Newspapers / The North Carolinian (Wilson, … / April 11, 1840, edition 1 / Page 3
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ifTbeen swerved from their devotion to the bond r nion. and" tbe principles h has made sacred.. It 11 be ever thus. Such attempts at dangerous ai '!' may periodically return, but with each the k- rt will be better understood. That predomi- .inVafftction for political system which prevails n,a" hout our territorial limits; that calm and en nrhtencd judgment which ultimately governs our ovle as one vast body; will always be at hand to Wst and control every effort, foreign or domestic, which aims, or would lead, to overthrow our insti tutions" .- - ' - Sir. Van Bnren'i Opinion. From the Richmond Enquirer of March, 1836. MR VAN BUREN-WO ABOLITIONIST. We lav this morning before o ir readers the fol .Jin" frank, manly, masterly letter of Mr. Van R,irenon the subject of Abohlionism. There is some reason to suspect that the letter f m North Carolina was intended to embarrass him, Jackson was the scene of ths famous Mangum and Leigh dinner. But he has not hesitated to meet thr question fairly, openly and above board. fORTH CAROLINA CORRESPONDENCE. Jackson, February 23, 183S DgAR Sib- A portion of your follow citizens in this section, frelin? a deep anxiety as to your views on a topic which most vitally aflV.cts our immediate welfare and happiness, have thought proper to pro pound to you the following interrogatory, to which we wish an explicit answer Do you or do you not believe that Congress has the constitutional power to interfere with, or abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia? ' The conspicuous situation in which you are pla ced and the importance of a thorough knowledge of your views on this interesting topic, will, we hope, be sufficient apology for lj Jjf,8 taken- ISAAC HALL,' JOHN WALL, C. YELLOWBY, SAM'L. B. SPIRRILL, JAS, W. PU1Z1NN. His Excellency Martin VanBcren. MARTIN VAN BCEES'S REPLY. Washington, March 6, 1836. Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter apprizing me of the deep anxifty tvhichis telt by a portion of your fellow citizens as to my views upon a topic vitally affect jnJ their immediate welfare and happiness, and of the importance of Iheir being possessed of a tho roi'sh knowledge of them; and asking me to say. whether 1 do or d not believe that Congress has the c-onsti!utinnal power to int?rft"rrs with or abolish shverv in the D:strict of Co'umhia. Iamn.l only wiliinsr, but desirous", Gentlemen, that you shoull have the most thorough knowledge of mv views and feelings upon the delicate and in tcri'it'ne stibiett with which your question is con nected; "and I shall endeavor to acquaint you with them in th fullest manner in my power. N.)t having heretofore had the honor of b"ing in political commumc:ition with yon, 1 am not advised whether the sntim-jnts relating to it, which have been avowed by myself, and by my authority within the last two years, nave corne to your knowledge. I deem it therefore, proper to furnish you w;th the substance f them, before I reply to vour more spe c fic inquiry. The avowals to which I refer, were: 1st. An opi'iiun that Congress has no risrht to in'erfere, in any manner, or to nny extent, with the subj-ct f slavery in the States: 2d, Asainst the propriety of their doing so in the District of Columbia; and 3d. The statement f my full concurrence in the sen time it ? expressed by the citizens of Albany, in pub ic ni;;i ting, the most important of which are as follow.-), v;z: "That tlio Constitution of the United States carries with it an adjustment of all qi stio is involved in the dlibera' ions which lrd lo its adoption, ard that the compromise of interests in which it was feunde J, is binding in honor and good faith, independent of the force of agreement, on all who live under its prot -ction, and participate in the bentfi s of whicli it is the s; urce." "Tlitt the rtl.ition of master aud slave is a m itter exclusively h';lo-i2inr t-j the people cf each State, within its owe. boundary, and that any attempt by the Gov ernment or people of any other State, or by the G neral Government, to interfere w ith or disturb it. w.u'd ila!e the s; i it of that compromise which lies i;t the ba.-is of the Federal compac'." That we can only Stiles by ab laws. domes every other Slat -." "tint an sum liuenerence which t ;ik's to a'i nate one portion of our country m n from th rrst, deserves to be frowned upon with indi mutton by all who chi-rih the principles of our Revolutionary fathers, and who desire to preserve the Constitution by the exercise of that spirit of amity which animated its framers." '"That they de;r catr d the conduct ot those who are attempting to-cosree their brethren in other States in the abo lition of slavery, by appeals to the fears of the mas ter and the p,s:-i ns of the sl.ive; and that they cou'd not but consider the m as disturbers rf the public peace, and would, by all constitutional m ans, exert their influence t arrest the progress of such m insures." "That whilst they maintain inviolate the liberty rf speech and the freedom of the press, thev considered discussions, w hich, f.om their nature, tend to ii fl nne the public mind, and put ineo; ardy the lives and property of their lellow cnize ns, at war with every rule of moral duty, and every sng.estion ol humanity, and would be con strained, moreover, to regard those, who, with a lull knowledge of their pernicious tendency, pcrs'st in carrying them on, as disloyal to the Union." "That th'f people of the South would do great in justice if they al ow themsulves to believe that the lew who are interfering with th question of slavery are'acting in accordance with the sentiments of the North upon the subject." And, finally, ' that they made these, declarations to their Southern brethren in the same spirit of amity which bound together th -ir fiithers and our3, during a long and eventful struggle for independence; and that they did, in full remembrance of that common association, plight tothein th ir faith to maintain in practice, as far as lies in their power, what they had thus solemnly declared." These views, thus expressed and sanctioned by myself, appear to me to cover th whole ground, save ths abstract question to which you have been pleasod to call my attention; and I cheerfully em brace the opportunity you have felt it your duty to afford me to explain myself folly on that also. As anxious as you can possibly be to arrest all agita tion upon this disturbing subject, I have considered the question y;ju have propounded to me witn a sincere desire to arrive at the conclusion that the subjtct in relation to the District of Columbia, can besat'elv nlnced on the same eround on which it stands in regard to the States, viz: the want of constitutional power in Congress to interfere in tne matter. 1 owe it, however, to candor, to say to you, that I have not been able to satisfy myself that the rant toConsrress. in the Constitution, ot the power of iltxclusiveleerislat ion in all cases whatsoever''' over me t'edVral District, does not conter on mat nooy tne same avithontv over the subiect that wouia otherwise hive been possessed by the States of A r ' . ... -Maryland and Virginia; or that Congress migm fot, in virtue thereof, tike such steps upon the snbi -ct in this District as those States might them selves take within their own limits, and consistent ly with their lights of sovereisnty. Thus viewing ths matter, I would not, from the lights now be'ore me. feel mvself safe in pronoun cing that Congress does not possess tho power of 1 ...... V ..... r , T-k- uu-nering witn or abolishing slavery in ine h;ct of Columbia. But. whilst such are my pres ent impressions upon the abstract question of the legal power in Congress impressions which I shall an tunes be not only ready, but disposed, to sur rnr)er upon conviction ot error I do not hesitate to s'vo it to you as mv deliberate and well considered ''Pinion, that there are objections to the exercise of power, against the wishes ot the slave-holding "latfls, as imperative in their nature and obligations, " legulating the conduct of public men, as the palpable want of constitutional poioer would be. uu nave a4uded in your letter to the conspicu- th that THE NCWRTlffl - CAMOJLfiNlIAft . I o:k to maintain the union of the aining from a'l interference with the c policy, ana peculiar mieresis or " 'US Situation in nkU I V Kaon KoCt-O Public, and I take it . for granted, that it is to ClrCUtnstrinffV rallifir tlian nflinr that .... . - -..v.. LIIBII II. qui .."- auui. " 10 "scribe the solicitude felt by yourselves and subi "j110"011'""3 ,n respect to my views on this .-v.. recognise, io tne milest extent, tne pro priety of this desire on your part; . and although there is nothing in your letter making the avowal necessary, I prefer that not only you, but all the people of the United States shall now understand that if the desire of that portion of then, which is favorable to my elevation to the Chief Magistracy, should be gratified, I must go into the Presidential chair the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of any attempt on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes of tho slave holding States; and also with the determination equally decided, to resist the slightest interference with the subject in the States where it exists. In saying this, I tender neither to them nor to you any pledges, but declare only settled opinions and convictions of duty. Those who doubt that they will be carried into full and fair effect, are under no obligations to trust me. An opportunity is afforded them to exercise their free choice in the matter, and they may be assured, that there is no one less likely to complain of its exer cise than myself. The peculiar importance of the subject, and a desire (which you will allow me to feel) that my views of it should be correctly understood, make it proper that I should explain the grounds ol the opinions above expressed. They are founded, amongst others, on the following considerations, viz: 1st, I believe, that if it had been foreseen, at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, that the seat of the Federal Government would be fixed in a. slave-holding region, and that the subject of slavery would be there agitated to the prejudice of those holding this species of property, the right to do so would, with the assent of the non-slaveholding States, have been made an exception to the unre str.xted legislative power givea to Congress over the District to be ceded. , 2dly. I cannot but regard the agitation or this subject in the District of Columbia as a surprise upon the people of Maryland and Virginia, being very confident that if the state of things which now exists, had been at all apprehended by those States, the cession of the District would not have been made except upon the express condition that Con gress should exercise no such power; and that with such a condition the cession would, in the then state of public opinion, have been readily accepted. 3dly. 1 do therefore believe, that the abolition of slavery in the D. strict of Columbia, against the wishes ofthe slave-holding States, (assuming that Congress has the power to effect it) would violate the spirit of that compromise of interests which lies at the basis of our social compact; and 1 am tho roughly convinced that it could not be so done, without imminent peril, if not certain destruction to the union of the States. Viewing the matter in this liht, it is my clear and settled opinion that tho Federal Government ought to abstain from do ing so, and that it is the sacred duty of those whom the people ofthe United Statf s ent.ust with the con trol ot its act. on, so to use tho constitutional power with which they are invested as to prevent it. I think it due to the occasion, and only a simple act of justice to my fellow-eitizens of the" North, of all political parties, to add the expression of my full belief, that the opinions above expressed accord in substance with those entertained by a larger majori ty ofthe people of the non-slaveholding States than has ever before existed in those States on a public question of equal magnitude. It is also due to tnein to say, that their sentiments on his subject springs out oi considerations ol too nigh a charac ter, and look to consequences of too solemn an im port, to be shake n by slight causes. With only a generous confidence on the part of the South in their brethren nft he North, and a firm determina tion on the part of each to visit with their severest displeasure any attempt to connect the subject ith party politics, those sentiments cannot be over thrown. All future attempts on the part of the Abolitionis-ts to do so, will then only serve to accu mulate and concentrate public odium on themselves. That th."re are persons at the North who arc far from concurring in the prevailing sentiment I have de scribed, is certainlv tiue: but their numbers, when compared to the ret of the community, are very inconsiderable, and, it the condition of things be not great. y aggravated by imprudence, many ol them. I have no d ubt, will ultimately adopt sounder views ofthe subject, and the efforts of those who may per sist in me wo.-k ci agitation may be overcome by re?.so.i, or rendered, inoperative by const. tutional remedies. To one class of those who have hitherto petitioned Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, I cannot forbear to refer. I allude to the society of Friends, or the people iisu.illy deno minated Quakers. The uniformity of their course upon this subj ct, tho temperate manner in which it has been manifested, and the marked excellence of their conduct and character; appear to have concili ated respect for th ir motives, even from those who difier with them in opinion. As far as my observa tion has enabled mctojud(;e, it is due them to sav. that, as there has bei n no indication of any change of opinion upon thir part during the present excite ment, so has there been no evidence ot a disposition to lend themselves to the undue agitations of the public mind attempted by others. There is cer tainly no cla-s rt people in this country' who have a deeper interest in the preservation of the Union, and of the happy system of government which it upholds than they; and it has now become very ap parent to all reflecting and observing minds, that the question ot slavery in the .District of Columbia cannot be pressed to the result they desire, with safety to those paramount objects. Do not these considerations justify the hope, that from them, at least we may reasonably expect, for the future, a mode of dealing with the subject, which, whilst it does no injustice to their principles, shall repress instead of increasing agitat ion, and not endanger the great interest to which I have referred? To doubt it would be to distrust the influence which ndustry, morality, inU lligenre, and republican habits qualities which all admit them to possess in a hioh degree, are calculated, in srsnt emergen cies, to exert upon the conduct of their possessors. And for the like reason, it may certainly be expect ed that well disposed persons of other religious de nominations, who, without a full consideration ot the difficulties which surround this sulj -ct, and of the dangerous consequents to winch thetffjrts ot the Abolitionists so evidently tend,, have lent to those effoits the influence of their names and char acter, will be careful hereafter to avoid the repetition of an error so unfortunate and mischievous. Ia every point of the subject, therefore, it does appear to me, that, although there cer tainly is, in the present condition ofthe coun try in relation to it, sufficient to exeite the most serious attention, there i3 nothing in the state of public opinion in the United States to justify that panic in the public mind, which invariably disqualifies those who partake of it trom dealing wisely or successfully with the circumstances by which it is produced. From abroad we have, I think, some right to expect less interference than heretofore. We shall, I am confident, for some lime at least, have no more foreign agents to enlighten us on the subject. Recent results here, and the dis cussions with which they have been attend ed, cannot fail to attract the attention ofthe reading and reflecting portion of the foreign public. By these means they will be made to understand our real condition in this re spect, and they will know that the unchangea ble law of that condition is. that the slave question must be left to the control ofthe slave holding states themselves without mo lestation or interference from any quarter; that foreign interference of every description can only be injurious to the slave, without benefit to any interest, and will not be endu red by any section of our country; and that any interference, coming from even the non slave-holding portions of our own territory, is calculated to endanger the perpetuity, and if sanctioned by the (general Government, would inevitably occasion the dissolution, of our happy Union. Seeing the subject in this, its true aspect, and conscious as they must be, that the downfall of this Republic would be the severest blow that the cause of liberty and self-govenrment could receive, and from which its recovery would be hopeless, the wise and good amongst , them those who are really guided by the principles of justice and hu manity will pause and acknowledge that they have misapprehended the true, bearings of this question. Instead of accusing our countrymen who hold property in slaves, with disregarding the general principles of liber ty and the dictates of a pure religion, they will recognise, in this class of our citizens as sincere friends to the happiness of mankind as any others, and will become sensible that this species of property, the result of causes over which they had no control, is an inheri tance, which they only know how to dispose of. Instead of charging the people 'of the non-slaveholding States, as has often been done, with hypocrisy in professing an ardent love of freedom, they will find that the free citizens of the North are only acting upon the principles of fidelity to their most solemn engagements; that if they were to attempt the accomplishment of what is desired of them by those who regard slavery as inconsistent with the equal rights on which our institutions are founded, they will involve themselves in the od ium, either of seeking to evade a compact which was the means and the pledge of our national existence, or of availing themselves of their present power and unexampled pros perity, to dissolve a connection with their Southei n brethren, formed at a period of mu tual adversity, for a cause which was then not only known to exist but the continuance of which was expressly recognised ill the bond of their union. I have thus, gentlemen, been compelled to extend my remarks considerably further than I intended, when I commenced to answer your inquiry. As, however the subject was delicate and important, I feel that I have not trespassed farther upon your time in its ex amination than was proper to enable you to comprehend the views I entertained of it, or than was respectful to the considerations which justified your call for those views. And I feel assured, whatever may be the dif ference of opinion, if any, which exists be tween myself and any other portions of my fellow-citizens, that the issue of this matter, as of all preceding questions which have agi tated the public mind, and have been thought to be preguant with danger, will, in their hands, be such as to strengthen the bonds of their union, and to increase those fraternal and patriotic affections, which our past na tional history has so often and so honorably illustrated. I am, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, M. VAN BUREN. Messrs. Junius Amis, Isaac Hall, John Wall, C. Yellowby, Samuel B. Spirril, and James W. Puizinn, Jackson, N. C. The following extracts from the "Philanthro pist" of the 31st of March, an Abolition Whig paper, edited by G. Bailey, Jr. in the City of Cincinnatti, State of Ohio, at General Harri son s door, are published witn tne hope that they may reach the eye of every Southern citizen. DC3Any man in the slaveliolding States, who reads these extracts, anil still supports Harri son, is Kri.lvUri.Ars 1 to the dearest interests ofthe South. We have the paper itself before us, so there can be no mistake about the genuineness ofthe extracts. From the Philanthropist. Tbe Preseut Administration. The present Administration, it is rrenerally conceded, is essentially Southern in its principles lid policy. It is distinguished hy its devotion to the foreign and domestic interests of slavery, perhaps more than by any other feature. The protection of slave-iabor seems to be its control ling principle. True, the.freemen ofthe North and West number more than twice as many as those ot the South, but the' are supposed to have no peculiar interests; oi the protection ol their free labor is a minor consideration. The aristocrats ol the South ;ive law to the Govern ment, and Mr. Van Buren is their vassal exe cutive. Where is the American that does not blufih, when he calls to mind with what cool audacity, the minister of our free republic at London late ly vindicated the riht of holding human beings s property, and with what dishonorable perti nacity he demanded and re-demanded compen sation for slave-property from the Court of St. James. Our government advocating, and the British monarchy repudiating, the pretension of a right to hold men as brutes! " . Mr. Van Buren is in subjection to the South. His cabinet is a slave-holding cabinet. The spirit of slavery there reigns supreme. We cannot resist the impression, that more strenuous efforts are made to promote the in terests of slavery abroad, than any other inter est of the country. The most signal concession in a commercial way obtained ol late years Irom firetgn"powers, is that piocured ny JYir. wnea- ton from the German Union of Commerce and Customs. A Prussian tariff, winch went into operation some years since, operated most un- lavoraoly on the importation oi iwo very im portant staple productions of Southern agricul ture, tobacco and rice. One of the principal objects of" Mr. Wheaton was directly to procure a reduction oi wiese dunes. ui uc uas suc ceeded in doing, so far as respects rice. We confess we have one objection to this; in pro portion as it shall tend to enrich the master, n will curse the slave. Any change in the com mercial world, calculated to enhance the value of slave-labor, is greatly to be deprecated. Another view of the subject we would pre sent. - Should the Van Buren partv, after hav ing rested its hopes of success to a great extent on its anli-a'oolition warfare, he defeated, it would lie the oest thing that could happen for them, as well as the Iree atates. from that moment, the party would find it expedient to cut loose Irom the South. 1 he conviction would arise, that it had been leaning on a bro ken reed; and that there wis a power at home, which it was of more consequence to conciliate than the slaveholding inierest. It is the voca lion of Abolitionists to emancipate parlies .mm thraldom to this interest. This they can do by creating such a mass of anti-slavery sentiment in the free States, and so directing it, that it hnll at once crush the the politician, who may venture in a single" particular to pander to the wishesof the slave-holder. A Dart of the United States troops stationed in the upper part of New York State have been or dered to march to the disputed territory, in Maine. jsemqcroitc jiamm . I,et tne Slave Holders of the South iKtolk to ; their Condition. The extract below from the Globe shows that Mexico is about engaging in a war against Texas, in which she offers the slaves their free dom. France has lately made a treaty of alli ance with Mexico. We are threatened with a war with England on account of the Maine bounda ry question. Should we get to war with England, her first step would be to join the Mexicans and reconquer Texas, calling the In dians and negroes to her aid. The emigrants to Texas who conquered the Mexicans at San Jacinto, are our brother Americans, neighbors and slave owners. Does any man believe that Louisiana, Ar kansas, Mississippi and Tennessee will sit still and see the Mexicans resonquer Texas? Our situation, we think is a critical one, and should command the undivided attention of Congress. Active preparations for the worst, are called for, as the dictate of common prudence. In such a condition of things, it is astonishing, that Mr. Morehead and his followers should oppose the immediate organization ofthe militia as recom mended by the Secretary of war. The Emancipator, the journal of the New York Abolition Society, quotes the following rrom the Mexican print, the Tamaulipas Gaz ette. "The campaign of Texas will achieve much glory for Mexico, and restore her name and her honor. The slavery of the black man, which is tolerated in Texas, and which teas the cause of the revolution, icill arm the Mexi cans to drive those usurpers beyond the Sa bine. JIctico gives freedom to men of all colors, and she has her destiny to fulfil in this respect." The Abolition print remarks on this: "So, it seems, Mexico has her destiny, 'giving freedom to all colors,' as an offset! to the destiny ofthe Anglo Saxons, which the Texan advocates have so much relied on 'getting possession of all the land. We have a strong presentiment that the first is the best destiny, and will stand the longest. Some body will live to know."' This explains the motive of John Q. Ad ams and others of this tribe in Congress, in siding with Mexico against the Texans and eveu.against their own Government, in its controversy with that power. Abolitionism would rather destroy the liberty of the Anglo Saxons of Texas, under the superstition, bar barism, and despotism of Mexico, than see the spirit of our free institutions carried over the fair regions of Texas. "I he best destiny is that giving freedom to all colors" the free dom under which a whole race of people per ished in ihe drudgery ofthe mines. Mr. Adams and his political brethren were reluc tant to obtain ihe advantage of a Saxon des tiny for Louisiana, for the same political reason which operates with them against Texas. Globe. 9Ionejr "Coining money, and regulating the value thereof," is the business of the Government. And "making any thing but gold or silver a lawful lender in the payment of debts," is against the provisions of our Constitution. Who coins the money that the people of North Caro- na are obliged to make use of? The banks, by stamping their promises to pay, on the face of their bills, which they call money. Who regulates the value" of these paper money coinages inenanKs, at tneir sovereign win and pleasure, regulate ihe value ot these paper promises, by making thein plenty, or scarce as they think proper, anil thereby raising or sinking the price of every thing in the mar kets, just as it may suit their convenience. What is it that makes these paper hills the only "lender" (lie people have to give "in pay ment of their debts," to the almost total exclu sion of gold and silver? It is the power that the banks have of locking up the gold a ad silver, and giving the people their bank notes in the place of it. Have not your banks more power than your government, people of North Carolina? Can your government raise or sink the price of your property as your banks do? Surely they cannot, and surely they do not. How are you to check these banks that lord it over you, and control all that you are worth? Vote for those who are ag-ainst them, and oppose those who are for them, until you compell them by law, to pay specie for their notes. Vote for the party that are disposed to bridle these paper money shops, and keep them in check, while you frown upon the party that have always upheld them, and do now uphold them, and will ever uphold them. between Mr. Van Buren and" Harrison for,, the. Presidency, which was fought in November 1836, when Van Buren and Democracy con quered the combined Federal Bank Whiggery, under Webster, Hairison and White. If Van Buren, single handed, crushed these three champions of British Whiggery in' 1836, it must be the vainest hope that Harrison, the weakest and most objectionable of the three, should be able to contend with him sustained as he is, by the undivided Democratic Republican party ofthe whole country. A great effort is made to charge upon the Democratic party, the evils which we suffer from banks, because they had majorities in some ofthe Legislatures that chartered these banks. This is a further instance of the British Whig hypocricy. What is the strongest proof of op position to these evils of the Banking System? In the first place, our deceitful adversaries, charge the Democrats with a wish to destroy all the banks, when they know that as a party, we have proposed no measure of this sort, but only measures to compel the circulation of gold and silver, in quantities proportionate to the vast amount ol these metals, now locked in the vaults of banks. And in the next place, the Indepen dent Treasury Bill, so much hated hy all the -Bank .party, is the great, leading Democratic measure, by which, the AUniiiriCTtra.:.,n uruth to show the people, that, so far as they can 'they are willing to compel the banks to circulate the hard money instead ot locking it up. But, do not the British Federal Bank Whiggery know, that their present Governor, Edward B. Dud ley, proposed to the Legislature winter before the last, to charter a Bank with a capital of ten millions of dollars? Possibly if J. M. Morehead is elected Govern or, and the people elect Bank Whigs enough to the Legislature next August, this magnificent Whig scheme will be accomplished, and .then what floods of paper money we shall have.' We shall be almost a match for Mississippi and Pennsylvania. This will be what the Bankites call relieving the people. What say you to it Democrats? Harrison for a High Tariff. The Boston Courier, (Webster's organ) comes out openly and supports Harrison on the ground, that he will favor a protective Tariff of duties, while Mr. Van Buren will and does oppose such a Tariff. And yet the federalists hereabouts, say that Harrison is not a Tariff-man, and that the President is. How long has it been since the oppression of a Tariff to the South had well nigh severed this Union? Where are the men who then stood by South Carolina? Some of them, now act with Webster (the old federalist) and the Boston Courier, in support of Harrison, because he will favor a high Tariff of duties. And these very men too, wish to vote awaj' the public lands to the States to pay State debts, when they know, that the Tariff must be raised to the injury of the South if the Government give away the lands; there being but two sources of income to wit, the Tariff of duties, and the land sales. If the Fedralists vote away the lands to the States, a high Tariff, or direct tax must follow. Does the South desire either of these bur thens? If they do, let them vote for Harri son and Morehead. The British Harrison Bank Whiggery, rig i nnH fi.icrpt and nrevaricate, to get rid ol their legitimate position as the Bank party and Federal aristocrats of the country. When did any body ever see one serious, deliberate article, or even paragraph, in their papers, against the corruptions and fraudulent mismanagement of the banking system? They now sneak and skulk out of their known fondness for a United States Bank, because, they say, the people do not desire such an institution, while they design, under this hypocritical show of opposition, to set up Clay's FIFTY MILLION BANK, the moment they cap get Harrison elected, and by that election pretend that the people are become favorable to such a Bank. They oppose the Independent Treasury Sys tern by which the Government proposes to keep itself disconnected from all banks, as it now is While, with a twofold hypocricy, they neither recommend the State Banks nor a National Bank, as fit depositories for the public moneys; and in short, offer no plan of their own to sup dIv the place of the Independent Treasury. which they so bitterly oppose. Let not those ,i;ir..i Riihtfrfn..es mislead any man. The utv. " - - British Whinery, is the same Bank party tha cursed General Jackson for destroying Btddle's Bank. Thev are the same aristocrats, backetl bv the money power, that have always consti tnted the rank and file of the old Federal party,- and the same battle is to be fought over again The unprincipled scurrillity and obscene ul. garity ofthe Observer's attacks on us this week, present anotner exemplification of the story of "Ihe viper and the file." We are certain, as to the impersonation of "the viper," and we hone our character is so shielded in honesty, as to be invulnerable, like "the file," against which, the puny reptile shall lick, only to make its little ' tongue bleed. Congress had passed no appropriation bill except for the pay of lis members up to the last " accounts. The public business has been unjut tifiably delayed by the hot political strife, waged in the house lor now almost four months. This is positively becoming a horrid nuisance. . Th Democratic Re-rJevr.Donble Number. The Editor of the Democratic Review has re- " ceived an a tide of great length and much inUrest. from a friend in Paris, entitled "France, its Kinf, Court, and Government." It is the production of" an American gentleman, whose literary character ' throughout the Union is a sufficient guaranty for" the ability and authenticity of his statements, while his official position at the Court of France has given him access to .information and materials beyond the reach of other individuals, which have been freely used in the treatment of his subject. "Much of it is the result of information recr-ived from the King in repeated conversations, and this part relate to the United States, and contains an account of his adventures there" adventures which have never before been made public, and which from tbe sub sequent fortunes and present elevation of Loufs Philippe, present some of the strongest contrasts' n"'"'' """if er3onal romance. Aa this paper will occupy the entire space or a single imnnri the Review, and could not be divided with proprie- ty, in order to accompany it with the usual variety of articles, the number for April now ready, will not be issued, and a double number will be pub lished in May, containing, in addition to the arti cle refrrred to, the usual amount of political and miscel'aneous matter that it is given in the Demo cratic Review. A portrait of Louis Philippe when in the United States, will accompany the number, and also a portrait of an American Statesman, forming No. XVIII of the Gallery of "Political Portraits with Pen and Pencil." "France, its King, Court, and Government," will, shortly after the appearance of the Review, be' published in a separate volume. fJThe delay of the April number of the Re view, and its cause, you are r- qested lo announce in your paper, as the most convenient way of in forming subscribers in your vicinity. Washington, March 31, 1840. We have a report that orders hare been re ceived from Washington to prepare for sea all the' vessels of war now under cover at the Navy Yard,; Brooklyn. Democratic Banner. WHOLESALE PRICES CURRENT. Corrected weekly for the North Carolinian. Federal Treachery Exposed We insert below, a letter from Mr. A.G. Jackson, whose name was placed on the "whig" committee of "one hundred," at the late Feder al Mee'.ing in this place. Mr. Jackson has act ed right in exposing this artifice of the Whigs, who, to give themselves importance, have frau dulently used the name of an individual, who never has acted but with the Democratic party. If there should he the names of any other Domocrats on this "Whig Standing Commit tee," as we have reason to suspect, we hope they will follow Mr. Jackson's example, and expose the trick. To Solomon B. Council, Esq., Chairman of a Whig or Federal fllccting, recenUy neld in tne town ot Fayetteville. Sir, I have seen, in the proceedings of a meet nT at which you presided, that my name is placed on the "Standing Committee" of one hundred. I had thought that my political prin ciples were sufficiently well known to you, and that you could not have supposed for a moment, that I would act, in any manner, with the W tug or Federal party. I am no ederahst, and WILL NO T act as one n" '"'; -'H''r i-r ..V,Pmorrat in nnnciDle; and will, if my life is spared, take an active part in support of Re- puolican principles. I should have taken an earlier notice of the libertv taken wt'h my name, but fir my indis- I Jlpru o, low. We are informed that Louis D. Henry, Esq. has declined the nomination of the Democratic Convention, as a candidate for Elector of Pre sident for this District. His reasons for doing so are of a private nature, and are entirely and oerfecllu satisfactory to his political friends tn this quarter; one oi mem is, nis neccssaiy - sence durino- the next summer irom nome. This determination could not properly have been made public befire, as the official commu nication of his nomination was received this week and he had at no time been consulted in the matter. Should the course ofthe Opposition render it necessary, that our party should be represented hfiire the! rjeople on any important public occa sions, when he can attend, Mr. Henry holds himself in readiness to obey the call of his party ,hnt.ver his services may be deemed useiui. This is al! we could ask of Mr. Henry, to be willing to work, and to leave the honor to oth era. , We have on hand the admirable speech' of the Hon. R. Strange, ou the assumption of State debts, which- we shall lavor our readers with in our next week's paper. Brandy, peach, " apple, Bacon, Beeswax, Butter, Bale Rope, Cotton Yarn, Coffee, Cotton, Cotton Bagging, Corn, Candles, F. F. Flaxseed, Flour, Feathers, Lard, Salt, per bushelj Sack, Tobacco, leaf Bale Rope, Wheat, Whiskey, Wool, Iron, bar, M olassea, Nails, cut, Sugar, brown, " lurrp, " loaf. FAYETTEVILLE. $ 0 45 a 00 37 a 00 7 a 00 23 a 15 a 00 8 a 18 a 00 12 a 00 6 a 00 16 a 60 a 00 17 a 1 00 a 31. 00 40 a 10 a 80 a Si a 4 a 8 a a 30 a 17 5 a 33 7 a 8 a 16 a IS a $00 54' 00 42 00 8 00 25 22 00 10 2& 00 131 00 7j 00 20 65 00 1 10 1 00 00 90 H 5 - io- 80 6 34 l 12 00 20 00 00 00 WIL3IIXGTOIT. Bacon, - $00 8 a $00 9 Butter, J6 a 25 Beeswax, scarce, 22 a 24 Bale Rope, dull, 6 a' 8 Brandy, apple, 55 a 00 Corn, per bushel)- 55 a 00 Coffee, 11 a 13 Cotton, per 100 lbs. 7 a 8 1-2 Cotton Bagging, dull, 20 a Flour, per bbl. 6 o 7 Gin, American,. 55 a Lime, cask, 1 25 I 75 Molasses, 30 a 35 Pitch, at the Stiller, 2 00 a 2 25 Rice, per 1 00 lbs. 2 75 a 3 00- Rum, N. E. 40 a 45 Rosin, scarce, 1 50 a 00" Sugar, brown, 8 Turpentine, soft, per bbl. 1 80 a Turpentine, hard lis If price Tar, per bbl. 1 00 a Pitch do 2 00 a 2 25 Rosin, do a 1 50" Flooring boards, m. 8 50 a 9 50- Wide do do 5 50 a 6 50 WOEIGffl TTKUNCAN LA MONT, Ron of Duncan La JJ mont, who removed from the Parish of Cowal, Argyleshire, Scotland, to America, about eio-'itir jr,jp. - "w sraigrs m mat Kingdom, will hud it to his interest lo apply toCol. David Gillis, of this countv, or It this ' office, for information from Scotland of much importance to him. The name ot La mont is often pronounced Lammon. Fayettevile, April 10th, 1840. 59-tf STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA ( Sampson bounty, ) Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions Febvu ary Term, 1840, E. J. & L- R. Clarke. vs. John A. Bizzel. Orriginal Attachment.' Levied on his interest in the Lands which des cended from his father Asher Bizzel to- him and others, as Heirs at Law. IT appearing to the satisfaction of the Court,, that the Delendant Jno. A. Bizzel hath re moved or so absconds or conceals himself that the ordinary process of Law cannot be served on him. On motion it is ordered by the Court that publication be made for six weeks in the North Carolinian, notifying the said defendant to appear before the next term of said- 3ourt, to be held lor County of Sampson at the Gmirt House in Clinton, on the third Monday in May next, and then and t lie re plead or demur to said Attachment or judgement by default will' be awarded against him and the land levied on condemned to the satisfaction of Plaintiffs re covery. 1 - Witness, Thomas I. Faison Clerfc of said" Court, at office in Clinton the fir3t Monday of February, Auno Domini 1840 and 64th of American Independence. THOMAS L- FAISON, Clerk, April II, 184Q.. 59 6U "
The North Carolinian (Wilson, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
April 11, 1840, edition 1
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