair fame, by turning his back upon
his native and his adopted country, and surrender*
ing the Lone Star ” to the intrigues and cupidity
of Greal Britaiu? W’^hat a shortsighted policy
does he pursue, if he hopes, by such a suicidal
course, to push forward his own schemes ofaggran
dizement! Let him but take a retrospective glance
at the grasping policy of the Ocean Glueen in all
past time. She may, for a time, flatter the hopes
and the vanity of Texas, by the plausible show of
“ independence,” and ils consequent blessings; but
a lew years will demonstrate the treacherous na
lure of British professions. When the public mind
is flattered by rich promises, and, in the security of
apparant prosperity, is blinded to the machinations
of the wily mistress of diplomacy, England will
stealthily introduce her subtile poison and her faith
ful agents into every corner of Texas, and by her
intrigues and bribes and imported voters, will sub
ject the country to her cunning policy, and reduce
the people to the vilest subserviency. With her
anaconda coils of treachery and artifice, she will
enfold the young Southern Giant, and, when the
proper season arrives, will crush the last vestige of
liberty and national pride. The “ Lone Star” will
be lost from the grand constellation of independent
nations; her glorious struggle with Mexico tyran
ny will be shrouded in oblivion, and her noble ori
gin and valiant deeds, will be forgotten, m the dis
graceful events of being merged, as an humble and
oppressed colony, in the overshadowing power of
Groat Bntam is not this a true outline of what
will necessarily ensue upon the success of the ma
chinations of the “English party ?” We appeal to
Houston, not to sacrifice his own reputation, and th(
destinies of Texas, so gallantly rescued by his cour
age from Mexican oppression, to the still more la
tal, though more insidious and cunning, tyranny of
British diplomacy. We appeal to the people of
Texas, bone ol our bone and flesh of our flesh,’
to . tand up lor themselves, and hurl back upon
Great Britain the insult which she offers to Ameri
ca» freemen. Upon the present experiment
mucn depends. T’he grand question is to be decid
ed, whether the gold and cunning of Great Britain
are to be succeeded in spreading her indefinite do
minion over the American continent, and gradually
break in upon the sovereignty and safety of the
States of the Union. W^hat American can thiuk ol
the fatal consequences of such an event, and not let
his blood boil with indignation ? And yet the Rich
mond Whig ardently hopes” that the annexmiun
of Texas will be defeated by her own opposuioi
stirred up, as itappears, by British agents!
But admit that Texas is not enslaved by Eng
land, (a most unnatural supposition, in view ot th
glaring facts of her past history,) and continues ar
independent nation, who can rationally doubt the
withering influence of that condition of affairs upon
the Welfare of the United States? It will be to
• - — vri w mi i e&a» a
Treaty, by which the agricultural products i»l th»-
latter, her cotton, sugar, indigo, and p« rha|-s tobac
co, will be introduced into Lngland free of duty,
and in return, the manufactured guods ol England
will be brought into Texas also without dut}; —
Can there be a reasonable doubt, that with thi
lacts m view—and also the further fact, that smuij-
gling will be successfully and fuily carried on
along our South Western frontier —a deadly blow
will be given to our agricultural and mdustiial pur
suits—the products of our soil will become drugs
in the market—and the work shops of our manu
facturers cease their hum of business? Mr Lyons,
in his speech at “the little clique” meeting on
Wednesday night, pourtrayed ail these consrquen-
ces in an eloquent and logical manner. We hope
he will excuse our “insidious and treacherous
praise”—(see Richmond Whig of last yeai, pas
Sim)—whet; we add, that he placed m the clearest
light the constitutionality of annexation by joint re
solution of Congress.
Does it then become us, under the threaleniniJ as
pect of affairs, to lie upon our oars and let the poi
son of British intrigue be mfused into the heart ol
Texas, without the slightest objection on our parti’
Is it proper that we should, without remonstr ince,
allow Great Britain to defeat a measure which has
been solemnly sanctioned by an American Con
gress, and with which the best destinies of the na
tion are wrapped up? Some days since we ven
tured to throw out a few respectful suggestions to
the President and Secretary of State on this subject.
We advised, if there was no constitutional objection,
the appointment of a new commissioner, who
should carry the latest wishes of our Government,
and should aisist Major Donebon m urging and
persuading the Government of Texas to accept our
offer. Much good might be done by such a mission
in explaining the views of our Government and
our people, in setting forth the advantages to Texas
of accepting the terms of admission specified in the
joint resolution and looking lo the justice and liber*
ality of the United States in adjusting, hereafter,
many questions of interest lo Texas. We beg leave,
again, respectfully to renew the suggestions, and
invite the alteniion of the President to the new light
furnished by the following letter:
“ Gentlemen: I.^lters received by this evening’s
mail, direct from I’exas, and from those fully ac
quainted with the state of things there, leave not
the least doubt, that an extraordinary struggle is
going on in Texas, between the /riends of annexa
tion and the English party, headed by General
Houston. Every possible inducement is eld out
by the English Minister and Agents, to the people
of Texas, to reject the proffered terms. Magnifi
cent offers are made, a reaction has taken place, and
I feel warranted in saying that the issue is doubtful.
I trust the President wiil heed your suggestion, or
we may yei lose the country; and, if lost now, it
will be lost forever. Mark it!”
The New Orleans papers contain no important
news on this interesting question. We cut the fol
lowing from the New Orleans Republican of yes
terday week :
“ We understand that Maj, Donelson, our Charge
d’Affaires to Texas, will sail in the next packet for
Galveston, by which lime he supposes that the in*
structions, said to have been forwarded lo him by
the wav of Nashville, will have arrived.
“ We trust that the bill which has passed our
Congress, in regard to annexation, will be ratifif.d
by the people of Texas; and that the inferences to
the contrary, derived from the tone of some of th«
newspaper publications in that R^'public, will piove
to be nnfoonded. If injnstice has been done lo
^ » / j
Texas by ihe provisions of the bill, so lar as they j
’••iait to th^ cession of her public property, salt j
iaiii'S. minerals. have but little doubt that
her citixens had mach rr\lher rely on ihe future le
gislation of th( Unit'^d States to restore what is pro
per and right, than hazard the loss of the measure;
by further delay In no event can we anticipate
that the advantag s of union with us can be thiown
away, in ord(»r to embiace an alliance with Great
Britain, whos^r fixed policy is now derlared to be
the abolition of slavery, and whose interests, in oth
er respects, will turn out to be adverse to those of
Texas.”
The Df^rnocrats, thus far, have noblv done their
duly towards completing this grand acquisition.—
But circumstances may V^t arise whi^h W'ill re
quire all their energy and zeal. It is. therefore,
ighly 'mportant, that every effort be made to elect
Democratic Legislature this Spring, and to se
cure a 'Texcis United States Senator next Winter.
jCt not our own dissensions, or lukewarmness,
throw the Stale into the hands of the Whigs, and
“glut the vengeance” of the Richmond Whig and
. M. Bolts, the rabid enemies of Texas Annexation
From the Philadelphia Ledger.
A Bad System.— We have said that in the manu
facturing corporations of Now Borland, more of the
profits are received by capital, and less by labor,
than in the inanafacturing establishments ol Eng
land eind {Scotland. This will probably be denied
by the corporators, and to contradict it they, will
probably refer to ihe dividends on their stock, and
to the comparative wages of labor in the two coun
tries. Bu». we have a word to offer upon these divi
dends, for the purpose of showing that they are
deceptive as a criterion of the profits accruing lo
capital. The dividend upon the stock of the cotton
and woollen mills of Lowell and other manufactu
ring towns of New England, are not the whole re
ceipts of capital. Large sums are paid from the re
ceipts of each, to various officers, and to commission
merchants. A corporation is founded or purchased
by some half dozen of wealthy merchants or other
capitalists. One is a commission merchant and
must sell all the “goods” from it that are sold in
Boston. Another stockholder has a son, a lawyer,
who receives a salary of four or five thousand dollars
as treasurer of the corporation. Another makes a
son an agent for purchasing supplies; another re
quires for a son, or son-in law, or nephew, a super-
intendency within the mill. And thus various offi
ces, with high salaries, are distributed among the
families of ihe stockholders or at least the directors.
And thus each of these companies is a close corpor
ation, giving profits to the stockholders under the
name ot dividends, and profits to their families under
the name ol salaries. Even England itself, the
very hotbed of oligarchies, may challenge a parallel
to this rotten borough system. Who can deny that
these salaries and commissions should be transferred
from the account of expenses, where they are placed
to that ofprodta on capital? This system is not
found in the British manufactories; and for this and
other reasons, they pay six tenths of their proceeds
to labor and four tenths to capital, while those of
New England pay four tenths only to labor and six
tenths to capital.
A delusion very industriously propagated by the
manufacturing corporations, iii that American labor
ers receive higher wages than English. American
laborers pay less from their wages than English, in
taxation upon the necessaries and comforts of life.
But we deny that they receive more money for a
given amount of labor, upon a comparison ot the
national prices of labor in the two countries. The
following facts will throw some light upon this.
A lew years since, a girl in a cotton factory of
New England would earn about two dollars and
three quarters weekly, in attending two looms. The
proprietors then offered fifty cents more weekly, fo^
attendance on an additional loom, and finally anolh
er half dollar for attendance on a fourth loom. Thus
iney earimu wRp.kly far a r.ertaio auiouni
work, and only ^3.75 for double of that amount, the
increase />f vork being one hundred per centum,
and the increase of wages only acout thirty-six per
centum. The English manufacturers, learning that
the amount of work was doubled in American mills
attempted the same, and offered to weavers on two
looms an increase of fitly per centum for an addition
al loom, and afterwards double wages lor four looms
amounting to twenty two shillings sterling weekly
This sum. at $4,80 to the pound sterling, its exchang
eable value in Federal money, is $5,28, or more
than the weekly wages ol an Ameiican for the
same work by fourteen per centum.
But this fact shows, not only that English wages
are higher than American, but that American wages
do not increase in proportion to increase of work.
Does not this indicate a rapii\ tendency lo the social
condition of England, where labor starves while
capita] riots in wealth ? if the work be doubled, the
profits of capital must be more than doubled, as the
expenses ol the duplication are far less that those
of ihe first portion. But besides this increase of
work without adequate payment, the American mill
owm^e require more hours of work than the English
The ldter are restrained by laws, rendered necessa
ry by inKabuses of the factory system. The former
are not, bi^are governed only by their contracts
with laborer, and hence require as many hours of
work in twenty-lbur as they can compel laborers to
perform. In some American mills, fifteen minutes
only are allowed for dinner; and to save time in
passing from the mills lo the boarding houses, some
manufacturers talk of placing the boarding houses
or uining-rooms of the laborers under the same roof
with the mills- The destructive influences of such
systems on physical nature will be quite as great
in our country as in England, where they have been
deplorable, and have required legislative inter
position.
SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
The Washington correspondent of the N. Y.
Commercial Advertiser (Whig) thus speaks of the
new Secretary:
‘I am inclined to come lo the conclusion, after all,
that Mr. Bancroft means to turn in something of a
river into the Augen stable of the Navy Department
and sweep away many of the abuses which have
grown offensive there to the public nostrils. The
sentiments which he avows in private conversations
indicate that he has some idea of the Herculean la
bor before him, and the nerve to undertake it. His
predecessor, Mr. Henshaw, began the work, but
unfortunately, he did so befbre he was confirmed,
and, oi course, arrayed all the parties interested to
sustain the present abuses against him, lo prevent
his confirmation. Mr. Bancroft is beyond the reach
of such hostility, being firriily seated in his power
tor four years. He is a frisnd of progress, and an
advocate of reform ; and he has now a fine opportu
nity for raising the character of the Department
and making it conform to the spirit of the present*
rather than, as heretofore, to a past age.” *
General Saunders.—The Richmond Compiler
says, somewhat ill naluredly, that General Saun
ders “ has got enough of Washington, doubtless, for
the present ” That paper is mistaken. General
Saunders has no heart burnings about what has
transpired at Washington, neither does he belong
to that school of politicians who belieive that the
places of Government were created for iheir panic
ular benefit. He is loo good a Democrat, and loo
far removed from the corrupting influences of
Whiggery, for that. We guess, whatever the
Compiler may think, that Ihe Whigs “ got enough''
of General Saunders during the late campaign.
Raleigh Standard,
Pirates.-^The. schooner Louisiana, at New York
n'when off the west
end of St. Domingo, on the 28th ult. she was fired
mto by a piratical schooner, which displayed the
NK ^ She fired once
with ball and without.
From the N. O. Picayune.
LATEST FROM TEXAS.
The news received last night from
er of an unpleasant character, it nnust be admUle .
We have neither space nor lime at the moment lo
make those remarks which suggest themselves up
on the unexpected tone of the Texas press regar mg
the annexation resolutions: We trust, however, tha
much of the hostility evinced against these resoltj*
tions by the papers of Texas will disappear upon
tne arrival of the intelligence of their final passap
in their present form. We believe further, that the
opinions and views ihey express, if persevered in,
will not find the countenance or support of the lex*
ian people.
From the New Orleans Republican.
Texas —Papers from Galveston to the 18lh inst.,
and from Washington (the capitol) to the 1st inst.,
have reached us by the sieairship New York. It
appears that some of the Texians are not at all pleas
ed with the terms of atmexation contained m the re
solutions just passed.^ They look at the same mea
sure as a one-sided affair altogether, and ihat they
would be sadly shorn by their big sister republic,
in their acquiescing in the sacrifice of their customs,
dues, public property, &rC. &c as the price of their
admission into the Union. Tlie •* National Regis
ter" is really savage at “ the actual pit and grave of
insignificance and infamy” into which these resolu
tions, as it states, would plunge the Texan nation
The “ Register,” however, is the organ of the anti
annexationists, who are but an insignificant fraction
of the people.
The “ Galveston News” still advocates the cause
ol annexation.
The general appropriation act of the last Congress
authorizes th«‘ pavment of $137,340, which seems
'.0 be nearly tb(‘ whole amount ot the annual charge
of the republic.
The export of provisions is becoming a leading
feature in the commerce of Texas.
From the Register.
If the people of Texas choose to revolutioniz*
their government, and institute some new and difft i
ent republican organization, they may do so without
the leave of a foreign government “ first had and
obtained.” But the United Slates have acknowledg
ed our title to be recognised as an independent na
lion, both de facto and de jure Should we adopt
the course designated by their resolutions, w'e at
once lose the bfnefit af that acknowledgement.—
We pass into a state of imbecile and hopeless depen
dence upon that power—10 be annexed ?—certainly
never until their aspiring partizans shall cease to
need the material we now furnish them for the man
ufacture of political capital. Our relations wit
other governments dissolved, and our ovvn national
iiy renounced, the United States may consent to hold
as they shall have consented lo place us m a stale of
penultimate but unaccomplished annexation!
But even this consent of the American Congtess
mt agre and valueless as it is to the people of Tex-
as, but for which we are required lo give to the Uni
ted States a lien upon our country’s sovereignty—
this worthless consent, as if begrudged to Texas, is
eked out to her at a miser’s usury, and is shackled
with what lawyers call “conditions precedent.”—
Passing by the required sacrifice of our right lo ad
just the boundaries of our territory, the consent of
that Congress even once more lo entertain the Tex-
come the meoiai ot, biui troui wbom he receives
the means of averting famine and death; but the
sturdy yeoman, whose honest industry and strong
arm afford him all the means of subsistence and
jrotection requisite to his 'condition and habits Iq
ife may weM shun the banquet and the associa.
tion if invited into the society of the more wealthy
and’presummg. when his acceptance is to he con.
pled with acknowledgments of vassalage and infg.
rrom the GaWestoii Weekly NeWs.
The pHosPECt.^Wg have already furnishetj
neonleslible evidence, thM P^y m
as question is coupled with the cold assurance, that
if we are ever admitted into the Union al all, we
opposition 10 annexalioii h« so fer succeeded ih«
her Brilannic Majesty’s baa obfamed (b,
pledge of President Houston to ose bw belt endea.
vors to defeat that measure.
We are told, that npon condition of our reiioui:/
cing the American Union forever, the monarchi-
cal powers ot Europe will then terminate our fort
midable war with Mexico, “ forthwith and coiqt
pulsively.” The same friendly promise has beeo
made, from lime to time, for the last seven or eight
years } and ils repetition just at this particular cri
sis, when the speedy success of annexation is be-
yondall reasonable doubt, is exceedingly well limetl
m order to create a reaction in the public feeling of
this country. We are not told whether this friend’
ly mediation is again to be attended by another
“armistice” as a necessary preliminary step, to be
afterwards “ improved into one of more convenient
duration.” We are, however, assured that “ France
and England tvill openly submit to the consideia-
tion of our government and people inducements for
us to remain independent.” Such information as
this is usually confincd lo the chief agents of gov*
ernm^'nt as a matter of state secrecy, and is roroiy
furnished in the public journals exce{ l for the pur.
pose of political influence and foreign counteraction,
This announcement is made in the positive and un
qualified terms of a negotiator, who has porticipa-
ted in ail the cabinet secrets and intrigues of boih
hemispheres. ,.1.
The public need not be surprised shouid this sin
gular manifesto prove lo be the harbinger of party
organizition. and ol gieat exertions in this country
lo counteract the labors of our friends in the United
States and to defeat this great measure here, afiar
It has triumphed there. “ We shall see.”
FROM TEXAS.
By tho arrival of the steam ship New York,
Capt Wright, we have received Galveston dates
up to Saturday lasf, and verbal news to Tuesday iaii
We notice that several of the leading journa!}
hold language opposed to annexation, or at lea$!
unfriendly to the measure
The Galvaston Weekly News of the 1st ins!,
says, ‘ Wt have already furnished mconlcslitle evi
dence that British policy has so far prevailed in
Texas that Her Britanic Majesty’s Charge
obtained a pledge from Ex President Houston io
use his utmost endeavors against annexation.” The
same paper hints at the opposition of the prcscnl
Administration in Texas to the measure.
John M Allen, Esq., has been elecied Mayor of
Galvaston.
We glean nothing of inipcrlance from the papm
The news of the passafje of the Annexation rrsolo.
lions had not yet reached 7'exas when the
York Kft—New Orleans Picayune
* I - I—■—
must code to the United States, “all our mines, mi
nerals, sail lakes, and springs, all our public edifices,
fortifications, barracks, ports, and harbors, navy-
yards, docks, magazines, arms, armaments, and all
other properly and means pertaining lo the pub
lie defence.*' We must also yield up our reve
nue and our capacity to raise one; which single
item, under the financial regulations of our fostering
stepmother, would bring into her treasury at lea?t
three hundred dollars per annum ; for which we
have her kind permission to retain our public debt,
and keep our public domain; subject, however, lo
the payment of the debt, arid circumscribed within
such limits as she may hereafter be pleased lo assign
lo our territory in the exercise of her characteristic
and far stretching diplomacy, which once reach
ed even to the Western Banks of the Sabine I We
must, moreover, truckle lo her pel abolitionists, by
obligating ourselves to prohibit slavery north of the
parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, known
as the Missouri compromise line.
W’e have always been a vvarm and hearty advo
cate for the cause of annexation ; but never did we
dream that the approval of the people of Texas
would be required lo a proposition so absurd—so
degrading as the one propounded by this resolution.
Our space does not now admit of further detail.—
Suffice it that we contrast our present elevated posi- j
tion as a people, secure in the respect and amity of |
the great, enlightened nations of the earth ; secure
in the enjoyment of peace, and in ihe speedy acqui
sition of acknowledged independence ; secure in the
wealth which the commerce of Europe is about lo
pour into our lap, and m the increasing value of our
lands arising from extended occupation, and ihe in
vestment of foreign capital; secure of becoming
the most favored" by those powerful and wealthy
sovereignties, whom both interest and policy impel
to cherish our prosperity and growth, that their
markets may be supplied with our staples; and se
cure that the increase of commerce will speedily
render no less consistent than dt^sirable, a great dim
inution of the present tariff,— with the alternative
presented by thi> resolution, of Texas divested of all
these privileges and advantages: shorn of her attri
butes as a nation ; crippled in her commerce, m her
prosperity, in her domestic resources; depressed by
the burdens of public debt and direct taxation ; her
land in consequence depreciated in value; and in the
event of final annexation upon the proposed basis,
our public domain not only razeed and mortgaged
to secure the payment of our debt, but even evisce
rated of ils mineral wealth, to swell the federal trea
sury.
This is indeed but a dim nnd totally inadequate
view of the actual pit and grave of insignificance
and infamy into which the House of Representatives
of the American Congress have proposed to nlunce
this nation.
“ Since he, miscall’d the Morning Star:
No man nor fiend hath fall’n so far 1”
The following is/rorn the Civilian, a Galveston
Gazette, in comment upon the foregoing :
The article which we copy to- lay from the Na
tional Register, affords gratifying evidence of a re^
turn, on the part of Ihe friends of annexation in this
country, to a proper sense of self-respect, and an un
derstanding of the position which Texas may and
otjght to assume in relation to the question. ( ur
friends beyond the sabine have lost sight of the
homely adage that it takes two to make a bargain,
and only studied how to shape measures so as to
make the “ reciprocity all on one side,^’ until at
length their utter selfishness and disregard of the
respect due lo Texas as an independent nation,
which has thus far maintained her nationality',
rights, and liberties, begins lo produce the natural
fruits of our citizens who had looked lo that quar
ter for a magnanimous and disinterested regard for
our welfare and happiness. The halpless and pe^
rishmg beggar may, without hesitation, accept the
m?st humiliating condnions fotj and agree to be-
TESTIMONY OF SIX PRESIDENTS OF THE
UNITED STATES IN FAVOR OF TEMPE
RANCE.
Albany, Feb. hi, 1845
Mr. Editor; Being in Virginia during fhsli
of President Madison, and while the friends of Tem
perance, under an apprehension, that distilled l:quoi
was the chief cause of intemperance, were exerting
themselves to induce the public to abandon the ose
of such liquor as a beverage, the undersigned call
ed on that distinguished statesman and procured t:*
signiture to the subjoined declaration. Immediaie
ly thereafter the signatures of Prfsidcnl Jack:::
and President Adams were obtained. In comir?
movation of this event a silver medal was Etruck
England, and transmitted to each of the gentleiria
Recently the names of President Van Burcn, Pre;
dent Tyler and President Polk have been added!
the same declaration. So that (with the PKccp!:*
of President Harrison, who was prevented by deai!
from expressing his well known sentiments) all il
Presidents of the United Stales who have lived siD«
the temperance reformation commenced, have rw
given their testimony against the use of distiilfi
liquors as a beverage, the only liquors generalij
believed al the time the first signature w’ere ol!3;£
ed to be productive of inebriety.
EDWARD C. DELAVAX
DECLARATION.
Being satisfied from observation and expprienc',
as well as from medical testimony, that ardent
its as a drink is not only needless but hurtful,
that the entire disuse of it would tend lo protnis
the health, the virtue and happiness of the comnis
nity. we hereby express our conviction that shoe
the citizens of the United States, and especially'^
young men, discontinue entirely the use of
would not only promote their own persona!
but the good of their country and the woriJ,
JAMES MADISON,
ANDREW JACKSON.
JOHN aUINCY ADA.MS
MARTIN VAN BUREN,
JOHN TYLER.
JAMES K. POLK.
The Expenses of the White House. — A
at Washington says: ‘Many persons believe 1
the President’s salary, $25,000 per annum, i's
abundaril; but when the great mass of visi'.e-
recollected—when the frequent levees, dinoei?
tertainments, &c., are considered—it soon divir.^
away, and there is absolutely nothing left fof-
Presidential chair but the empty honor.
1’yler’s expenses in sixteen months were over^
000, and he left yesterday, for bis farm, on
River, Virginia, with barely enough ouiofh>‘
year’s salary lo pay his expenses! Gen
came here with 810.000 of hrs own money.^*
after eight year’s service in the Executive
left it for the Hermitage with less than hisira^®[
expenses! These are facts which I aver tobfi'
and they are very painful facts.”
Deacon Penquirk, a staunch temperance
cate, having aecidenlly swallowed a rousing'
ler of gin the other day, was asked how be
ter it. “ What,” said he, “ I felt as if I
on the roof of a house and every shingl®
jewsharp.”
Napoleon said, “a journalist is a
censurer, a giver of advice, regent of soverfis
tutor of nations. Four hostile newspapers
to be feared than an hundred thousand
A Visible Sign.—At a Sunday school a ■■
lion a little girl bei^g asked by her
is the ontward visible sign or form in babti i
nocently replied, “ please sir, the bahy-