Newspapers / The North Carolinian (Wilson, … / June 6, 1840, edition 1 / Page 2
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-- ... ii Hi i t. i f t f 3 II if Si4 IF it I ft 4: I- r-f 4 & 1 1 , m iM mi 1 1. Mi 1 Extracts From f A Address of the Central Committee, to the People of Kentucky. The time was when Gen. Harrison would have deemed it degrading to hesitate to speak out like a republican and a freeman; when he would have indignantly repelled the idea of concealing his political creed; when he was an open, advacate of a right which none but .monarchists will question the right of Elec tors to call for ihe sentiments of a candidate tor ofSce. In a note addressed, Sept. 16, lS22,to a paper then published in Cincinnati, (the Inquisitor,) Gen. Harrison said: "In your last paper you recommended to the candidates for the ensuing election, to publish their political creeds, that the electors may have a fair opportunity of choosing those whose sentiments best accord with their own. I WAVE EVER BELIEVED THAT EVERY ELECTOR HAS A RIGHT TO MAKE THIS CALL UPON THOSE "WHO OFFER THEIR SERVICES TO THE PEOPLE, AND THAT THE CAN DIDATES ARE BOUND TO AN SWER IT." Since he, (Gen. Harrison, proclaimed himself the "Leader" of the Opposition, his sentiments have been solicited on the disturbing question of Abolition, by citizens of North Carolina, Virginia, New York, Ala bama, Illinois, &c. In two or three instanc es his Committee of Safety responded that, as the National Federal Convention had set the example, which has been followed by the State Conventions of that party generally, the policy is, that the General make no further declaration of principles for the public eye; and when the following letter was presented to him at his residence at North Bend, by two respectable citizens, he said: "NOTH ING COULD INDUCE HIM TO AN SWER SUCH INTERROGATORIES, COMING FROM EITHER FRIENDS OR FOES." .. LotnsVlLtE, April 2, 1840. Dear Sir: The destinies of nations are occasionally influenced by factions at- first disregarded from whose labors, in the way of agitation, nothing is apprehended, until they acquire an amount of power which can not be controlled. The history of Abolition ism in the colonial possessions of England may be cited as an ample verification of these truths; and, as it is now known that, be tween the opponents of the institutions of the Southern States of this Union, in Europe and America, a constant inter change of opinions is kept up, producing identity of sympathy and of purpose, the ques tion, which has for some years disturbed the deliberations of Congress, and is beginning to be felt in the State and National elections, is manifestly too important to be overlooked by the friends of our glorious Union. Concurring iu the sentiments avowed on this subject by a majority of the House of Representatives oi Kentucky, at tne late ses - - c . citK-it cirtn iio fvin srv. 111 ih'i it-i.i aiuiCiiir "turb the amicable relations subsisting be- "tween the slaveholdingaud non-slaveholdiug "States of this Union, and would not by our "votes aid in elevating to office any citizen "allied to that ruthless faction of misguided "fanatics, or coinciding in their opinions and "plans." The resolution, the body of which is quo ted above, passed by a majority of nineteen and it is proper to remark that the minority acted on two grounds in opposing it 1st, because it was not in their opinion sufficient ly comprehensive 2d, because it stood con nected with what they deemed irrelevant mat ter. But parties, however, joined in denounc ing the ruthless faction; both agreed that it would be improper to elevate any citizen to office allied to that faction; and, both united in dec'aring their favorites, having nothing to conceal, would promptly and unequivocally respond to inquiries addressed to them, cal culated to elicit a full expression of their re spective sentiments on a subject so vitally important. The undersigned believe, with a portion of this question in the Legislature ot Ken tucky at its late session, that Statesmen are often controlled by circumstances at times impelled onward by currents which are scarce ly perceived until they are bearing downward on their turbulent bosoms every thing valua ble. TJiey moreover believe, sir, that, to the ruthless fanaticism of the Abolitionists, noth ing can be successfully opposed save that love of the Union which the rather of his Country so feelingly inculcated in his Farewell Ad dress, and which they have reason to hope is still sincerely cherished by the great mass of the two great political parties of the coun try. However widely we may differ on ques tions of policy, or as to the mode by which we would construe the constitution, it is to be hoped the two parties at least unite in the opinion that the happiness, the strength, the glory of the nation, depend on the perpetuity of the Union, and that each will ever be pre pared, through its most distinguished mem bers, or highest public functionaries, to avow unqualified repugnauce to a faction whose la bors obviously tend "to disturb the amicable relations subsisting between the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States." It was, there fore, matter of congratulation, when the friends of the present President proposed, in the II. of Representatives of Kentucky, inter rogatories on the subject of Abolitionism, to him and his distinguished competitor, that only the form, not the substance of the proposition, was deemed objectionable by the Whig majori ty. They contended that such a call from such a source, might imply a doubt they could not entertain. For this reason, and this alone, Legislative interrogation was opposed; and when reminded that Mr. S. Williams had, in 1S36, propounded questions on the same subject to one of the candidates for the Pre sidency; (probably at the suggestion of the Kentucky delegation then in. Congress;) that his inquiries were fully answered, and that such inquiries would be again responded to, without hesitation the Whig members of the House, with entire unanimity, pledged them selves that their favorite stood as ready to re spond now as Mr. Van Buren did in 1836, and would reply as freely and frankly to any inquiries which might be made of him. We have therefore felt authorized to address you this letter; and to convince you that nothing unfair or discourteous is intended, we assure you a duplicate of the same has been trans mitted to your distinguished competitor. We maintain that the object of the cession of the District of Columbia "was to establish a seat of Government of the United States, and the grant in the Constitution, of exclu sive legislation, must be understood, and should always be interpreted, as having rela tion to the object of the cession." It was so understood by Maryland and Virginia, when they made the cession and, for this reason, we believe, however broad may be the lan guage of the grant, "there are objections to ...t .... - i ri:i "tne ADouuon oi slavery in me jji&inci, uy "Cougress, against the wishes of the slave- "holding States, as imperative in their nature i i . - .i "ana ooiigaiion, in reguiauug mw luusiuu "tional power would be." We maiotaiu that no power whatever was granted to the General Government with re spect to slavery as it exists in the States, "but that which relates to taxation and representa tion, and the power to restore fugitive slaves to their lawful owners" that "all other power in regard to the institution of slavery was rc taiued exclusively by the States, to be exer cised by them severally, according to their respective views of their own peculiar inter ests" that "the constitution of the United States never would have been formed upon the principle of investing the General Gov eminent with authority to abolish the institu tion of slavery at its pleasure" and that "it never can be continued for n single day, if the exercise of such a power be assumed or usurped." We shall therefore be pleased to learn whether you concur in the view taken of the Abolitionists and the tendency ot tneir action, iu the resolution adopted by the majority of the House of Representatives ot KentucKy at its late session? Whether we have, in your opinion, cor rectly defined the powers of Congress in ie- lation to the institution ot slavery! And, whether, if chosen .President, you will sro into office determined to veto any bi that may be passed by Congress for the Abo litiou of slavery in the District of Columbia, or in any one or more ot the otatesf With sentiments of high respect, We are your obedient servants, LEVI TYLER, F. GEIGER, D. MERIWETHER, THOS. J. REID, Democratic Central Committee, of Ky. The following note from Capt. Wm. Cham bers and C. Van Buskirk, Esq. confirms the statement we have made shows that leue ral Harrison will not come out on Abolition to oblige friends or foc3: Louisville, Ky., April 12, 1840, Gentlemen: -Earlv on the 10th of April ii. uarrison, at rxonn ueiui, unio. nncn we entered the house we were informed the General was indisposed; but in something less than an hour he made his appearance. Alter the usual salutations were exchanged one of the undersigned (Wm. Chambers) handed Gen. Harrison a letter addressed to him by the Democratic Central Committee of Kentucky, on the subject of Abolition. lie received it, perused it turned back and and re-examined parts of it: expressed aston ishment that his opinions, so repeatedly ex pressed, were not known to those geutlamen and said that nothing could induce him to answer such interrogatories, coming either from friends or foes. In a subsequent conversation, he referred to opinions heretofore expressed by him, but made no further response to the letter of the Central Committee. Very respectfully, yours, &c. WM. CHAMBERS. C. VAN BUSKIRK. To the Democratic Central Committee of Ky A duplicate of the letter sent to Gen. Har rison, was, as is stated in the body of it, also transmitted to the President, who. instead o taking shelter behind a committee, or "stand ing mute," replied as follows: Washington, April 21st 1S40. Gentlemen: I have received your letter of the 2nd inst., and cheerfully comply with your request. Xou nave inadvertently fallen into an error in supposing that the ques tions propounded to me by the Hon. Sherrod Wiiliams, in 1836, embraced the subject of xiuuiuiuii. my views ana opinions in re gard to it were, however, communicated to the people of the United States, in reply to a letter receivea in tne same year, from Junius Amis, Esq., and other citizens of N. Caroli na, and also through other channels. Per ceiving that I cannot do justice to your inqui ries in the form which you have given to them, by a general reference to the answers I have heretofore given, I will repeat the substance ot tnem. J?irst: lhat the relation of Master and Slave, is a matter which belongs exclusively to each State within its own boundary, that Congress has no authority to interfere, in anv respect whatever, with the emancipation of .i i ... . . me slaves, or in tne treatment of them in any of the States; and that any attempt to do so by me urenerai vrovernment, would not only be unauthorized, but violate the spirit of the com promise, which lies at the basis of the Federal Compact; and which is binding in honor and good faith on all who live under the protection of the Federal Constitution, and participate in its benefits. This doctrine is in strict conformity to the principle embodied in a nesoiution passed Dy tne House of Reoresen tatives of the United States, in 1790. unon the report of a Committee, consistingt almost entirely of northern men. Secondly: That conceding to Congress .1 i . Z r . t- - ... c. . uio uusiraci power oi inieriering tvitn, or abol ishing slavery in the District of Columbia, under the broad grant of exclusive legislation in all Cases whatsoever nvp.r iUai fltc44 Sec his letter in answer to an invitation to visit this city, published in the Louisville Gazette. there are, nevertheless, objections to the ex ercise of this power "against the wishes of the slave-holding States, as imoerativa inthoiV na ture and obligation, in regulating the conduct of public men, as the most palpable want of constitutional power would be." Thirdly: That 1 desirea me people oi ue United States then to understand, that, if elected, I would go into the Presidential chair the inflexible and uncompromising op ponent of any attempt on the part of Con gress to abolish slavery in the District of Co lumbia against the wishes of the slaveholding States; and also with a determination equaiiy inflexible to resist the slightest interference with the subject in the States where it exists. The Twenty-Fourth Congress, whose con stitutional term expired at the moment when mine, a3 President, commenced, had avowea its belief that it was "extremely important and desirable that the agitation of the subject of slavery should be finally arrested for the pur pose of restoring tranquillity to the public mind," and made it the basis of extensive and deliberate action in both Houses. In the House of Representatives, a Committee (a majority of whom were from non-slaveholdiug States) reported pursuant to instructions, two resolutions.- the first was "that Congress nnssesg no institutional power to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in anv of ihe States of the confederacy:" the se- rnnH Thnt Conirress ought not to interfere :n .7nv uiih tin vi-rv in tne u lsirici ui Columbia;" and a third, which was, in sub stance, that all papers and motions bearing unon the subiect ot slavery, should oe iaia up on the table without any further action there on. They were accompanied by an elabor ate and very able report, setting forth at large . - i - & i the reasons in tavor ot tne opinions reponeu, nd the course recommended by the Com- mittee. The wnole suDiect was nuaiiy uis fiicQtrl. cons idered and decided upon. The j . first resolution passed by a vote ot vaz to the second, of 132 to 45 and the third, of UTtofiS. In the Senate, the matter was considered upon a memorial from the Quarter- ly Meeting ot the Keligious society oi i Friends, praying for the Abolition of domes- ! tie slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia. The subject was by that me morial presented in terms which offered no violence to the feelings of any class of citi zens, and were best colculated to secure to the questions involved, a fair hearing and impartial decision. After several days' dis cussion, the prayer of the memorialists was rejected, by a vote oi thirty-four to six. An expression of similar opiuions on the part of the Federal Executive, with an avowal of a determination to carry them out in his official acts, taken in connection with the known condition of the Congressional repre sentation of the several States in regard to the slave question, would, "it was thought, during the continuance of his constitutional term, prevent all agitation of the subject before Cou gress. The consequent certainty that noth ing could for years at least be accomplished in that way, would, it was hoped, present suf ficient inducements to all who were governed by conscientious motives, to desist from pre senting their memorials, and leave all others without, even a plausible pretence for continu one could, it was supposed, believe, that our Southern brethren could be driven into a peaceable emancipation by the mere force of agitation by appeals to the fears of the mas ter and the passions of the slave these might indeed, if persisted in, draw after them a ser vile, and probably a civil war, with a final dissolution of the Union. Attempts to ex pose our country to such fearful hazards for no other assignable motive than to harrass the slaveholding States, or to subserve political purposes, would not, it was confidently be lieved, be endured, much less countenanced, by the American people. Partaking largely in the general apprehension in regard to the fatal effects of thi3 baleful agitation; having seen enough to satisfy me that no circum stance so directly and inevitably tended to impair the stability and interrupt the harmo nious action of our complicated political sys tem, as the existence of a doubt in the public mind concerning the action of the Federal Government upon this disturbing subiect . . - o sincerely anxious to promote the commenda ble design of Congress to restore tranquility to a large and uniformly patriotic portion of the Uniou; and deeming the subject to be of sunicient importance to justify a departure from the ordinary usage of the Executive, I embraced the first public occasion to refer to the opinions 1 had expressed before my elec lion, ana to declare, formally, that no bill conflicting with those views could ever re- A A Wm -r mnr.ltt..i! 1 m . . ST1S o miMj vuuamuuouai sanction. - J. nose opinions, and that determination, have been greatly strengthened by subsequent experi eiice ana renection. No one can doubt that the tendency of this species of agitation is, as your House of Rep resentatives have very justly observed, to "disturb the amicable relations subsisting he- tween the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States of this Union," and it is not the least remarkable feature in its history, that the means employed are oreciselv those best cal culated to defeat the avowed objects of its au- iuui. ii is, 10 my mind, a most dangerous delusion to believe that the neoDleof th holding States are likely to be induced to cuange a condition of things over whirh nn der the Constitution, thev alone hav th trol, which thev had no agencv in nronoincr and for the consequences of which, whatever uiey may De, they cannot be justly held re sponsible which is interwoven with their do mestic relations and oohtical instlf,. charging-its existence upon them as a crime a inn sf1 1 1 . ana man, against humanity and religion: or that to awaken th nnnrol,: of the master by appeals to the passions of "w wtc m.9 uie way to lmnrovA th of the latter. All candid and temperate ob- .uusi, on tne contrary, admit that such are not the means by which salutary ends are produced; that furious denunciations and un mitigated reproaches as little accord with Christian charitv as with hrothorlv a are much more likely to produce stern resis tance than quiet acquaintance. These truths are demonstrated in the resalts of the labors f K;lTuAboL,.tln,sts iQ the United States, u men nave hitherto been nmA.ifi lira f ing but evil, new restraints upon the colored race, vexation to the ownw anA a; u , ., .... iuik uuuoLUUU Ml the councils of the nation. T ,r then, to such practices as those to which you have called my attention, I can, as a public man, find the path ot duty oniy in one uirw tion; that of undisguised opposition, 1 am, gentlemen, Very respectfully, Your ob't servant, M. VAN BUREN. write to J. C. WVight, to ask son's committee, to ask General Harrison, how he vsould have voted, on that great question. Hope I dont intrude" "just pop't in!" will you write on gentlemen, or is it too much trou NORTH-CAROLINIAN. Saturday Morning, June 6, 1840. REPUBLICAN NOMINATION. FOR PRESIDENT. Martin Van Buren- FOR GOVERNOR OF NORTH CAROLINA. Romulus M. Saunders. The coming together ol the old Cumberland line of unchangeable Democrats, was a terror to the whiirnerv last Tuesday, at the Court . r3 f House. It is heart cheering to see the subs tan tial, farming strength and wealth of the country people, hereabouts, voluntarily assemble to con suit together for their country's good, and cheer on the President of their choice, against the hot onnosition that assails him. We have but r I to look such patriots in the face, to be assured of their unterrified, all conquering perseverance in the good cause. The meeting nominated Walter F. Leak, esq for Elector, and appointed thirty-two delegates to the Convention to be held in Raleiirh on the Qih r .Inlv next to nominate a candidate for the Vice Presidency. Ilnmbig, A meeting of the Whiggery was held at the Court House on Wednesday last, called logelh er by large printed hand bills in flaring capitals lor the sole purpose of nominating candidates for the Legislature. "The mountain labored, and not even "a mouse came forth!" They assembled and broke up and mad m nomination! How is all this? Have they no Harrison availables? Will the Chronicle and Advertiser tell us. who are their whig- candidates foi the Legisla turein New Hanover county? Under date of March 5, 1809, he Bays: Another Tet." Uoes any body Know, now a..." . , . ,lffi(.eient me-a 0f ;,; , .. . . . .1.. ..... IQIV I . , ... i .1 . . ""BDIS the lreaiilpntial OliesilOU. m J ino lo lance oi me uruper periou ior on. rinn iu. - - i - . " in - . t, r . . a mib i - j R.. IpHfrsnni' I CO-OPCrailon ot ureal uuunu. ana opening a jiu ue voie ior uamo, ' ,.i, Ki.n ih rtnr.n i ue uui doi yuic ! " 1 lien America anu iuuob uiuiviuuaia woo. Irom k. Territory, will some friend of his, (the Observer, part they take in the opposition to the National . ... I Oovni-nmfint ir the influence llipv mnv fl.r instance,) write ot. to "Free Jb. wewsrry to new ord'er rf lh- that n J, Ceneral Harri- I present difference, should be qualified to act in Kn half of the JM cithern Stales." Boston, March 7, he again writes: "I have already e.iven a decided opinion ih.t - declaration of war is not to be expected; but con trary to all reasonable calculations, shnnu ble? Will such questions be impertinent? Will the Congress possess spirit and independence . j .ir ..?'' enough to i lace their popularity in jeopardy bv not an answer to them, do "for the public eye? a Ineagure the It.gisiJatoreJ J MaisadT setts will give the tone to the neighboring States-. The Federal office hunters in New York, the true "spoils : ' I -1 T 1 r- ; t ai! r y.niMmanjnt i rt t i I 9 ....... 1 j t.7i7-c-vr "- . . . . "ctuon party, nave removeu i ot members invue a iongres, 10 oe composed of HUNDRED AND SIXTY-ONE Democrats delegates trom the Federal States, and tfT ct a Sep. hUUKLUAU Ai . Governnlent for their common defence and irom omce, in a uuie over unu """ common inurcst. xnis osress would probably nueu tneir places wiui ineir own jjiccuj ojw- ' j " r , "ju aa0pt. iiauia. i the p0wer a:ul authority assumed, i faey would This is not ail ; they have actually made (in Dy such an act, be in a condition to make or te- the Legislature) THREE HUNDRED new ce've proposal irom urwoihuuv I This letter discloses a very renvirkalAe. fanf IfllloCa 111 Uidl ULUll., it .JUT V .WM . - -' ' I.- i I i , - -wii ..l - !.:i: : ii flNP v,...v... ...... .-w uiice,. oi uieir pany iiiicii..s. - Five years belore the time ol the Hartford Cm TuoiTGiiun ivn siYTY ONE hunrrv R.:i;k n,.nn ;r,i:.,.t, i.:.. . lllVUUn.iy m-r ' - - i-i a VCTIILIIJII, 11119 UllllOII O "V. b IIIIW1 IlliJ 1113 0llTPri. tehig(l) mouths filled with "Treasury pap." of the outline of the plan which was subsequent- At this rate, is it any wonder, t the Whigs W auempieu, ma paruy carneo into succe. ... i 5j a I HIIU VVIIItll 1111" II L lldVC DUVIATCUCU ill IflP a kABA r r aiii "inn1 rn 11111 ssiiii I . . . . . . a-vr-i w wiicici ti v r ' "hard cider!" They are looking for THEIR REWARD verily they will have "their re ward." The people will spurn their craving, whining, prayers for power and pelf. No wonder they cry out a change ! A change! They only want a change that they may make money by i:, as they have in New York. They say lo the Democrats, pray good pen. pie, turn oit the men you have put in power, and put us ire. Times are so hard, and we need the money so much! Do they think the Jack son Van Buren Democrats are such fools, as to request? August and November grant their will show. journcd meeting which was to have been held4 the loiiowing summer, nut ior the triumph of our arms at New Orleans, and the news ot the treaty ot peace that immediately succeeded. He states not only some of the important de tails of the convention, as it actually took nlace several years after, but the motives that would induce it, and the general objects that were to be accomplished, one ot which was a separate Government for their common defence and common interest. You have above, a bird's eye glance at the the Federal plot to destroy the Union, only twenty-six yeara ago. You see the British agent, sent among the Federalists to help for- ward their accurseJ treason. You see what Henry writes about the state of the plot. Yon remember the hatred you formerly felt Sr this Hartford Convention refresh your memories a little about this Federal treason. Think of it, From wtoat Federalism -was when Jacfcson crashed its Treason at tne jsaiiie oi iew Orleans. Jndce what it must be mow Extract from the speech of Mr. Clifford of and of the party that planned it, in conjunction Maine, delivered in Congress op. the 24lh of with the British spy, Henry. Think of these April last. tilings, and then remember, that Daniel Web After the labored defence of the gentleman ster, one of the most ultra federalists of the from Massachusetts, I hope 1 may be excused jarIforj Convention family, was voted for in lor detaining the committee ior a icn uuuuics, while I exhibit some of the proofs which have which he seems ti think is A Test. In the month of January 1S00, a test vote was taken in Congress upon the reduction of the at and -ing.lrmy. John Adams was then President- And Thomas Jefferson was a candidate against him. All ths fiends of Jefferson, voted to reduce the ar my. Nathaniel Macon and Dav'.d Stone (of this State) voted for the reduction. Archibald Hender State,) voted against the reduction. The last three were federalists and Adams men. The fiit three were democrats and JcfFerscn men. John Randolph and Albert Ga'Iatin, (Democrats) voted for, and Bayard, and Dana, and Harper, and Maishalt, and Leo, and Otis', (Fi-dcralifts) voted against it. T!;e election for President was to take place in November of the same year (1800.) The first great battle between Federalism and Democracy, was then to be fought by the people at the polls. Tho above votes shew, that this reduction of the army was a foi question. Let us s?e then, on wh'ch a de of th:s great question, William Henry Harrison took his stand. As Harrison was a member from the Territory of InJiana, he was not entitled to vote. But, he was not dumb f hen, as he is new and he made a speech against the reduction of the standing army. Was this speech, ort this lest question, a speech, or a Democratic speech? Was this speech in tavor of the alien and sedition law administra tion ot John Adams," or was it in favor of the re publican, Jefferson party? Can any man doubt its anti-repub.ican character' But as further proof of Harrison's bein a federalist of "the teign of terror" stamp it will be observed lhat this federal speech was made on the 9th of January 1800. Now take notic?, on the 12th of May 1800 John Adams the Federal President, appointed this same Harrison, Governor of Indiana. Would he have made Ibis appointment, if Harrison had been against him in politics? Would he have trusted Harrison, if he had been a Jefferson man? No body will pretend that he would. T r , x t . . . ii wnerai xnarrison was a iriend ot JefTerson at that day, would he have accepted office under Adams? n.liir.pd the oninion ..nri.firliahlp. It is not necessary for me to rpmnri thnt I have no other knowledge upon the suhject, except what is available to all who will take ihe trouble to examine it. In the first ulace, I will refer to the mission of John Henry: Mr. Ryland, Secretary to Sir James Craig, late Gov- . n,n,nd of the British Province in A'orlh America, to Mr. Henry. (Most secret and confidential.) "Quebec, Jan. 26, 1309. uvi. rtc.o Sm- The extraordinary state of .r il.U ii'mp in the Eastern States has sws- .wctrl tn th! Governor in Chief the id-a of cm- "i . ir.o. vim r.r n secret and confidential mission uiu. g J . . 1 r r..-."H..ft aivnrransement ca'i be made lo meet the important end in vu xi.it i'ir.itt'.ni an absolute obstacle in the way f ynur profession al pursuits. 1 na information and po ltical observa tions heretofore received from you, were transmitted by Lis Excellency to the Ssecreiary of State, wh lias expressed nis particular approbation ol them,'1 cc. From the instructions of J. II. Craig to Jlr. Henry. ("Most secret and confidential.) "Q,uebec, 6th February, 1809. "The principal object that I recommend to your attention is the endeavor to obtain thn most, accu rate information of the true stale of a flairs in that part of the Union which, from its wealth, the num ber of its inhabitants, and the known intelligence oi several oi us leaning men, must naturally pos sess a very considerable innuence over, and w.li in deed probably lead the other Eastern States of America in the part they may take at this important cus s, x iiunK. ii necessary io put you on your guard against Ihe sanguineness ef an aspiring party, l ne f eaeralists, as 1 undoi stand, have at Federal I " imes discovered a leaning to this disposition, anu uieir oeinjj unaer us particular innuence at this moment, is the more to be expected fram their having no lit (welt) tounded ground tor their hopes of being nearer the attainment of their obj ct, than they have been for some years past. It has been supposed that if the Federalists of the Eastern Slates should be successful in obtaining that deti ded influence which may enable them to direct pub lie opinion, it is not improbable th-it, rather than submit to the continuance ot the dinicultics and dis tress to wh ch they are now subject, they will exert that influence to bring about, a separation from the general Union. The earliest inlormatior, on this subj ect may be of great consequence 'oour Govern ment, as it may also be that it should be informed how far, in such an event, they would look to Eiig i i f - . i - i . . . iuiiu ior assistance, or oe ui.-uoscu io enter into a connection with us." Credential from Sir James Craig to Mr. Henry. "The bearer, Mr. John Henrv, is employed by 1836, with Harrison and White, for President of this Union, by the same.party that now ell themselves tchizs! Harrison too, federalist as we have proved him to be, is now tleir candidate. COWho are the Federalists? The gallant Col. Croghan, who defenJcj Fort Stephenson, with 160 men against the British with lour or five times his number, when General Harrison had ordered him la abandon and burn the fort, has given no definite answer to the whigs of Wheeling, wlw asked him to explain Harrisoii's conduct about thai Kaiilo. aiul ths petticoat. The pellieoat, ami the Sandusky affair, are like Harrison's political principles. You may ask many a question a iirt them, but you will get not an answer for fear of the "public eye." In Croghan's reply to the Wheeling whig?, as to the red flannel petticoat, he refers the com mittee to the women of Chilicothe, (who ci course, can tell, whether they presented Gener al Haruson, with the red tunic in questions There is not the slightest indelicacy ink-ruled. Will you answer ladies, if the whigs ask you? Do, gentlemen, make the enquiry. On Victoria's crimson satin wedding gnrters, these words were wrought in gold, "England expects every man lo do his duty." No doubt the dames of Chilicothe had such a motto io their heads when they gave our hero the red unmentionable. This motto would do as well at the bottom of the petticoat, as on the garters. A Sign X Governor Dudley, the whig candidate in the year J 836, had a majority in Fayetteville Dis trict, of ONE THOUSAND SIX HUN DRED AND NINETY-EIGHT votes over Mr. Spaight, the Democratic candidate. Edmund Deberry (the whig member in Con gress) had a majority in this District of only EIGHT HUNDRED AND NINETY-SIX, last August. DQ-A clear gain of EIGHT HUNDRED AND TWO fr the Democracy! Can Morehead get as many votes in th" me, and full contidence may be placed in him for District, as Deberry did, who lives here. Cer- any communication which any person may wish to , , make to me in the business committed to him. In tatn'! t,e cannot. fail h of which, I have aiven him this under mv hand Add this 802 in this District. tf ihel.SOOin Ceituinly Randolph who voted on the JefTerson and seal at ue,jec the 6th day of Finiary, 1809. the Salisbury District, which our table Iswt side, must have known what position Harrison oc T PaL. ; week shewed clearlv. we sh.mld iraiii in that . i t . . .. i in nursuance oi inis cnmmisuin ivi r Honru lu,,eu; ma wnai a.u ne teswy about it ,n Congress n ' , ' "r.YAi District, and it makes General Saunders' TT -j . I I'" III 11 UoCtll i 1111 I t- ne said, Harrison was nf K. Hicrn. ivhirh wrv cUrU nK! v.wn mi rwilou'o rn Txxrct 'rwniTSAND r ,t.r... ... u.c ituu seuiuon i me cautious ana siealttiv laniTuao-e ol Ins letter r : . .: rf, "-.., ... nioiiuKiiuiin. "Miwwiuir arc ciiniciM if n. i i j . l ii .... w-. n .? n We will publish Harrison's speeeh in favor of Oom his correspondence, which evinces, bevond " "a sna UQle.v " a Standing Army" in time of peace next week controversy, the brilliant hopes he entertained ol cvery ,lier district m tne atate, except un to let our readers see, what miserable treacherv BnA suc?e8S ana lne accuracy ot ins inlormation as two, ine aoove changes in lavor ot saunas, vile deceit, tnose triends of Harrison practice who I i . r i ..v ... nm lcde iiiiU)iiiiiy uiic ntwunLu tell tbe people about Mr. Poinsett's olan t V ... TWENTY-FIVE votes behind Morehead. .... . -tv" -ri ieam inu me uovernnr nt tina Ntto tvm. i ... . tbe militia and train them for the defence of the mont) is now visiting the towns in the nnrtb., "uo'ey s majority being only 4729 in 183b. country. sections of it, and makes no secret of his dctermi- Does any body doubt that General Saundert, The hot zeal of the log cabin, hard cider oartr f wmmander in-chief of the militia, to re- wi 8wee off lLese 125 votes, in Wilmington for Harrison is nothing, but the bursting out of the GtelLtt JSS CrumtheS District alone? A gain of 63 for Saunders, wiB rcuerai ure to louu, upon which. Jef- "nuerstandiuff that prevails between the c tizena of h onnmrh. icrsonpui an extinguisher in November of that ermoni ana nis ivxajesiys subjects in UanaUa." WQ nnt rt..A i. .- Wif. Arrain no ontra I ft? TP ' "w minston District, where he lived, than Mr- li xi :.i . i: i -i .i i - ' iiuiwiiusuuuui!r. wniie mere is everv reason io i r i i i hone that the Nrlhprn Rr.ta 1 ih'r ..t ... I UM,U-UU caD oe- pacity. will unite, and resist by force a war with I Who doubts General Saunders' election as Great Britain, great pains are taken by men of Governor, in August next? No man, who will lasefjis buu uiiciijscuw iu vuimrui iuc icaro vg lilts common people as to the concurrence of the Sou thern Democrats in tbe projects of France, and rt.m,.rr.-ita mio-l.f ...n . , . I every thing tends to encourage tne be net that the Uemocrats might as well vote for the elder Adams dissolution of the Confederacy will be accelerated it he were now alive, and a candidate. . t bv that BDirit which now actuates both narties r i.- i i-.- j - . . ' I - . - "uowu "iena ana brother federalist Harri- In another letter, he observes: WO. I ..rw.. Tl . 1 . , . . .IWn . I 1- r . .- - ma iCft fx . , r . I "vine J? eaerai parxy declares, mat, in me event of I ' " ic aauie line, irom lime io uuic """ess, is una HarrSann rtw, m tl.. C... ..( V .:n . . , I fin,! it that the old Republican nartw r o .... , . . I r. ;ir .k T?-.t: j . .5.. I state-rights men of the slave holdin-state's are to I most of 8tiPu,atlonB into which it may enter, support to carry out their princioles? ' I without any reSafd to the policy of the General Daniel Webster whom the federal party support- -.i-T-tt-Z- . emency, is far prefer-I Xbis is like the Observer's objection to Poin- year. Martin Van Buren will nut out the last sparK ot tne old John Adams, federal. Harrison chunk, next November. Those who "fell with the first Adams" -nrl fhv C. 1 ti -. . v - I rauuy -rose who me second," will never hv . cond, and meaner fraud upon the people, "rise" to power with Harrison. rs ' look at the votes for Congress last August, ana the votes for Governor in 1836. Let's see you "cipher on to this sum a spell, friend Hale. We Tvill give jou some further figuring ti au io xiamson, Decause he is hnnt -..k . -sis,;- ' . ... to denv him. fl: . -, o" I - Jrau ue leoerai eoiior -IOIIOWS in keen hia hil r,m .1. L "eeks to the tooteteps" of his old federal brother the Gover- ' m t"""'" e." . nor of Vermont. Another ofRiiynor'a H.eolutloni.' The Hon. Kenneth Ravnor fwhig) adopted the resolution of caining or stabbing, the Ba' William Montgomery, (Dem.) from Orange---" He way-laid Doctor Montgomery, and strut" him with a sword cain; he the Doctor, te" unarmed, except with a small stick; which broKe
The North Carolinian (Wilson, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
June 6, 1840, edition 1
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