Newspapers / The North Carolinian (Wilson, … / March 9, 1839, edition 1 / Page 2
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i perfect riddle; nay, it is uncertain whether would even hang together. The bill is founded on a total miscon eption of our institutions, and of existing cts. It is a misconception pervading the lole federal party. They strangely imagine t there is, in the Federal Constitution, a s for all the ills of life. No evil can ex but the powers of this government are sht competent o reach it. Like the ori tent, spoken of by the Senator from uri, Mr. Benton, which a man may in his waistcoat pocket, it may yet be d forth so as to cover the army of Xerxes, is the radical error of .that party, and this root springs forth a legion of errors. 1 this little fountain issue large streams :spondent in bitterness. The gentlemen the Constitution as a certain personage .id to utter his prayers backwards. So Vom restricting its action to the province ranted powers, they seem to consider it upotent except so tar as its action is ex sly restricted. Instead of forbearing to rcise federal power where the right is bifuL lli-3y xcrt it often where it is maui . it does not legitimately exist. This is, I have said, their radical political mistake, J from it numerous errors have sprung up d overspread the land. Many of these er 3 have even taken possession of the demo atic ranks, and insinuated their corrupting fluonces into the purest administration this juntry has ever seen. It is impossible to- ssociate with bad men and not imbibe cor uptidn. "Evil communications corrupt good nanners," said an inspired man; and thus it .3 that the democratic politicians, daily associ ating with the federal i-is, and often personal ly esteeming and admiring the men, become, insensibly, more or less tainted with their po litical heresies. It is no wonder, then, lhat we find it difficult to preserve the democratic faith pure and unadulterated. Every demo cratic administration lias found more or less federalism creeping into its measures. lint even in an unlimited Government it is acknowledged, r.s a wise maxim, that much legislation ought to be avoided; that no law j should pass until an existing evil, demanding correction, is apparent, and the remedy pro posed seems likely to prove efficient, without creating evils greater than it is intended to re move. The bill under consideration assumes that there is an evil, and proposes a remedy; j and in the assumption of that evil, exposes one of the most dangerous and operative er rors of the whole Opposition party, viz: that the people and the Government are foreign to each other, and may have separate and distinct interests. So much are they dazzled by Bri tish glory, and so accustomed are they to give credit to that country for all we possess, that they can conceive of no political proposition which would be true iu Britain and not true ia this country. They forget that our Con stitution was formed by the people, that it is, in truth, a mere social compact, and that it is one of the people who is employed in each office necessary to give efficiency to the com pact; while the British constitution recognises the king as the fountain of all honor and dow- w and all Uib fruara nteca of liUrtv itcoutaius, consist of concessions made from time toTime by him. Here, power and authority is entire ly official; there, it is personal as well as offi cial. Here, power and authority is continu ally falling back into the common mass, to be disposed of anew as it shall determine. There, it has a perpetual existence, separated from the mass of the people, into whose hands it can never fall without a revolution. Con founding things so totally di ssimilar, naturally leads gentlemen into further errors. They and opinion in the purest days of ancient liberty. It is contrary to sound opinion now. 1 he man who devotes himselt to the service of his country i3 no fit object for contempt. If a man seeks office by base and dishonora ble means, or seeks to retain it, when obtain ed, by any unfair devices, he is a base and dishonest man; but in the receiving or holding office itself there is no dishonor. He who serves his country on the field of battle is honored by all. If it could be ascertained that he had done so from base and dishonorable motives, respect would be withdrawn, and the finger of scorn pointed at him. But if, in that service, it could be discovered that he was moved by no higher consideration than "seeking the bubble, reputation, even in the cannon's mouth," he would be hailed with ac clamation. And is it for the American peo ple to think, or say, that he who seeks their lavor by fair and honorable means acts un worthily? That he who aspires to distinction, by fill my the offices they corner, is not there- by seeking honor? It has been fashionable of late to hold such doctrines, and this bill fol lows up the idea, and endeavors to wideu the gulf between the people and their official agents. And why has it become fashionable? There are two principal reasons: the one is, that a spirit of avarice is abroad throughout our land, and bending every soul to his sway, and levelling all distinctions but those which money can create. Wealth is the only true badge of honor, and as wealth is seldom ob tained in faithful public service, public service has ceased to be honorable. The other rea son is obvious. Many who desire office are disappointed, and, like the fox in the fable, cry out "sour grapes;" while, like the same fox, they are ready to seize upon every cluster that hangs within their reach. Sir, public opinion upon this subject is fast being perverted, and this bill is calculated to contribute greatlv to that perversion. In the soundest days of the Republic, ii was an honor to serve the coun try in any capacity; and, in the language of the report, every man who shrunk from it was deemed an id.ol. The man who seeks the service of his country by honorable means, j should be honored. There is but one honorable mode of seeking it, and that is by discharging faithfully the duties of the station he already rills, and fitting himself to till others well when called upon. Let those who de nounce office holders aud office seekers lay their hands upon their hearts and answer, whether they do not desire office ami would not hold it if they might. Not one in a mil lion could answer in the negative, and those few would be found mostly among the indo lent, the sordid, or the misanthropic. Noth ing can be more unfavorable to the stability of our institutions than the spread of this preju dice against the office which Federal men and Federal presses are active in propagating. I had the good fortune the other day to peruse the letter of the celebrated John Taylor, of Caroline, lately brought to the public attention, ipose that what i an evil in one country, su. must necessarily be so in ano.'her where the same state of things exists, and that the same remedies are applicable. This would be all true, if iheir first supposition were not alto gether erroneous; but, being so, all the con clusions drawn from it are misapplied. But of what does the bill complain? Of bribery? No! That is not practised, or proper punish ment for it is already provided. What, then, is the evil? It is stated in the caption of the bill: "A bill to nreveut the interference of certain Federal officers in elections. To .'he end that the great powers given to the ofh'cers of the Federal Government, and other persens employed in its service, may not be used for the influencing of elections, which ought to be free and incorrupt." Now, sir, what are those great powers given to b ederal ohn ;ers? Can any man point one ot them out? lias the Senator in his bill told us what they are, or indicated even one "of them? To use an expression of the Sena tor from Virginia, ho has entirely pretermitted them. I deny their existence. They are among the pha utoms which vivid imaginations have of late so frequently made to stalk across the political stage, t frighten men from their propriety. It would have been impossible for the Senator to point out these great powers to which he alludes, and he has therefore taken the more judicious course of assuming their existence as a matter needing no proof. Every man is conscious, in his own experi ence, of the effect this process has upon the mind. The use of the simple epithet "Cicero the orator," is much more persuasive to the mind that Cicero was a grea. and disiingriish cd orator, than the most labored argument. A like course is pursued in the construction of this bill. It assumes as a fact what requires proof, and ingeniously passing by the 'act, ' states the principle also in such obscure terms, ! that the mind is not a little confused by the semblance of propriety and its real inconsis tency with sound doctrine. No one will deny that if office holders, or any othei persons, eadoavor to corrupt the voters at an election by bribes or promises, it would be grossly criminal, while at the same time any argu ment addressed to their reason and patriotism . would be highly' proper. If the office holders use the farmer, their acts are grossly criminal, aad they can doubtless be punished by the existing laws; but against the latter there is not, nor ought there to be, any law. The bill assumes that great powers exist in Federal officers, which are applied unfairly to the con trol of elections; and this I deny, tolo ceolo. This assumption of the bill is calculated to give force and circulation to one of the most dangerous errors in public opiuion, now be i coming too prevalent, that office holders and office seekers should be an odious class. Why should they be so? It is contrary to practice so replete with instructive matter. Speaking of the operations of the paper monopoly party, he says, among other tilings: "It will distract the public mind, detach the natioual eonfi deucej by falsehood aud artifice, from its hon- sion generated by its own acts, avowedly to erect monarchy, under the pretence of restor ing order." This is precisely what it is now doing, and the great tendency of the bill un der consideration, by stirring up suspicion bttweeu the people and their officers, and de taching the confidence of the former from their honest servants. This bill rests upon the ba sis that the interests of the people and their officers are at varience, and, if that basis be false, the whole fabric must fall. No one would object to persons having common inter ests consulting together about those interests. The assumption then of an existing evil is erroneous, and the necessity, therefore, for a remedy is without proof. Com lusion next jrer.-.J MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT. To the Senale of the United Stules. I lay before Congress several despatches from his Excellency the Governor ot Maine, with enclosures, communicating certain pro ceedings of the Legislature of that State,and a copy of the reply of the Secretary of State, made by my direction, together with a note from II. S. Fox, Esq. -Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Great Britain, with the answer of the Secretary of State to the same. It wi.'l appear by those documents that a numerous; band of lawless and desperate men, chiefly fro.! the adjoining British Provinces, but without the authority or sanction of the Provincial Government, had trespassed on that portion of territory in dispute between the United States and Great Britain which is wa tered by the river Aroostook, and claimed to belong to the State of Maine; and that they had committed .extensive depredations there by cutting and destroying a very large quantity of timber. It will further appear that the Go vernor of Maine, having been officially ap prised of the circums tance, had communicat ed it to the - Legislature, with a recommenda tion of such provisions, in addition to those already existing by law, as would enable him to arrest the course of said depredations, dis perse the tresspassers, and secure the timber which they were about carrying away; that in compliance with a resolve of the Legislature, passed in pursuance of his recommendation, h.'s Excellency had despatched the land agent of the State, with a force deemed adequate to that purpose, to the scene of the alleged de predations, who, after accomplishing a part of his duty, was seized by a band of the tress passers, at a house claimed to be within the jurisdiction of Maine, whither he had repaired for the purpose of meeting and consulting with the Tand agent of the Province of New Bruns wick, and conveyed as a prisoner to Fred- erickton, in that"5 Province, together with two other citizens of the State, who were assisting him in the discharge of his duty. It will also appear that the Governor and Legislature of Maine, satisfied that the tress passers had acted in defiance of the laws of both countries, learning that they were in pos session of arms, and anticipating (correctly, as the result proved) that persons of their reck less and. desperate character would set at naught the authority of the magistrates, with out the aid of a strong force, authorised the sheriff and the officer appointed in the place of the land agent, to employ, at the expense of the State, an armed posse, who had proceeded to the scene of these depredations, with a view to the entire dispersion, or arrest ot Ura tress passers and the protection ot the public property. In the correspondence between the govern or of Maine and Sir John Harvey, Lieuten ant Governor of the Province of New Bruns wick, which has grown out of these occurren ces, and is likewise herewith communicated, the former is requested to recall the armed party advanced into the disputed territory for the arrest of trespassers, and is informed that a strong body of British troops is to be held in readiness to support and protect the authority and subjects of Great Britain in said territory. In answer to that request the Provincial Gov ernor is informed of the determination of the State of Maiue to support the land agent and his party, in the performance of their duty, and the same determination, for the execution of which provision is made by a resolution of the State Legislature, is communicated by the Governor to the General Government. The Lieutenant Governor of New Bruns wick, in calling upon the Governor of Maine for the recall of the land agent aud his party from the disputed territory, and the British Minister in making a similar demand upon the Government of the United States, proceed upon the assumption that an agreement exists between the two nations conceding to Great Britain, until the final settlement of the boun dary question, exclusive possession of, and jurisdiction over, the territory in dispute. The important bearing which such an agreement, if it existed, would have upon the condition and interests of the parties, aud the influence it might have upon the adjustment of the dis pute, are too obvious to allow the error upon which this assumption seems to rest, to pass for a moment without correction. The an swer of the Secretary of State to Mr. Fox's note, will show tire ground taken by the Gov ernment of the United States upon this point. It is believed that all the correspondence which has passed between the two Governments up on tliis subject has already been communicat ed to Congress, and is now on their files. accompanies this communication. It is pos sible that iu thus abridging a voluminous cor respondence, commencing in lS2o and con tinuing to a very recent period, a portion may have been accidentally overlooked; but it is believed that nothing has taken place which wouid materially change the aspect of the question as therein presented. Instead of sustaining the assumption of the British func tionaries that correspondence disproves the existence of any such agreement. It shows that the two Governments have differed not only in regard to the main question of title to the territory in dispute, but with reference also to the right of jurisdiction, and the fact of the actual exercise of it in different portions there of. Always aiming at an amicable adjustment of the dispute; both parties have entertained and " repeatedly urged upon each other a de sire, that each should exercise its rights, what ever it considered them to be, in such a man ner as to avoid collision, and allay, to the ut. the e " 1 tvttt.v that lik Iv to ir row out of the coi in pursuance of such an undersea naing Maine and Massachusetts, upon the remon strance of Great Britain, desisted from mak ing sales of lands, and the General Govern ment from :he construction of a projected military road r a portion of the territory of which thny claimed to have enjoyed the ex clusive possession; and that Great Britain, on her part, in deference to a similar remon strance from the United States, suspended the issue of licenses to cut timber iu the territory in controversy, and also the survey and loca tion of a railroad through a section of coun try over which she also claimed to have ex ercised exclusive jurisdiction. The State of Maine had a right to arrest the depredations complained of; it belonged to her to judge of the exigency of the occa sion calling for her interference; and it is presumed that had the Lieutcnaut Governor of JNew Brunswick been correctly advised of the nature of the proceedings of the State of Maine, be would not have regarded the trans action as requiring, on his part, any resort to force. Lach party claiming a right to the territory, aud hence to the exclusive jurisdic tion over it, it is manifest that to prevent the destruction of the timber by tresspassers, act ing against the authority of both, and at the same time avoid forcible collision between the contiguous Governments during the pen dency f negotiations concerning the title, resort must be had to the mutual exercise of jurisdiction in such extreme cases, or to an amicable and temporary arrangement as to the. limits within which it should be exercised by each party. The understanding supposed to exist between the United States and Great Britain has been found heretofore sufficient for that purpose, aud I believe will prove so hereafter, if the parties on the frontier, direct ly interested iu the question, are respectively governed by a just spirit of conciliation and forbearance. If it shall be found, as there is now reason to apprehend, that there is iu the modes of construing that -understanding by the two Governments, a difference not to be reconciled, I shall not hesitate to propose to her Britauic Majesty's Government a distinct arrangement for the temporary and mutual exercise of jurisdiction, by means of which similar difficulties may in future be prevented. But between an effort ou the part of Maine to preserve the property in dispute from de struction by intruders and a military occupa tion by that State of the. territory, with a view to hold it by force, while the settlement is a subject of negotiation between the two Gov ernments, there is an essential difference, as well in respect to the position of the State, as to the duties of the General Government. Iu a letter addressed by the Secretary of State to the Governor of Maine, on the first of March last, giving a detailed statement of the steps which had been taken by the Federal Gov ernment to bring the controversy to a termi nation, and designed to apprise the Governor of that State of the views of the Federal Exe cutive, in respect to the future, it was stated, ma wiiue me ODiigations of the Federal Gov ernment to do all in its power to effect the set tlement of the boundary question were fully recognized, it had, in the event of being una ble to do so specifically, by mutual consent, no other means to accomplish that object ami cably, than by another arbitration, or by a commission with an umpire in the nature of an arbitration; and that in the event of all oth er measures failing, the President would feel it his duty to submit another proposition to the Government of Great Britain, to refer the decision of the question to a thiid power. These are still my views upon the subject, aud until this step shall have been taken, I cannot think it proper to invoke the attention ot Congress to other than amicable means for the settlement of the controversy, or to cause the military power of the Federal Gov ernment to be brought in aid of the State of Maine, in any attempt to effect that object by a resort to force. On the other hand, if the authorities of New Brunswick should attempt to enforce the claim of exclusive jurisdiction set up by them, by j means of a military occupation on their part of the disputed territory, I shall feel myself bound to consider the contingency provided by the Constitution as having occurred, on the happening of which a State has the right to call for the aid of the Federal Government to repel invasion. I have expressed to the British Minister near this Govurement a confident expectation that the agents of the State of Maiue, who have been arrested under an obvious misap prehension of the object of their mission, will be promptly released; and to the Governor of Maine that a similar course will be pursued in regard to the agents of the Province of New Brunswick. 1 have also recommended lhat any militia that may have been brought toge ther by the State of Maine, from an apprehen sion of a collision with the Government or people of the British Province, will be volun tarily and peaceably disbanded. I cannot allow myself to doubt that the re sults anticipated from these representations will be seasonably realized. T.he parties more immediately interested cannot but perceive that ati appeal to arms, under existing circum stances, w ill not only prove fatal to their pre sent interests, but would postpone, if not de feat, the attainment of the main objects which they have iu view. The very incideuts which have recently occurred will necessarily awak en the Governments to the importance of promptly adjusting a dispute, by which it is now made manifest lhat the peace of the two nations is daily and imminently endangered. This expectation is further warranted by the general forbearance which has hitherto char acterized the conduct of the Government aud people on both sides of the line. In the uni form patriotism of Maine, her attachment to the in. ion, her respect for the wishes of the people of her sister States, of whose interest in her welfare she cannot be unconscious, and, in the solicitude felt by the country at large for the preservation of peace with our neigh bors, we have a strong guarantee that she will not disregard the request that has been made of her. As, however, the session of Congress is about to terminate, and the agency of the Ex ecutive may become necessary during the re cess, it is important that the attention of the Legislature should be drawn to the consider- rM',vl,r,",V,.. "Vr. aiV r"a bA. ralrouatr d " v hvvciiv i ii ia mil ia mouths, including the time of planting the trees, and that the product was ten hundred and ninety skeins of forty yards each. To ate the necessity of ..... . - session. w nn that to thought it view. 1 have my duty to lay the whole matter before you. emu ij in such action tnereon as you m think the occasion requires. M. VAN BUREN. Washington, 26th February, 1S39. You who have worne out your land, plant ing cotton, tobacco and corn, and then corn, tobacco and cotton again, read the facts stated below, and don't wait any longer get silk worms' eggs this spring and go to work with the mulberry trees that are now growing on almost all your plantations. From the Journal of the .American Institute. SILK. Mr. Dan forth, by the following communi cation, which came with the silk referred to and exhibited at the Eleventh Annual Fait, has rendered his countrymen a timely aud a most accep'able service. Thousands are commencing, and hundreds of thousands are cantemplatiugthe raising of silk. They are seeking information, They require to be in formed, in few words, how to commence and how to proceed. Mr. D. has told them prac tically, all he did, in plaiu and simple words, and the results, which are truly wonderful. They have only to go and do likewise. He has told all from the planting of the mulberry to the completion of the cocoon. There are volumes ou silk that do not afford half the useful information contained in this short ac count. The beginner cannot mistake. The account is made up of facts, and nothing but facts. Can any one doubt that it is in our power to raise silk to almost any amount that can be named? The work is begun. The enterprise of our country is pressing on the culture of silk; and the first movement for this purpese, the supply of the mulberry, is progressing on a vast scale, covering our country, and surpassing any thiug ever wit nessed. The propagation of the mulberry is like a creation. In a shor period, two or three years, millions on millions have come forth, aud every new bud becomes a tree.- He who doubts our becoming a great silk growing nation, knows nothing of America. Let it be done in a plaiu, common sense way; let it become an appendage of agriculture; avoid scientific silk growing, by means of great establishments, with thermometers and barometers, taught by large books imported from foreign countries. There is no more necessity for them, in growing silk, than there is in raising chickens; aud a great incorpora ted compauy, with hundreds of thousands of dollars ot capital stock, with presidents, direc tors, secretaries and treasurers, would be just as likely to succeed in raising eggs and chickens, as silk worms aud cocoons. Be gin in the simple, domestic way. Employ such domestics as have no employ, or those the least profitably employed. Mr. Danfoith, in a note, desires it may be impressed dis tinctly on those seeking information, that this was an experiment, made by - entire novices; that the feeding was only for two months and ten days, and the crop ail produced in four the Committee on Silk American Institute: Gentlemen, The vast importance of the silk culture to our country, and the eagerness of the public to obtain information respecting it, make it the duty of every one engaged in producing a "silk crop," to furnish his quoto of knowledge, that thus a mass of practical information may be collected, from which we may go forward with confidence, and gather in the rich harvest which is before us. With these views, and in compliance with the solicitation of my fellow-citizens, I give you the result of my experience during the past summer. I would first promise, that in making a trial of the silk culture, it was my desire to adopt a mode which could be follow ed by our agriculturists at large, rather than to show the greatest possible quantity of silk that could be produced fom a given portion of land. Such an experiment, made under peculiar advantages of soil and culture, yield- m - . . -I 1 inga large product, mignt be viewed witn ad miration, but the means being beyond the reach of the mass of our citizens, the same results could not be attained. The field from which the experiment was made, was situated in East Hartford the soil, of a light sandy nature, of a quality term ed in. that quarter, good corn laud. It was ploughed about the middle of May, aud har rowed and lurrowed in the usual manner. The roots and trees (Morus Multicaulis) were now laid down, and covered from two to four inches, the tops having a slight upward incli nation; they wore placed about twelve inches apart in the row, the rows three and a half feet apart, having been previously moderately ma nured. After the field was planted, a section com prising one eighth of an acre was marked off, to be subjected to a more particular experi ment. It was stocked 'with 78 j roots and trees, all of oue year's growth, having had their tops partially or wholly killed by the se verity of the nast season. One third were i ... two feet high, one third one foot, stripped of their limbs, and the remainder were roots without tops. By 1st of June the new shoots began to show themselves, and by the 1st of July they numbered 4,8 V, and had attained the height of twelve to eighteeu inches. A family of 4,000 worms was now started, which wound up on the 23d July, haviug consumed 131 lbs. leaves. Three other lots, amounting iu all to 2S,t0ii, were now put out at iutervals of several days, iu order to favor the increasing growth of the leaves. By the lCth of Sept. the last had finished their labors. Weight of leaves consumed in Aug., 7.1 lbs. and in Sept. 332 lbs. Total weight of leaves gathered 1164 lbs. Total number of worms fed 32,0l0 Producing nine bushels cocoons. Yieldiug (so far as reeled) 1 lb. of silk per bushel. : Weight of cocoons. 95 lbs.' Waste silk and floss. 1 lb. Tw enty-seven thousand of the worms were of the two crop kind, requiring 4,000 tomako piJUMU VJI aniLj orcxt ...v.. . a a a l i leave. The remaining 5,t00 were of the long crop six weeks worms, 2,500 of which produced a pound of silk, and consumed 90 lbs. of leaves. It was my intention to have fed the lougcrop worms entirely, as they are known to be much die most productive of any other kind, but they could iiot be procured. Business now calling me away, the feeding was discontinued, and the trees were imme diately removed from the ground, having at tained an average height of 4 1-2 feet, well rooted, and with heavy limbs. The produce of the one-eighth of an acre, as above, it appears is 9 bushels cocoons, or 9 lbs. silk; being at the rate of 72 lbs. per acre from the feeding between the 1st July and the 10th Sept. It is easy to see, that had the 1,164 lbs. leaves been fed to worms of the six weeks kind, the yield would have been 13 lbs. of silk, or nearly and from the rapidity with which the new leaves were developing when the trees were removed, it is presumed that had they remained during September, enough more might have been added, to have swelled the product, so as to have made the crop at the rate of 125 lbs. per acre. During the period of feeding, the safety and even advantage to the tree of frequent defolia tion was fully proved. The trees from which this experiment was made, were stripped ot their leaves four different times, yet at no time were thev inferior to others that were un touched; on the contrary, it was remarked, that where the leaves were removed, the limbs shot forth with greater vigor care being ta ken to leave die tender leaves at the ends of the branches. The very great advantage of this species of mulberry over standard trees, was manifest; while such trees are difficult to access, and from the small size of the leaves, requiring much labor to gadier any quantity, it was easy for a child to lake from the Morus Multicau lis 15 to 20 lbs. in an hour. The pian of retarding the hatching of the eggs by keeping them in an ice hoivse, was found perfectly successful; the worms which wouud the fiuest cocoons were thus- kept back until the 3d of August. It may be useful to new beginners to know ana value ot the former. I believe its aston ishing power of reproducing foliar city of life, and the great ease with which it is multiplied have never been overrated. A friend informs me that a field of roots, deprived of their tops last fall, remained in the gCnd during winter, and that from die newthoots which started as early as any other vegetation' he was able to feed from one to two months earlier than from others planted the following May. From these collected facts, we may form an idea of the quantity of leaves, and the consequent weight of silk that may be obtain ed from the Morus Multicaulis, when it shall have attained greater age, even in this lati tude. I am not aHe to name the cost of rni'smo- j silk; but an intelligent culturist of my acquaint tance, irom a proot ot three successive years, rates it at $2 per lb., exclusive of the cost of trees and the tillage; respecting the latter I am ofopiniou the labor bestowed on a field of mulberry, need not be more than on a field of Indian corn. It appears therefore, that nearly all the labor of raising silk, viz: plucking the leaves, feed ing the worms, and reeling it into sewings, may be performed by the females of a family, and thus the product be considered a clear gain, like that of any other collateral branch of farming. The growing of silk needs but to be looked into, to be appreciated; and if 100 lbs. can be produced the first year of planting, worth $3 the pound in raw silk, or $9 when in sewings, what other crop, it may be asked, can be named coming near it for profit? I will only add, gentlemen, that it is cheer ing to see the interest the American Institu tion has taken in this ail-important subject, 6iif to express the hope, that the coming Ex hibition, from our silk growers, and the in creased patronage of the Institute, may give to it a fresh interest. Yours, respectfully, J. Danforth Hartford; Sept. 19'h, 1S3S. far that the large 6 weeks worm, either white or sulpher colored, is altogether preferable to the two crop; for not only are they more produc tive of silk, but from their superior length of thread, the reeler is able to produce silk of better quality, and with less labor. The convenience of a shrub tree, where j the farmer wishes to change his crop, may be seen from the fact, that with the use of a plough, the trees on this section of land, 4,bL0 in number, were turned out of the ground in 3U minutes. An hour more was sufficient to cart them from the field. Every one who takes up the culture of silk, is surprised at the ease and certainty with which it is produced; aud of this experiment it mav be observed, that none of the persons who Took care of the trees, gathered the leaves or fed the worms, had ever seen a tree or silk worm befoie. I am not acquainted with the comparative merits of the Morus Multicaulis, and other kinds of mulberry; but large as has. been the estimate of some cultivators, of the produce From the r.f, '!. Evening Slavs PARIS. Fieri oirr pp cistl ( 'nrfrsftnhdfni; January 24, 1839. We are in a whirl of politics, and there is much excitement on this account. But as a foreigner, I avoid being led into it. Depend on it, you sh.ill not have details and opinions from me which you will find so much bettei given in the papers. As it is ou your sideo: the water, I may tell you that Mexico--spite of our blow-up at San Juan de Ulloa is tc be abandoned. And oh, how awfully doe.' Frauce fare iu Africa! Algiers is the oiilj place where the soldiers have beds a every other post the-- must sleep in thei clothes, with a lil aw (if they can get it between them aud the damp earth. I saw letter from an officer, quartered at Stora, ii which he ttlls his frieud that he would not giv a pair of wooden shoes, which he had ju procured, for S Napoleons! The F ucess Mary is forgotten already except b) - family. Louis Philippe seem to have added ten years to his appearanc since her death, lie was proud as well a fond of he- .nd had just cause. . If we are in a w hirl of politics, we are ab iu a whirl of pleasure. To-morrow (the 25th there will be a great ball iu aid of the pei sioners on the Civil List of poor, banishe Charles Dix. On the 29th (next Tuesday will be a ball in aid of the Poles. It will ii be as fashionably attended as the first namei which will be a legitimate one. On the 31 Madame de Choiseul gives a splendid ball, t which "all the world is invited." Many moi are on the tapis, three are especially expec ed from the Marquis and Marchiouess de G lifet, who have a very splendid house in tl Rue de Bac, (that occupied by the Duke Northumberland when he was special Amba: sador from George IV. to the Corouation Charles X,) in a part of w hich the Infantes Spain now have rooms. The Duchess de Dino, now Talleyran (niece to the old politician) has a beautif daughter, Madle. Pauline de Talleyran whose marriage is uow on the eve of takin place. The "happy man" is Count de C&' tellane, sou of Lieutenant General Caste lane. The Count de Mercy is about weddin Madle. de Oriiion, sister of Countess Charh Pozzo di Borgo, in whose veins flows soir of the most ancient blood of France. Paris is very much improved since th death of Louis XV III. On all sides lie buildings are springing up. The workin people have full employment and high wage: The wretched paved ways are abolished, an there are foot pavemeuts for pedestrians i the principal streets. Then there is gas an brilliantly it looks. One effect is to mak the cafes, shops, and restaurants, at once bet ter lighted and more splendid. I mentioned in a former letter that the res tan rants are not w hat they were. Those at tended by the English are not. But a fev attended by the French, and to which few c the English go, are in great style and exqui site taste, r ancy a room ot great exten embellished with mirrors of large sizes, gilde roofs aud columns, and lighted with a profw sion of gas from lustres of cut glass, and yo may have some idea of the gorgeousness t the scene- At oue end of the room, in ; neat tribune or sort of recess, sits the lad enthroned. Her dress is rich and her beaut striking. Her you salute as you enter an retire; if you know her, or have been at th? restaurant before, you may address her, am depend on it, she will speak with wit an spirit as French women ever do. ISo American or .English dining nous gives an idea of a Parisian one of the be class. The splendor is unique. Take tl saloon of the Trois Fi eres Prorencaux i example. You are served off plate yf have choice out of a cai te of 200 dishes ai a dinner of soup, 3 dishes at choice, a dessei and half bottle of light Fin Ord inaire, is tw V rn mav. 11 Vi 4 . -r... . . . 7 .ltlS please, pay a Napoleon or ten Napoleons I the meal, but at the low price anove uon.cu is as good as man can covet. Paris k thronged with cabs and oroniba ses. They run in all directions, and at rapid a rate that it is dangerous to cross street, on foot., at times. They are hk
The North Carolinian (Wilson, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
March 9, 1839, edition 1
2
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