Newspapers / The North Carolinian (Wilson, … / Aug. 8, 1840, edition 1 / Page 2
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fHE NOETH - CAROLINIAN. Tennessee from 4 to 5; Missouri, Illinois, Indiana, no sales; Kentucky from 20 to 25. Since 1S33, the rates of exchange have not been so high, or bank notes so low. By this it will be seen that some gentlemen's memo ries are not so very good, when they say that we had the best currency the world ever knew. But, say they the United States Bank paper was good. Admit this, and what does it prove? Why, that you had one currency for the Government and another for the people the very thing you now condemn. The above rates will be found in Senate document No. 457, session of 1837-S. The United States Bank shaved the notes of its own branches from I to 5 per cent.; see Spencer's report to House of Representatives, January 19, 1819- Banks, like individuals, will have a credit abroad in proportion to their stand ing at home. If they stand high in public estimation at home, and always redeem their notes when presented, in gold and silver,- they cannot sink lower at auy point than the difference in transporting the gold and silver. Why is it that bank notes in the same State, and even in the same town, differ so much in value? It is not owing to their standing in public estimation? But we are told that the labor ing classes would be much benefited by the establishment of another National Bank. These things have been promised before, without being realized. I happened to be in Hanisburg, in Pennsylvania, when the Uni ted States Bank bill of that State was - under consideration. Its friends there, like the friends of a United Slates JBank here, prophe sied that great good would result from it that we had in that State a large and enterprising class of men, who possessed all the qualifica tions requisite to make them useful; but that they were without the means to go into busi ness that farmers, mechanics, and others, who were in debt, would be greatly benefited by it that money would be so plenty that in terest would be reduced to four per cent, and perhaps lower iu fact, it was the very bill to benefit the middle and lower classes. This was the profession. Now for the practice. Money had become so plenty in Pennsylva nia, or at least in that section where I reside, that men who could secure it well, could get what they wanted at five per cent, per annum. This was a very common rate of interest. But ia less than twelve months after the Bank was chartered, notice was generally given either to pay la the money or to pay six per cent, interest. This was all fair. We, who were in debt, had no cause of complaint. It was only the effect that the charter of the Bank had upon us. All these things I know from experience, because it took between thiity and forty dollars per annum from me; but in Philadelphia it was much worse than in the country. To such an extent was the wild and visionary spirit of speculation encouraged, that u created such an additional demand for money that interest rose to teu, fifteen, twen ty, and as high as thirty-six per ceut. or three per cent, per month, and it was exceedingly difficult for ordinary business men to get ac commodations at all, wheu the shaver and speculator could command his millions. ?irly mil tka xno noy waa lent out through brokers and bank officers at extravagant rates of interest In this case, geutlemen, you professed as much friendship for us farmers and laboring mea as you do now. Is it then at all surprising that we should bo unwilling to trust you again? But a bank is wanted as a regutator. We in Pennsylvania have some experience about this regulation of the currency. On the 9th of October-last, the evening of the election, and after the returns from the city and county of Philadelphia were mostly in, the bank offi cers held a meeting to consult about the pro priety of suspending specie payments. Four teen banks were represented, and five were for suspension and the big bank was one of the number for suspension; and nine were gainst it. Therefore it is reasonable to sup pose that the nine banks who -wore unwilling to suspend, were able to continue specie pay ments. But the next day when the big bank opened, she sent word round to the others that she suspended forthwith, and the rest fol lowed her example. The consequence has been the withdrawal from circulation of near ly all the precious metals, and their place was filled with the worst trash that ever disgraced any people. The best informed men qf that State are of opinion that nearly all the banks in Pennsylvania could have continued specie payments, and that they were entirely solvent but w had a regulator, and they must follow her regulations. But for the noble stand taken by Governor Porter to see that the laws were faithfully executed, and that no note or bill of a less denomination than five dollars should be issued, the whole State would have been again flooded with shinplasters as it was in 1837; for the universal law regulating cur rency is, that two kinds of the same denomi nation will not circulate together. Whete one is more valuable than theother, the least valuable will be kept going, while the other will be hoarded up. For instance, if you have five dollars in szold. and a Hvp rlr.llr ktii you will part with the bill first; but if you had no note, the gold would then be used. Slon the circulation of all the five dollar bills in the country, and half eagles will soon take their place. The bill now under consideration differs in two very essential particulars from the late practice in the kind of money to be received, and the manner of keeping it between the time of receiving and disbursing it. From the commencement of the Govern ment, tho public money has been received and disbursed by officers appointed by the Gov ernment, and therefore if they were dishonest, they had an opportunity to embezzle it: and besides all this, you had to risk the safety of .1 TT a " . ... . me oanKs. u noer this but you have but one set of officers; and if bank officers are more honest than other men, their services can be bad; but this I do not admit. In all Govern ments, and also in large private transactions, more or less losses will occur from faithless agents; and this will always be the case until man becomes infallible. One of the strongest reasons why this bill should pass at the present time is, that it is generally conceded that the re-adjustment of the tariff will come up for consideration at lb next session of Congress. That period will, perhaps, be the freest from objections 10 considering the subject, of any time that can be selected. After a storm we usually nave a calm; and a calm will, therefore, be likely to succeed the coming Presidential election, and it will, moreover, come on before parties di vide off on other Presidential candidates. The members will come together freer from excitement than usual, aud therefore will be better prepared to act with that calm, cool, and deliberate consideration that its impor tance requires. I would here say to the high tariff men at the North, and to the auti-tarirT men of the South, that you should meet to gether upon ome middle ground with that spirit of concession and compromise that actuated those men to whom you are indebt ed for the form of Government under which you live. If either extreme should succeed, injustice may be done. Pennsylvania occu niis that frround. Wbile she will never be behind her" sister States in furnishing the ne cessary means to support' the Government, iu either- men or money, at the same time, so far as I am informed, her people do not desire more taxes to be levied than will meet the necessary expenses of the Government; aud in layine them, she will ask discriminat- mg duties to protect the manufacturing inter ests. This is the first deliberative body in which I was ever honored with a seat, aud this is my first effort iu this body; and as one of the Representatives of die Keystone State, it I could suggest any thing for tne consiaera tion of Congress that would tend to ham io uize their couflictiuc views on that interest- iiis aud heretofore exciting questiou, it would be very gratifying to my own feelings; but, sir, if you permit the banks to enter ine ix of interested partisans, you will have your gallery and your lobby lined with their officers and agents, advocating a high tariff, and all for the interest of the dear people professedly, but in fact to create a large surplus for them to trade upon. Should you employ the banks again as depositories, I doubt not but the pre diction of my honorable colleague from I hil adelphia Mr. Sergeant will be fulfilled, and that ten millions of dollars will not be too large an estimate for the balance in the Trea sury. There has been some effort made to agitate this interesting question at the present sessiou ; but of all times that could be select ed, this would be the most unfortunate for the country. 1 have been no little amused, sir, to hear the very kind professions offriendship from the gentleman in the Opposition, to the interests of the farmers, mechanics, and laboring men. Yes, sir, the real hard fisted men, as they are called. These professions are made by men in this hall, who can scarcely turn over the leaves in their portfolio without their silk gloves on. Now, sir, I don't doubt their sincerity, but are they as competent to judge of their interests as practical business men are? While they profess one thing, they practice another. Yes, sir, they lire for exclusive privileges and monopolies the very autipodes of the poor man's interest. They are too much like the banks they form combinations and control a larger amount of labor that de pends mainly upon the bank facilities to car ry on business. When there is any sud.'cn revulsion in the money market, as it is called, the poor man is either forced to consent to a reduction of his wajres.or be thrown out of em ploy altogether; aud their rights as citizens are too often infringed upon by being forced into acompliance withthe views of their employers, especially iu politics. I ask the businessand la boring men of the country to look round aud see whether the leaders of the Whig party do not seem to be delighted with the present distress of the country, because it will have the effect to place them in power; and whether the banks and all the moneyed men of that party are not aggravating it to its utmost stretch of severity, even to bring you to starvation, as the gen tleman from Philadelphia would have it? The labor of any country is its wealth; and when you protect the interest of the laborer, you promote the interest of the country: but, how is this to be done? ia the great question. Here the parties seem to be at issue. The Democrats contend that the laborer is best rewarded who receives his pay in the kind of currency of which a month's or day's wages will buy most of the necessaries of life for bis family. For instance, the gentleman from Virginia Mr. Holleman informed us, the other day, that he knew a man that received thirty thousand dollars for one month's work, in continental money, and then gave it all for a uniform coat, worth only thiity dollars, in hard money. Now, if this man had received forty dollars in hard money for his month's work, he would have had ten dollars left; but when he got $30,0(K!, he had nothing left. Thi3 is a fair illustration of the position of the two parties; for the Opposition contend that the largest nominal amount, without reference to its value, is the best wages. Now, sir, if this bill will be the means ofta kiug away the props that have held up and suppported rotten institutions, and will weed them out from amongst the sound ones, we shall soon return to a sound circulating me dium ; and the man who receives his week's pay on Saturday night will be certain that his money will be. good until the end of the next week. The chanees and fluctuations in the prices of produce always operate more injuriously on the poor man than on any other class, necause bis wages are the last to rise, when a general rise in prices takes place. In Pennsylvania, contracts .ire usually made in the winter for the succeeding summer, both for building and farming operations, aud the prices fixed by the day, month, or year, as the case may be. Mechanics generally fix their prices in the winter, or early in the spring, from which they cannot well depart; and it not unfrequently happens that before the season is half over, their bread and meat advances in price from 25 to 50 and in some cases 1 00 per cent., yet their wages remain stationary. This frequently happens after the grain has been sold by the farmer, and the mills are nearly empty, the whole crops of the country, or ."nearly so, being in the hands of the speculators. In Philadelphia, buildino is generally done by contract made in the commencement of the season. The compe tition being great amongst master builders for business, every thing is estimated at existing prices, under which bands are engaged, &c. but before the buildings are half up, the price oflivinc advances 50 or 75 per cent., and the '. workmen, in justice to themselves and tami- lies, turn out for higher wages, and, conse quently, in many cases, the undertaker loses by the contract. It is tne suddeu cnanges aud fluctuations that unsettles business, des troys confidence, and operates so much agaiust business men, and wuicn arebelievea to De caused mainly by expansions and contractions in the circulating medium. Our best writers on political economy, as well as our ablest statesmen, inform us that the currency of a country stands in ibe same rela tion to the body politic, inat the blooa in our veins does to thebuman or animal system; tne regularity of both being alike necessary to a healthy action. If this principle be correct, the following statement will show the cause of our embarrassment, in laio, January iti the amount of bank notes in circulation was fti na rqo in 1836. it increased to Al40.3ai.U3S: in 1637, it increased to $149,1S5,690; in 1838, it was reduced to $11 6.1 38.9 10: in 1839, it was increased to $134,170,955; and in 1840, it was again re duced to S106,968,5S2. By the above, it will be seen that, from 1835 to 1836, the in rrian of riv-nlHiioii was &36.61.S.543; and from 1837 to 1S38, it was reduced "$33,046 9Si, and in 1S3S it was increased $22,042- 045; and between the 1st of January lcjy and 1st of January 1840, it was again redu ced $27,212, 384. If the Oppsition be cor rect, (which I do not admit) that the Admin istration has produced those changes by what they are pleased to term war on the banks, then they have furnished the very best reason that cau be given for the seperation. That thee changes have affected prices, there can be no doubt; and this is all charged to the Admi. istratiou. If crops fail, and bread be comes high, the poor man is told that the Pre sident has been the cause of it. If crops are good and we have a double qua utity, and prices tall, the farmers are tcld that the President has done it. If Mr. Van Buren is chargeable with the low price of produce but which I do not think correct we wil try some of the gen tlemen's favorites by the same rule, and see how they stand. The average price of flour in Philadelphia during Mr. Adams's adminis tration wa, agreeably to Hazard's Register, a good Whig paper, 85 14 1-2; Gen. Jack son's first term, $5 61; second term, S6 16 3-4; and Mr. Van Uuren's, 7 26. Now, gentlemen, if high prices are an advantage, where does your favorite Administration stand? I say here, without the fear of con tradiction, that flour vas lower during bis Administiation than curing any four years together since 1790. By comparing the years in which the banks issued most excessive y, with the excessive importation and excessive sales of public lauds, it will be seen tint ihey kept pace with each other, and that the whole action of the body politic was Mimuhted by the excess of bank paper; and ice versa, when a contrac tion took place. If then the Independent Treasury bill, uow on your table, will tend to check this excess, it will do muh yood, and A rare ezlubiUonHonMty in a leawu wmg edllorTlie Hoo cue Tb V.Aitar of the Lexington (Virginia) Gazette, C. C Baldwin, Ksq a decided Whig of the modern scnooi, treats ine case oi Lieutenant Hooe like an honest man. He maintain that it would have been as absurd in the President, to set aside the finding of the court couvicting the accused upon charges and specifications to which the negro testimony was not applicable, as it would be in an ordinary court of criminal jurisdiction, to set aside a conviction of murder on one indictment, because improper evidence was admitted upon another. Having illustrated this point, he proceeds to another, as follows, viz: . "2d. By the common law and the uniform nni;. ;.. thn navv. under it. negroes ate competent witnesses' against white men Th k not nermitted to testify, against .a. a,, Ul V -f whitR mn in Virginia, because that is very properly forbidden by an express law of the State. Thev are eood witnesses, however, in many of the free States. They were, then, competent legal witnesses in the case. The question then arises, what right has the Fed eral Executive to repeal tbe laws of the land, merely because he may deem them inexpedi ent: Are our ni2 ineuas are iubmcciucu of this land prepared to surrender this mon strous and despotic authority into the hands of the Federal Executive: let mis is ine very principle involved in the case, for the President is universally censured by the Whig press, because he would not repeal the" law rr ih lnnrf nuthorizinrr nesroes to cive evi- .lonrc ruin! white, men. As a V hi", as a J trust will be of last ins benefit to the of this Union, pcop Senator Davli. "JOHN DAVIS is the man who gave three cheers, in the streets of It orcester, when he received tne news that the Jjrilish army had sacked the city of IVasltington, cud BURST the Capitol" This statement we made on the authority of an unimpeachable witness, who stood with in a few feet of Mr Davis at the time. All three of the Whig papers of this town, the Spy, the JEgis, and the North Bend, have denied that any thing of the kind ever occurred, and have hurled at the Palladium the keenest shaft their malice could command. Lut not in tending to be browbeaten by them, out of what we believe to be truth, we have persisted the truth of the statement. The -Kg is h pursued us with singular virulence, declaring as follows: -it is false mat ever a man ot our popu lation rejoiced that the Capitol had been cap- tmed, sacked, and burned; ' and that "there is no person, gentleman, or of other descrip tion, now residing in - Y ore-ester, who will say that he ever knew or heard Mr Davis, by word or act, exult over any victory of th British, because such an act was never done by him. is a l,bel on our town to affirm that any of its citizens shouted when the intelligence, which stirred every breast with indignation, of the capture of Washington, was received. Now mark how plain a tale shall put our revner aowu: From the National JEgis, of Aug. 31, 1S14. CtTT j-vn . K. Tk " tM'l -w iiuKKiisi.t jjetkavity. r nen the news of the capture of Washington reached this town, some of the LEADING . FED j. nii,io x o openty expressea their grati fication, mingled with a regret that the PRESIDENT was not involved in the De struction of the Capitol!' If we are rightly informed, the Democratic iEgis of 1814, (not the Federal jEgis of i4U,; was under the control of a brother of the present editor of the gis. Of course we shall have no more denials from that ouar- ter, that "iome of the leading Federalists of inis town were so horribly depraved as to openly express their gratification at the .de struction of the CapitoL "Shall we have any restrictions? Our accusation against Mr uavis lags far behind that of the jEffis of ,101 e nave not accused him of express ing a "regret that the President was not in volved in the destruction of the Capitol;" though from the temper of his writings at that time, there can be little doubt that the destruc tion of Mr. Madison would have sent a thrill of joy through the frame of a man whose daily habit it was to calumniate him as base, perfidious, cowardly, and a "buffoon." Worcester Palladium. Not tbe man who prayed that the day might not be distant, when a Korm American uu should not o down upon a slave. Not the man who wisnea nue appropriated to the purchase and emanci pation of our slaves, And not the man who w supporieu oy Federalists and abplitionists. t erf. Union. Anecdote. A sailor having purchased some medicine ot a ceieia'u u.,., manded the price. 'Why,' says the doctor, 'I cannot think of charging you less than seven and sixpence' 'Well I'll tell you what,' replied the sailor, taKe on tbe odd, and I'll pay you the even-' 'Well,' returned the doctor. we won't quarrel about trifles. The sailor laid sixpence and wauseo on, wnen ine doctor reminded him of his mistake. 'No mistake, six is even aud seven is odd all the world over,- so I wish you good day.' 'Get you gone,' said the doctor, 'I've made four- pence out of you yet. ' The JefTernonlan, Publii-hed at West Point, in this State, has always preferred Van Buren to Harrison. The Editor, however, a member of the late "State Rights" parly of this State, did not hoist the name of the Democratic candidate until the 22d inst., on which occasion he makes the following remark: To day we show our colors, and f'hang our banner on the outer wall," nailed to the battlement; from which under the present state of things, it shall never be struck, so long as we hold the defence of this part of the citadel. Van Buren before Harrison, for- North and South, respecting his r.;n: it:.: : .u xt .r . . --u on aouiHiuuum io uiu m on a dvincr . nance to their mad schemes, as develop - I the Calhoun letter to the. Smith i.-.r1 opposed to the abolitionists as shown nw letter to Mr. Lyons, of Va., and to both th" injunction to keep his several letters out of it newspapers. . I exposed this detestable duplicity as n I was able to Mr.- He said if thia was an old scoundrel aud h for him, for he had sen, by Gen. H seen i larrisoti t0 Riches without charity are worth nothing. They are a blessing only to him who makes them a bles sing to others. Why is the lettrr e like a tailor? Because it makes cloths into clothes. Remiblican. intensely iealous of Federal en croaChments, nay more, as an American free man. we. for one, enter our protest agains such a monstrous usurpation of power by the Federal Executive. "Let us not be misunderstood. e are no advocates for negro evidence against white meu. Ou the contrary, we are slrong But let the loathsome, the disgraceful, the degrading law be repealed by Conoress bv the Representatives of the peo- ole not bv the Federal Executive. What freeman can tolerate the bare idea oi execu tive leaislatiou? Give this power to our Executive, and he is a 'despot, and you are his slaves." Thus sailh a Whig Editor in Virginia! Come from what quarter it may, it is true Democratic doctrine. Well, what is the point of attack against the President in this case? It is that he has not ALTERED THE LAW! It is that he has not USURPED THE RIGHTFUL POWER OF CONGRESS! Bolts and Co. call on the South to oppose the President because he has not in this case become an USURPER! Yes, the very men who daily and recklessly charge him w ith usurpation, complain of him also because he does not usurp the laic-mal.ing jyou-er! It is not at all remarkable that the Whig Editor of the Gazette should thiuk .it neces : sarv to srive reasons for venturing to be houest in any thing which relates to the Ad ministration. Honesty and candor are so rare in the newspapers ct that party, that we ueer expect to meet with them without an apology. Hear what Mr Baldwin says : " e have been tuhl by some of our friends thtit it was very imprudent in us to express this opinion; that it miht be used to injure the Whig cause. To this we have two brief re plies. First: we shall always do justice, we trust, even to our worst enemies, "tho' the heavens fall.'' We scorn that pusillanimous, Criminal prudence, which, for party purposes, would countenance injustice even to a foe. We were taunht bv maternal pietv that hones ty was the best policy, that tho light was a! ways the most prudent; and may the lightn iii"s of Heaven bhist us if we ever forget the lesson. We owe a higher allegiauce to tn than to party. "Our second reply is, that we can't help blabbing right out whatever we think. We abhor all concealment and scorn all trickery. A manly frankness, a lofty independence, an ingenuous candor, we estimate above all price, as one of the noblest traits of the hu man character. In a word, such unfortunate ly is our moral constitution, that We can't be silent and we will not lie.'' "We hope our friends are satisfied. We need not say that the columns of our paper are open to the freest discussion of the whole subject." Ah, Mr Baldwin, you are too Democratic for your party. If you continue to act upon the principle that you "owe a higher allegiance to truth than to party," you will soon fiud that the modern Whig party have no further use for you. Who shall we trust T Not a man who says a United States Bank is unconstitutional, but who declares he will violate the constitution and his oath of office, bv giving it his sanction, if it should be deemed necessary. We shall not trust the man who called upon Congress to postpone the payment of the na tional debt, that the surplus revenue might be used iu the construction of works of internal improvement, aud in the protection and sup port of domestic manufactures ; nor the man who said he would not vote to repeal the 'tariff until the streets ot Charleston and Norfolk should be covered with grass. Not the man who signed a bill to sell free white men and women into slavery, and to in flict thirty -nine lashes upon their bare backs for attempting to regain their liberty. Not the man who sanctioned a bill tn abridge the right of suffrage, allowing no man to vote, who was not possessed of a jriwn amount of property. JNot the man who voted against th and interests of Georgia, to set aside the old Treaty after it had been solemnly ratified and signed by the President. Not the man who wore th UlaMr r.iri ade, and supported the Sedition Law. Jot tne man who declares it r!l.,mnV be called the friend of slavery. Not the man who joined an Abolition So ciety at 18 and boasted of it thirty years af terwards. . Not the man who went tn nn; ni k.nk. ed God that he had gotten rid of Virginia pohti" and Virginia negroes. ever We have put up no candidate for Vice President. The Hon. John Forsyth, of this State, the Hon. Wm. R. Kiug, of Alabama, the Hon. James K. Polk, of Tennessee, and the Hon. R. M. Johnson, the present incum bent, are all in the field,' all sound democrats, and either of them will suit us, as either of them, we have no doubt, will fill the Vice President's chair respectable to himstlt and honotable to his country. The gentlemen composing the Electoral and Congressional Tickets are so well known throughout the State, that it would be an act of supererogation on our part to attempt to set foith their character. Nor is it necessary. It is not for the men we are battling, but for their principles. Many as are the points made by hot political disputants, and number less as are the questions advocated and de nied pro and con by the wranglers, the maiu question, into which all the others resolve themselves is, Shall the Sub-Treasury System or United States Bank be established? Shall the finances of the country be administered after the plan adopted by the framcrs of the constitution, or after the plan adopted by Alexander Hamilton and John Adarns. Shall we have a currency cfgold and silver, or its equivalent, at ail times, or shall we have a paper currency, with no other security for its value than the success of the institution upon whose character it is issued? Shall we have a public fiscal system based upon the provi sions of the constitution, and regulated by the wholesome restraints of the law, or shall we have an unconstitutional establishment, to which experience has taught us all legal re straints are mere cobwebs? In the words of the Hon. Georgo M. Troup, "it is a mere question of Bank or no Bunk if the Hank comes, erery thing that is unconstitutional will follow." We go Tor Van Buren and the Independent Treasury, ag-iit Hanison ai;d the Bank; and to carry out these principles, wc advoc ate the above tickets; the one to ic elect the man who has adopted them, aud the other to advocate such measures and pass such laws as will enable him constitutionally and legally to do so. Georgian. as true, ren. 11. was would . not vote private letter written UUI uniiuui luia uiaro, giauug inat It did use bis utmost efforts while a member t Congress to extend slavery iuto Indian I asked him why the letter had not beeu d k! lished, aud he replied that he could not y I then notified him that I intended to write tn Gov. Owen and demand the publicatio of that letter, or at all events would statet! the public, that there was such a letter j'q e, isle nee. Sooner than I should do thi to told me be would write by this mailt Gov. Owen and request its publication and i nave agreea mat u ne wi. cause lheg8id T '..,..l,l r,loJo .r..ir.. L. "erSl lutti . . vmi-j nugc i"icu ii suuuiu be DllL lished in the "Standard" and "North r. tvt ...:.. - ., """aro- uuiau. now i write you mis, Inat you nijr charge through your paper that thsre issucj, a secret letter in the possession f Ct, Owen, and if we can succeed in briiKriDj the letter out as it is, this "private eve" lette? and publish it in the "Standard," together with the undisputed Evans, or W. B. Calhoun letter, to the ISorth, assuming opposite opij. ions, in which he (Harrison) says it is fa!se that he w hile Gov. of Indiana for tea vpar. did every thing in his power to introduce sk very there and so on, it must have the effect i convincing all who are not run mad wi; Ciderisniy that Gen. Harrison has adopted very disnonoranle course to elevate himself the Presidency. Respectfully yours, Fio:n the Glob . COMMLXICATCD. The following extract from a speech de livered by Lord Brougham in the House of Lords, is taken fiom a New York paper. The source from which it emanates, with the reflection that its author occupies an exalted station for talents, at home and abroad, gives the extract a weight of character that entitles it to every consideration. The overissue of paper money, and the effects produced by such an evil, are clearly demonstrated bv him as ruinous to any country in a national point of view, as producing embarrassment among the mercantile and laboring classes. If you think it worthy of a place in your paper you can publish it. R. Lord B. says: "It is monstrous, my Lord, that any mau, or body or men, corporate, or otherwise, should have the power of making money cheap or dear, at will; of combining the office of regulator of national currcucy with that of bankers; that they should be both the money makers and money dealers;, that they should have the privilege at any one period of inundating the country with an im mense amount of paper currency, thereby stimulating speculation as well as trade, rais ing prices, wages, aud profits, aud at another period drawing in their rags, screwing up all legitimate source of credit, as well as capital, and thereby lowering prices and wages, and diminishing profits, producing a stagnation of trade, ruining merchants and manufacturers by the hundred, and spreading misery and wreicneauess among thousands." Remark bv the Editor. In these few words are summed up the real causes, which, nine times out of ten, when thev occur. Dro- ducejow prices and general embarrassment, in mis country as well as England. Communications. : More of tbe Double Game. We invite attention to the following letter from an intelligent and respectable corresportd- it. will be observed that it is charged by whig," that there is a letter in the posses sion of Mr Oipen from Gen. Harrison, not intended tor the "public eye." Wadesborough, JV. C. July 17, 1840. Dear Sir : In a conversation vesterdav with a very respectable and intelligent whig, of Bladen County, who is in this place, 0081 visit, I learned one important fact think it my duty to eotnmumcate to you. e were conversing respecting the attitude in which Gen. Harrison had olaced before . the American people, in rennl tn tha private letters which had been written to the TOR. THE SOUTH CAROLINIAN. Hartford, Conn., July IStfi, 1840. t t : a .l" i luavu auicuui ima piace on a journey through the estern States, and especial!? ew iLrUgiuiiu, lor me nrsi lime. i 1 m 1 . i :. : 1 ... 1 siiuh ulici wniiug jou muca until my re- turn, but circumstances counected with she political world, w hich I find most excited it present, aud of momentous importance to ok section hate induced me to Write you tmmt. d lately. I reter to the subject ol the abolition of slavery. I have heard this subject mucii agitated for the las-t four years in our Nation al Legislature, but I have always been led to regard its supporters as an msiguificautfac- tion, without iufluence or power either at home or abroad ; and above all, as not united to, either of the great political parties of our (lav, But I assure you, they have assumed a trulp formidable position they are no longer aftir weak, ignorant fanatics, but already conipuse a large propntiou of the most wealthy aad prominent citizens of the Northern Slate.. In Vermont, I judge, they form a majority 0 the voters, and. iu lthode Island, Coauecticti aud Massachusetts hold the balance ot poner. between the two political parties. Iu Muin; and New Hampshire, they are a much s.m ler proportion of tbe people ai.d consequ.'Lt' possess les influence; hence, we account 1 the success of the Van Burcu party iu th States. But iu all these States they apfr to be on the increase, are organized in p?- manent ocieties, whose members contiaua? led as it were, by base iuceudiary, and iu mi j cases uttei ly false publications iu regard the slaveholder and slave ot the south. i principal fort consists in falsehood aud dtw- tion, iu the snane ot stones related and ca catures and representations of cruelty eserc ed towards the slave But what claims our principal attention b that they appear to be united to the whig pa? throughout this countrv, as firmly as are tne. leaders in Congress. This I had not expe ed to see. but 1 assure vou. I have not seen a: abolitionist iu rny route who supports a: Van Buren. How can thev? Since be p a stop to the circulation of their inceudian' trash through our country, and now standi guard against their encroachmeuts oa w District of Columbia. That thev are in coalition with the whig no honest observer can doubt, nor does any one here pretend to deny; Therefore I con sidered it my duty as a faithful friend to mj native State and the whole southern count?, to herald forth the danger that threatens them tl... .1 n: 1 i. (... suffice x iiiii nicy UIO OO 1111CU ICl a ICVI m- to demonstrate. The whole votes of the present whig dob" nee for Governor of Ohio, on this suhjec stand recorded on the journal of Congwf side by side with the notorious Slade. J "J" is the case even where there could not w found halj a dozen with them; andwhO)1 ask, were more solicitous for his nomination than the abolitionists. New York sends sev eral abolitionists (all whigs) to Congress, n an abolition Lieutenant Governor, and M deserves notice, her State abolition society recommended their friends to vote for Sear for Gov. and the other whig candidates in gen eral, '-because they belonged to the party wnia supports free discussion on this subject 1 Congress, who sustain W. Slade and hiscoifr patriots and who admit the right and t abolish slavery in the District of Columbia Recollect Governor Ritnerand thedistingui ed Thaddeus Stephens, of Pennsylvania, e avowed abolitionists. In Vermont, the bof ernor, Lieutenant Governor, LegisWure' finfi n mHinritu rf hnr ivhtir members of gross, are rabid on this subject. So like1 were all the candidates with two or ,breeTj ceptions put up for these offices by the wP of New Hampshire, at the last election. r j di J- T..lor.1 their WDls VOiiuecucui huu nuuuc . . Governors and members of Congress, win an exception, answered satisfactorily to questions propounded by the abolitionists each of these States at the last elMtJ0Ji 8;De con sequently received their votes. In .g nd Massachusetts, the whiff candidates aud Massachusetts, almost every omce auswereu tories satisfactorily; while the democrats the same offices deprecated their conduce incurred their opposition. Yes, frienw
The North Carolinian (Wilson, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Aug. 8, 1840, edition 1
2
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