Newspapers / The North Carolinian (Wilson, … / April 6, 1839, edition 1 / Page 2
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; years ago the Manchester of America, Low-. ell, was a desert its forests echoed to no , sounds but those of the character; it now re- sounds to a power that produces 40,000 bales of cotton goods in a year. Mr. Gregg detail ed the .vast increase of America in cotton . manufactures and manufactured exportation rhut he showed it was not confined to cot , ton alone. In 1S35, America had 17,000,000 , sheep and lambs; 1S3S, 20,000,000, at 3 lbs. f, wool each, making 60,000,000 lbs. the " whole" of which is manufactured in that coun--. try. Mr. Gregg, moreover, informed the meeting that coarse woollen cloths eaa be purchased as cheaply in New York as in - Leeds In addition to these drawbacks, Mr. . Gregg supposed there could not be less than 70,000 English rcsideuts on the European contineut, leaving their beautiful estates in this country deserts, yet drawing from the soil , 8,000,000 pounds a year. Mr. Gregg read a very conclusive letter from Sir Sarni. Sterling, British land proprietor, who has been long a resident iu the Duchy of Baden in Germany, and has . had acuteness and opportunities enough to watch the continental rivalry with England in many of our great articles ot man utacture and exportation, from tins very sensible letter I give you two bnet extracts, one containing facts and the other the writer's opinion. "Those," he says, "who only look at the commercial greatness of England, to tally forget that she had 25 years' start of the continent, or at least that amid the ruins of a . destructive war, her population protected by her insular situation, worked in peace, while the continent was crushed to the earth by eve- ry tning tatal to commerce, lne tiermans, he says, are a slow people; but they are now fairly roused to the importance of trade and manufactures. They do not indeed possess great individual wealth, and few could or would venture their all on such establishments as we see carried on by a few individuals in England: but it is evident there is great and increasing wealth in the mass; and there is no difficulty in procuring funds for an.enter prise that holds out a fair prospect of success." The letter is dated from Carlsruhe, Duchy of leaden, and the writer goes on to say in anoth er paragraph "In the beautiful valley of the Alps, a few miles from this, new woolen fac tories have been erected, with all the new improvements in machinery known in Eng land or elsewhere. On this river there are fine waterfalls. On the same river a most splendid cotton factory has just commenced working, aldiough all the buildings are not fiuished. It has been erected at an expense " of p'robabty above 100,000 lbs., and there is a large surplus capital. It will employ 1200 hands. The machinery was made at Mal house, (thanks to our precious laws respect ing the export of machinery,) and the gas lights fitted up by a Manchester or Bolton house, I . forget which. Another very large " spinning establishment is about being finish ed at Augsburg, Bavaria, about one day and a half from this; and others are in contempla tion in every branch of trade," So much for some of the writer's facts: a single quotation more oa the writer's opinions. . "It is melan choly,'' he pays, "to think that while leading men on both sides of the house attack each other with the utmost violence, they are unit ed in one common sentiment of hostility to the change of policy, based upon a system, . perhaps, the most hostile to national interest that ever yet existed in the world. It was left for modern times ' to discover, that the high price of bread was necessary to the greatneBs of a commercial nation, and that the interest of 36,000 landed proprietors was of more im portance than the prosperity of 24,000,000 of people." DEBATE IX CONGRESS. SPEECH OF MR. ROANE, . Of Virginia, , In Senate, Friday, February 15, 1839 On the bill to prevent the interference of cer tain Federal officers with elections. Mr. ROANE rose and said: ' I desire, Mr. President, to address the Senate this evening. I have purposely left my own seat, come round to this side of the chamber, and occupied the vacant chair of the Senator from Mississippi, Mr. Walker, now absent, in order to be near my friend from Michigan, Mr. Norvell, whom I wished to persuade to yield to me his just title to the floor. Ile.had, on one or two pre- ; vious occasions, yielded it to others, and but for" peculiar circumstances, I would not have now appealed to his liberality. I most sin cerely thank him for generously yielding to " the peculiar considerations I have presented to him. I am aware, sir, that at this late hour of the ; evening- Here propositions were made to adjourn, if . Mr. Roane desired it. He said, not; he hoped that the Senate would not adjourn, b.iit would permit him to proceed this evening. Yes, sir, this 15th day of Feb ruary, of all the days in the year; is" that on which I desire to be heard. This day eman cipatese from those considerations of de- " licacy which, for sometime past, have re strained me from saying what I now consider myself free to say, however painful it may be to say it. Mr. President, a stern sense of that duty which I owe to myself, to those who sent me here, and to those with whom I am here as sociated in political feelings and principles so congenial to my own, will not permit me longer to maintain that silence which, at all times, I so anxiously desire to observe in this august assembly. My situation here has been," for a long time past, one of pain and delicacy; of pain, because, on the great mo mentous questions of national policy which have been agitated in this chamber from the first moment I took my seat in it, 'I have been constrained, by every dictate of my judg ment, every feeling of,, my heart, and every consideration o! patriotism to differ totally from my colleague, with whom I had so fond ly and sanguinely, and, I think, justly ex pected to co-operate on all national, political, and party, questions. Finding, to my pain and sorrow, that such co-operation has not existed, I have heretofore, for reasons which will be obvious to the Senate, to the country, ' and to my colleague, contented myself with giving a silent vote. ' Those reasons no long er exist. That delicacy, growing out of the peculiar relation which my colleague has for some time past borne towards our mutual con stituents, has been this day removed by the action of the General Assembly of "Virginia; and I feel that malignity, itself, cannot now charge me with an effort to " intermeddle in that relation. Besides, sir, my colleague has but very recently, fully "defined his position." The course which he has recently hastened to take, the time which he has selected, and the zeal, to say nothing of the temper, which he has manifested in defining his position, would render a longer silence on my part, obnoxious to the suspicion that I assented to his views, or was incompetent of afraid to ut ter a dissent. Sir, I differ from him as wide as the poles; and, in expressing that dissent, I take leave, in his own strong language to say that I too am an "unterrified Senator of the unterrified Commonwealth of Virginia," and mean this evening, with the blessing of God, to "define my position" in characters which "he that runs may read." - There shall be no doubt about it; no equivocation, no mental reservation, no non-committalism, shall, with my consent, obscure it. I define it, sir, not because I believe that a human being who knows me well can doubt it, but because those who never knew me, and those who are to come after me, when adverting to this memo rable chapter in our national history, in which it has been my destiny to bear a part, might, peradventure, draw improper inferences from my total silence. I do not object, sir, to the time my colleague has selected to define his position. The General Assembly of Virgin ia, my immediate constituents, and whoso servant I am, are now in session, and watch ing with a scrutinizing eye our deliberations in this chamber. To that Legislature to a Whig Legislature, as it has been reputed to be I boldly define my position. In these days, when novelty and change are all the rage, I can have no hope that the definition I shall give can carry with it the pleasure which that given by my colleague will convey to those for whom it was intended. Of this I am cer tain, that it will lack one of the best ingre dients of every pleasure surprise! I dare say that my position will be found to be the same plain, old fashioned, and, I would fain believe, straightforward one which I have held from the first moment that I entered into the service of the people. I have no highland fling to throw off, ground and lofty tumbling with which to amuse, and no brilliant somerset with which to delight and astonish any per son. Mr. President, if I should speak less of the bill, which is the immediate subject of de liberation for the Senate, than of other mat ters, I find my apology and excuse in the many examples which have been set me in this cham ber, and in the comity invariably extended by the Senate to its members. With this intro duction, and with a view that I should not seem to have been inattentive to the import ant, the vital bill now on your table, I Leg leave to make a few remarks in regard to it. Sir, I agree with my colleague in regard to that bill, only so fai as he represents it to be one of great and of pervading importance. N one could be more so. I might well leave the report of the Committee on the Judiciary, which has, in a masterly manner, exposed the dangers of this bill, to the luminous speech of its author, the honorable Senator from New Jersey, Mr. Wall, J in defence of its posi tions; and the bill itself and the arguments in its favor, to the masterly, and, in my opin ion, unanswerable speech of the honorable Senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr.BuciiANAN.) Any thing from me now, would be but a vain attempt to "add a perfume to. the violet." But, sir, I differ so totally and entirely from my colleague on this question, that I cannot, and will not, forbear to notice some of his points. And, sir, first and foremost, I beg leave to say, that I utterly differ from him in the doctrine he urges in defence of this bill, and has often pressed on other occasions -of the "duty of the Government to take care of the People." Sir, I repudiate and utterly de ny any such doctrine. It is at war with the geniu3 of our institutions it is at war with the spirit of the Constitution it is at war with all my observation and understanding of the practical operation of our Government, from the year 1789, to the present .moment. It was the intention of those who framed it, to make this, as nearly as possible, a Govern ment of the people, identified with them, and finding its only support in their virtue, affec tions, intelligence, and wisdom. Tho doc trine, sir, that it is the duty of the Govern ment to take care of the people, is a doctrine much better suited to that country which has a "king that can do no wrong," and a legisla ture that is "omnipotent," than to this coun try, where all the power of the Government is granted by the people; and that power not spe cifically granted, is specially reserved to them. Sir, England has been glorified in this cham ber, and held up as the fountain of our liberty, and the proper model for our imitation. I will, by-and-by, touch upon that view taken by my colleague; for the present I will only re mark on thi.s one great essential difference between the liberty of the people of England and this country. It is this: That all the lib erty which the people of England enjoy, is by grants forced and extorted from their Govern ment; whilst all the power possessed by the Government of America, has been cautiously and sparingly granted by the people, who re tain to themselves all that is not plainly and clearly granted. Sir, I acknowledge not this doctrine the "duty of Government to take care of the people." There is no knowing the dangers and excesses to which it might not lead. ' ' I adopt, as my creed, precisely the re verse of such a doctrine, and say that it is the duty of the people to take care of their Gov ernment. The Government belonging to them, and not they to the Government. So much, sir, hastily, for this point Sir, what is the bill on your table? It pro poses to make it highly penal for certain per sons holding offices under the General. Gov ernment to give their opinion, except by a vote at the polls, about any public election whatever, whether for the General or State Governments!! And this bill is advocated by my colleague! Sir, I do most cordially agree with my honorable friend from Penn sylvania Mr. .Buchanan when he calls it a gag late, and pronounces it to be worse than the '.'edition law." That law went to abridge the freedom of the press, and permitted the truth to be given in ; evidence, and this goes' directly and openly "to abridge the freedom and liberty of speech," which is so sacredly i guarded by the Constitution. "IN one ot these ' enumerated office holders,'-' say the bill, "shall persuade or dissuade any elector to give, or not to give, a vote!" Persuaded, sir, means to advise, and advice is most frequently the mere expression of opinion. And, sir, we are told that one hundred thousand freemen of America are to be put under the ban of this odious law, and subjected to the surveillance, of the million of base informers who, by it, are to be rewarded with money lor eavesdrop ping, and distorting and reporting the gene rous impulses of the freemen of your States, to whom alone is left the power to legislate on the great right of suffrage. There is not a State in this Union that has not legislated on it; that has not passed laws to protect its free dom, and to punish its abuse. But, sir, why is it that this bill has hot em braced all the officers of the General Govern ment? Why has it omitted the highest, who, from their station, their talent, and frequently their wealth, might be supposed to have influ ence on their countrymen? It has assailed those who, its advocates say, owe their bread to the Government. Yes, sir, we have heard a srreat deal about custom-house officers, about weighers and gaugcrs and tidewaiters as if their "persuasion," or "dissuasion" was to control the destinies of elections. Sir, when we see men filling tho second most elevated station in the world interfering in elections nay, say, endeavoring to promote their own, to the very highest station, it is mockery in deed to pass a law to muzzle, to gag and si lence weighers, gaugers, tidewaiters, and quil drivers! And at last, sir, what is, or h;s ever been, the power and influence .of these "le gions," these "Praetorian bands," as my col league calls them? In the cities, where Gov ernment officers are most numerous, the Ad ministration has been defeated. Look to New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Richmond. Indeed, sir, look throughout every village, even where "hvo or three are gathered together" in commerce, and you will see how impotent arc all your public offi cers against the all-corrupting power and in fluence of money; and yet, sir, we cannot pre vail upon those gentlemen, who are willing to abridge the freedom of speech of these poor impotent public officers, to aid us in any ef fort to rescue the Government and tiie people of this country from the foul and cruel domin ion of associated wealth of monopolies, of banks. But what does the experience ot by gone times say about the dangerous and om nipotent influence of these public officers these trainbands, these cohorts, and such names, with which they are designated? Surely no one will say that it. 'was by their mighty influence that Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Muuroe, were kept in office for eight years! And how was it, sir, that the elder and the junior Adams each went by the board, and were merged, and drowned, and sunk forever in the ocean of popular indigna tion? Their "legions" of public officers were impotent to save them. All their patronage was of no avail. But why, sir, should I be assailing this bill on these details, when it is to the principles I object? Why should I attack it on the fact I have Stated, when if they woro aU untroo ari, I unfounded, I should be opposed to it. I am opposed to it. I am opposed to it, sir, because the Congress of the United States have no right to pass any law "abridging the freedom of speech." Nay, I go further, and say thoy have no right to pass any law abridging the freedom of election, which great subject is left, with the States; and it is of the very es sence of that freedom, "right of Jreely exam ining public characters and measures, and of free communication among the jieoplelherton." But,, sir, this truth is gotten over on the present occasion by a view which, as far as my me mory serves me, was not presented by any of the sagacious and bold defenders of tho "se dition law." That view is taken by my col league. It is, that the office holders are no portion of the people, embraced by the provi sions of the Constitution, or whose rights are defended by the celebrated report of Mr. Mad ison! He informs tho Senator from New Jersey Mr. Wall that ho does not under stand that great work; that he has read it to but little advantage if he does not see that public officers are no portion of the people, contemplated in that unequalled' defence of constitutional right! I, sir, like my friend from New Jersey, have also read this glorious document, (holding Madison's report in his hand,) this little book, which I once heard John Randolph call his political Bible to but little purpose, if one hundred thousand free citizens, (the number mentioned by my colleague,) who have rendered themselves re spectable enough in their various callings of life, to become public officers, are at Ihat mo ment cut off from the great constitutional rights secured, without exception, to all the people! Officers of the Government not a portion of the people! The proposition is startling; it is, to me monstrous! I hardly know how to re fute it. But, sir, I turn to this sacred paper, the Constitution. You will there find that the word people is mentioned six times, and six times only. I will be as little tedious as pos sible; but let us look into it. The first time the word occurs, is in the preamble: "We, the peotle," &c. "to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and posterity " &c. Now, sir, it is evident that no office holders of the Government could be members of the con vention thatcreatcd it; yet, sir, if my colleague's doctrine is correct, th.it the office holders are a portion of the people, it would inevitably fol low that those men who now hold offices un der the General Government, who are the ''posterity" of the then people of the U. States, are not entitled to the "blessings of liberty," which that charter intended t6 secure to "themselves and posterity." The second oc currence of the word is in the 2nd section of the 1st article: "Members, &c. shall be cho sen every second year, by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State," etc. Now, sir, in this place the people are mentioned'without restriction; and such of them as are electors, by the State laws, are secured in all the qualifications granted by the laws of the State; and there is no law in any State, that I know of certainly not in Vir ginia that deprives Federal officers of any of the rights of other electors. The third instance occurs in the first amendment to the Consti-: t li " i "ii". tion: "Uongress snail maKe no law aoriag inw the right of the people peaceably to as semble," etc. Now, Sir, it the officers of the Federal Government are not a portion of the people, they lose this inestimable privilege". The fourth occurrence of fhis word people, in our charter, is in. the second amendment: A well regulated militia, &c. The right of the people to bear arms shall not be question ed." W ho docs not perceive that under this ex traordinary doctrine advanced by my col league, no public officer embraced in this bill can keep a firelock! The fifth time this , word people is written in the Constitution, is found in the fourth amendment: "The right of the people to be secure in their persons,' houses, papcrs,and effects,against unreasonable search Cri and seizures, shall hot be questioned." What security have' the poor public officers against search and seizure, if this monstrous doctrine, that theyform .no portion of the peo ple, is to prevail? The sixth and last time in which the word people is to be found in the Constitution, is in the tenth amendment:- "The poicers not delegated to the U. States, etc. are reserved to the States respectively, or . to the people." I am sorry. Mr. President, to have been thus tedious. Who, sir, does not see from this plain, simple reading of the Con stitution, that an officer of this Government, who ought to feel at least that lie is a freeman, is cut off from every right which this Consti tution meant to secure to freemen, if this hew and astounding doctrine be true? But, Mr. President, I must pass to other points, as I have much to say on other matters besides this bill. My colleague says "he does not look upon the report against this bill as the work of an indiv idual, but as a concerted system to sus tain the Executive by the party!" "Strange language this from that source. May I ask him what he means by "the party?" What party, sir, does my colleague speak of? It is too early for him to be talking with emphasis about "the party." Such language may evince his fueling towards the "Executive" he is so distressed to see receiving support, but I must be permitted to say that it can have no further effect. It is "ad capitandum," and can only be intended to aid in breaking down this Ad ministration. My colleague asks the Sena tor from New Jersey, Mr. Wall, with a flourish, if "we are to , understand that Dem ocracy will bear an infusion of Federalism?" I, sir, answer yes. Yes, sir, true Democra cy will bear an infusion of that Federalism which, when our country is warring with a foreign or a domestic foe, girds on its armor. arJ, sword in uauti, goes forth to the battle held to encounter its foes, instead of conven ing at Hartford, or any where else, to sell the country to the invading enemy. Good De mocracy w ill bear an infusion of that Federr alism which, in all times, will advocate . and sustain the unalienable rights of man, the free dom of conscience, the freedom of the press, and of religion, and of speech. My Democ racy will bear an infusion of all that, and if my colleague's will bear an infusion of the prin ciples contained in the bill under discussion, I can only say that his is a very different De mocracy from mine, or from any I had ever supposed him to possess. I consider this bill nmch worse than the memorable sedition law. That amiicd tho freedom of the press, and K?rniitted the truth to be given in evidence. But this, sir, is a gag law; it is a direct viola tion of the Constitution, because it abridges the freedom of speech, and is demoralizing in its tendency, by creating a host of miserable spies and informers. My colleague objects to the able report of tho committee, because, he says, it intimates that such a law might be resisted, and asks who would resist a law passed with all the constitutional forms. I say to him, sir, that I would. I say to this Senate, and to the world, that I would not re gard constitutional forms when the substance was wanting the Constitution violated, and my liberty usurped forms! talk not to me of forms! The alien and sedition laws had all the forms of the Constitution! and had I been on the theatre then, I would have resisted them to any and every length; : if reason and truth had not timely prevailed over tyranny and in justice. And, sir, should the odious bill on your table become a law, and I ever become a public officer, there is no torture, no rack which the inventive genious of cruelty could devise, which should compel me to relinquish the rights which it proposes to usurpl " My colleague complains of some compari son w hich has been made between the officers of the Government and, bank officers; he con trasts them, and gives .the preference to the latter, as being State officers,' inasmuch as banks are "State institutions;". and he asks if it is Democratic td decry them?. He. further tells us that Mr, Jefferson revered' "State, in stitutions," therefore, of course, , Mr. Jefferson, revered State banks! Sir, I have no hostility to backs; 1 would do Uhem no violence or in justice, Jet them go on and trade, . and specu late, and shock and convulse the country .from time to time, I have nothing to say; but in the sense which my Colleague means, I totally de-. ny that they are State institutions. On the contrary ,'unless they are checked by legisla tive power, or unless, as has ever been my hope, the evil shall cure itself, they will over shadow, and ultimately overawe, your legiti mate, constitutional, State , institutions the departments of the Government. ' ' " ": ' My colleague has informed the nation that he was the portage of Mr. Jefferson.' I stand here to rescue that great Apostle of Liberty from the imputation that he revered these State institutions these State banks. I un dertake to say that not a word that ever escap ed his. lips, or his pen, warrants the imputa tion; on the contrary, he thought them inimi cal to liberty and virtue. In the many volumes which John Taylor of Caroline w'rotej . there is scarcely a page on which he does not de nounce them; and Mr. Jefferson has solemnly said, that that great man had never written a word to which he did not give his assent. He said he had read his writings annuelly, and recommended to the rising youth of the coun try to do the same. But my colleague says that "State rights" "implies jealousy of Exe cutive power!" It is strange to me how any person professing, as he does, to understand and to admire this little volume, (Madison's report,) can have fallen into so - gross an er ror. -I have only time to refer him to that re port, to prove how utterly erroneous is the po sition.' : It inculcates on- the States a jealousy. of their reserved rights agafust all and every department of ther General , Government, and utterly repudiates the idea Of special and ex elusive dangerirom' the ; Executive; and who docs not know Mr. Jefferson's opinions on this subject? He speaks of- danger to State rights from all the departments of the Federal Government, but says: "The j udiciary is the suitable corps of sappers and miners, working under ground to undermine the foun dations of our confederated fabric." " No, sir; this exclusive jealousy of Executive power is not sustained by the" Constitution, . or any of its. contemporaneous1 expounders'. It is ia part of modern machinery, worked oil the prejudices of the people by those -who want the very power they thus repudiate. . My colleague says, "officers of the Govern ment are not officers of the people." . This to me, is a new and strange doctrine! ' Whose officers, I ask, are they? Whose officer is he at this moment? Whose officer was he when he .was Minister to, France? Why, surely, the officer of the people of the United States. According to his doctrine, that no man not immediately selected by the people is their of ficer, they have no other officers of the Feder al Government except the members of the House of Representatives'; for even the Pre sident and Vice President are chosen indi rectly by them. We are "all officers of the people, chosen indirectly by them, t6 act for them,' and are directly responsible to them at the great and controlling bar of . public opin ion. . Conclusion next week." Correspondence of the New York Evening Star. MADL'E RACHEL. Of course, people bring up what Madl'e Rachel was six years ago. She Was a beggar in the streets of Paris. Her father, a rough and coarse man, sent her out every night to beg. She stood, at one of the corners, of the Place de la Bourse, with four little bills of caudle stuck in a piece of wood, and laid on the pavement before her. Here she used to sing popular ballads. One night it was cold and she was in rags she warbled on, but her voice faltered. A little circle had gathered around her, and a gentleman came out of it, saying, "Poor child, you sing, and tears are rolling down your cheeks,". "Yes," said she, "must I have only 15 sous, and if I do not take home a fi ance I shall be bea ten by my father.' He handed her a 5 franc piece, and asked her to take him to that harsh parent. The stranger was the late Mr. ChS-OBj me musician. Rachel? father readi ly agreed that she should enter his academy. She was not 12 years old. She took lessons on music but acting charmed her more. At the Boulevard's theatres she imbibed this taste. It is easy to make a debut in Paris, and she acted at the theatres Sevestre and des Jeunes Eleves. But she only got petite vaudev ille parts. ! Charon died- she went back to her unhappy home and her father sent her out street-begging again. . . One of the Theatre Francais company,1 who had known her at Charon's, recognized her in die streets, aud undertook to teach her declamation. She was young though not pretty, and he soon offered to take, liberties with hor. Sho spumpH the man; and some impulse jmade her address herself to M. Poir son, director of the Gymaase theatre, whom she had seen at Charon's. He received her kindly, allowed her a small salary to satisfy her father, taucht her the mechanical part of acting, and, at last, gave her a leading part at the Gymnase, in a new vaudeville called La Jendeene. It was seen, and said that she had made a hit. 31. Poirson knew it, and said, "JIa jille, I sign an engagement with you. Let us see if we cannot get you into the Theatre Francais, the proper field for your genius." Rachel, in tears, for she thought he was thus dismissing her went with him to M. Monrose, director of the Theatre Fran caise. He took Poirson's commendation and said, "You must study to suppress your emotions we cannot have so much nature apply yourself to this, and to learning to read and write correctly, and you shall make your debut here in three months. But nature would have way, and when she did make her debut in Racine's Andronigue, the world saw a natural and therefore powerful actress. In the Journal des Debats, our best dramatic critic, Jules Janin, at once acknowledged that she had, at one bound, reached a height such as scarcely Talma had gained in a life time. In the classic drarna--of Voltaire, Ra cine, Corneille--she has given new life. I told you formerly how Louis Phillippe had personally complimented her. The next day he sent her an autograph letter expressing his admiration of- her genius, and enclosing a bank note for 1000 francs This she handed to her:mother, and, kissing the .King's letter, said, '.'This is enqugh for hie," At a soiree, . recently, Chauteaubriand was present and she came in. The conversation turned on the difficulty of becoming- celebra ted, ih one's lifetime, in any of the arts. . He, of .course, spoke eloquently, and said to her Is" it not hard, to die, when famej so rarely achieved, does at last rest on a living crea ture?" Rachel bending towards him answer ed "You. should know that there are men "who never1 die." " " ' . ; : And now, you may ask, what sort is the lady, and how. does she act? She is just 17, her eyes are dark, she has the Jewish cast of face, but is not handsome." ' She is as tall as Ellen' Tree perhaps a little taller. She is rather narrow shouldered, and this thrbws her chest forward, and her head leans a little to me left. She uses very little . action, her arms seldom moyp-' her voice often fails but so strong is the expression that where others use rant and gesticulation; her quiet delivery draws down, tears at will. W hy? because she is deeply natural, even as the cider. Kean "was. - The New York Cultivator states that fruit trees. may be propagated by planting the scions instead of : engrafting them. They should be prepared by dipping ' both ends in melted tallow, grafting wax, or some similar article, and then be planted horizontally, with the bud upward, and covered about three in ches deep. . They will produce trees that will yield fruit in four years. "' We noticd that in a public meeting recently held in London, the private debts' of G. Britain are set down at $20,000,000,000!!! from the U. S. Gaztlte. .' THE CONVENTION The Boston Atlas, as we have already sta ted, has expressed on the part of the whies w-hose opinions its editor may be supposed speak, a determination to abide the decision of a iring National Convention, on the subject of a presidential candidate-though until that decision is made, Mr. Webster is to be con sidered the candidate of the whig party in Massachusetts. fa 17 m The Cincinnati Republican having been closely pressed upon the subject by the Daily Whig m that city, is supposed to speak the determination of General Harrison himself when it says: .' . . - ' "We have no hesitation in saying, how ever, for the purpose of ending, on our part, an unprofitable discussion, that Gen. Harril son and his friends have always determined to abide by the decision of the Convention in case it is fairly constituted." We don't know that anv thine more nnnU J Q -"MIU be said, unless there is a quibble in the words "tairly constituted." X he whig convention, we siinnose. is to be comnesed nF vhinc elected by whigs. Gen Harrison has already a . 11 - ii . Deen nominaieq oy persons calling themselves (as in some instances that, of Pennsylvania they were, we believe,) the representatives of a party; of course, neither such persons, nor their constituents, could be considered as proper materials for a constituency, or for re presentatives , for such a body. They have acted, and expressed their determination to abide bv tho results of their action. The u-him j : - then, properly selected by whigs, will make a ...u:u :u ( .-. . . cyuvBuuuu wuitu wui ire luiriy COnSulUteu Of such materials. . . . Great Day's Work. There is a composi tor in our office, who on last Friday, from six in tne morning until hve o'clock in the af ternoon, set up 19,000 m's Burgeois type, principally solid matter. , Beat this if you can, any of you Baltimore light-fingered gentry. - Somerset (Aid.) Herald. COMMERCE OF PHILADELPHIA. We learn from the Commercial List, that during the years 1837 and 1838, the imports and value of duties on goods imported from foreign countries,' direct into the Port of Philadelphia, have been as follows: viz. Value of Imports. Amount of Duties. 1837, SIO.130.833 ' $1,829'993 91 1838, 10,417,815 2 109,955 30 Showing a considerable increase durino the past year. The prospects for the present yearare flattering, as the number of arrivals have greatly increased, and many of the car goes have been large and valuable. JWhteral Riches. Several Boxes of Silver ore, from Davidson county, in this State, were shipped from Wilmington the other day, for New York. The Worth. Carolinian. FAYETTE V1L LE: Saturday Morning-, April 6. SWARTWOUT. I The New York Sunday Morning News . says that "Mr. Swartwout, our late collec tor, invested nearly or quite all the amount of " his defalcation to government in Texas lands, and that since his arrival in England he has effected a. sale, of those lands, to a company of capitalists for about six millions three hua- j dred thousand dollars." If this intelligence be correct, Samuel Swartwout 'may stand a chance to be re-nominated lor die Vice Presidency, by the New Li"ht Whiffs.-' - -LAMENTATIONS The Whig papers are filTed with lamentation for the removal of their faithful adherents from office, the whole of which nay be epitomized in the l'ol lowing very sen timertisl verse: 1 -v "I never had a piece of bread, Particularly long and wide " ' But il would fall upon the floor, ' lnd always on the buttered side." " . . .'",.. -frerf. Citizen. . The bread and butter of the A'eto Lights is. like the knots they tie. Their knots are art slip knots,; and their bread always buttered on the wrong side. : , POLITICAL DEFINITION. A. correspondent wishes to know-how he should class hunst tf, Wt. a whig- a democratic whig federal. whig a Jeflirson whig a loco foco 'whig, or a conserTative whig far he says he is bothered. We answer icAip, by itself whig! ia a good name for any party, in any times. JV. F. Star. Quere-i-wonld not JVeiv -Light Whig do? There are ncio light Baptists or, . what say you "Captain Dalgettie," to a etc school whi"? The hew school Presbyterians have gained their suit in Pennsylvania, and are likely to be in the ascendant. TROUBLE IN THE If 7G-VVAM. From the Carolina Watchman. When the question was first agitated as to th propriety of the whigs. of North Carolina sending delegates to the whig' national convention to ines Tit Harrisburs, we thought it inexpedient to do so. On reflection however, we are of o""w 1,181 should be done. The -very decided prefer?1" oifested iii favor of Henry Clay.by our party State, enjoins upon us the necessity of so provw ingi that we rtay not be eaHed on to give our votef to a Jess acceptable candidate; especially to on from a noh-slave-holding State. Without the whig voice of Worth Carolina, in the proposed conven' tion, it might be that Mr. Clay W-otilnot receive the nomination. W e dauti ezceedinfrly, whether any other of those spoken of as the whig candidates can receive the' voter-of this State, That Jfr. ClaJ can, we are as well assured as we ever were of ani tiling belonging to the future. We can send deio gates to- this convention with limited -powers. We can give them instructions not to give or take not to bargain or chaffer in the matter, but simply to declare the. determination of the whigs of North Carolina to vote for Henry Clay and no one else. We are unwilling to be committed to any one else in any event, and we do not mean to he. Such a participation in the proposed measate, would have nothing of the offensive aspect of c&u cussing, and might be the means of preventing the vote of the State from being thrown away. ! "No wonder the "Observer" referred us to the mah in the moon" for an answer to our questions in the first number of this paper. t The abOve from the Watchmauj is answer enough. The JVew Lights are bogged in th same mire that has held them fast to the earth' They cannot agree among themselves. Th shews they have not the bond of union the oneness of principle which holds democrats to-
The North Carolinian (Wilson, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
April 6, 1839, edition 1
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