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1; -tV-v .r i. ; f i A. From tha Albany Argus. "v 1 Life of a Patriot Citizen. MARTIN VAN BUREN, The son of an humble former, was bom at Kinderhook, December 5, 17S2. At the age of fourteen he commenced the B'.udy of the law. In 1803 he was admitted to the bar and be gan practice in Kinderhook. In he gave his first vote and acted with thedemocratic party in supporting Mor gan Lewis as Governor against Aarou Burr. In 1806, on account of the increase of his business, he removed from Kinderhook to Hudson. In 1S12 he was elected to the Senate of the State of New York. In November, 1812, he reported an address to the Senate, expressive of confidence in GOVERNOR TOMPKINS, and avowing a determination to support him in ihe prose cution of the war. In the winter session of 1813, ho made a report, signally rebuking the federal party who opposed the war. At the close- of that session, he penned the address of the democratic members ot the leg islature. which re-animated the true-hearted democracy, of New York, and secured the triumphant re-election of the patriot TOMP KINS. In 1S14, he reported an address pledging the best exertion of the Senate to support the energetic war measures of Governor . Tompkins. In the same year he introduced a bill to raise 12,OOU troops for two years, ami place them at the disposal of the General Govern ment. In 1815, in behalf of the Legislature, he penned a series of eloquent resolutions of gratitude and applause to ANDREW JACK SON, for the glorious victory of New Or leans. In the same year he wasappointed Attorney General of the State of New YorU, and one of the Regents of the University. lie was also re-elected to the Slate Senate for four years. While in the Senate he onnosed every one of the numerous banls then chartered except the bank at Buffalo, which was established for the relief of the citizens of that town after it was destroyed by the British during the war. In the Senate he commenced a series of efforts to abolish imprisonment for debt -which were continued until that great and philanthropic object was accomplished in this State. In the Senate he advocated the Erie Canal project of Governor Ciinton, and aided in carrying through that noble woi k. In 1S10 he was removed from the office of Attorney General by the Federal party. In 1820 he was elected by the democracy of Otsego, to represent that county in the State Convention that formed the new Con stitution. In that Convention he opposed vigorously the freehold qualification of electors ; and contended successfully for an extension of the wa.ilTfBvrfiTlT6M- ary Pensioners, and to imprisonment for debt. In 1328 he was elected Governor of the State of New York. In 1829 be was chosen by President Jack son Secretary of State, and was soon after ap pointed by the President, Minister to Eng land. In December, 1831, bis nomination as Minister to England was rejected by the federal majority of the Senate; he was re called. In 1832 he was elected Vice President of the United States. In 1836 he was elected President. In 1837 he recommended to Congress the Independent Treasury System. July 4th, 1840, he signed the Independent T -II .!. 1 . xreasury join, wnicn inereDy Decame the law oi toe land. any n V: I A Short Biography of WILLIAM H.HARRISON A FEDERALIST: Born Feb. 9, 1772, at Berkley, in Va Will be, on the 9th of Feb. next, if his trem bling limbs and tottering steps survive the rigors of another Ohio winter, SIXTY EIGHT YEARS OLD; And will be before the end of the next Presi dential term, if a kind Providence shall so lengthen out his days, SEVENTY-TWO YEARS OLD. tiu early life is not distinguished by thing worthy of remark or admira tion, except at the age of IS he "became a mem . .. berof AN ABOLITION SOCIETY." In 179$, he was a delegate in Congress from the Northwest Territory; was 4. BLACK COCKADE FEDERALIST J.Y Tali REIGN of terror, A lpporter of th8 Alien and Sedition Law AJuiiuictration of John Adams. OPPOSED Taj the election of Thomas Jefferson, the great Apostle and Champion of : American Democracy. ; Was appointed, r.: ; During , that great struggle between , Black : . Cockada Federalism and Democracy, ... . by John Adams, . : 4' - "GOVERNOR Of trie Territory of Indiana, As a reward for services rendered to his Alien 'A v J and Sedition Law Administra V .'.'; v'""' rv' tion. ' ' While Governor of that Territory, he ap ;, proved and. signed a Law for SELLING FREE WHITE MEN AND WOMEN INJ'O SLA- .';. . ; ,-.'.; VERY. . . i - For - Debts incurred by fines . .' : ;J- . and costs, with a pen-r. .,- V- alty pf...-;.:':-:u-: THIRTY NINE LASHES 1 I . u If the white slave, male or temale, sougm liberty by absconding from servitude, lie also approved and signed . I a law imposing a . PROPERTY QUALIFICATION - Upon voters, Supporting tho principle that none but such as owned a treenoiu oi FIFTY ACRES OF LAND, Oumt to be entiUed to the right of suffrage. In 1812, He received the appointment of Commander in Chief of the Northwestern army. In lS14,iu the DARKEST PERIOD OF THE WAR With Great Britain, When rapine and conflagration were wast- . . . A ing the tairest portions or our coumry wheu the blood of unoffending wo men and children was reeking from the hands of the MURDEROUS SAVAGE, and rolling its crimson tide over the land! wheu tho "roof of the poor man was given to the flames, and his flesh to the eagles" when MARTIN VAN BUREN was in the Senate of the State of JNew-iork urging with all the powers of his giant mind and masterly eloquence, his CLASSIFICATION DILL, for the immediate raising of troops, to stay the death-march of British robbers and pluntlcrers, and to drive back to their forests tho infernal DEMONS OF BRITISH POWER, f- Gen . IL J 12 R .S QN-CXi (whether from cowardice or private quarrel is immaterial,) RESIGNED HIS COMMISSION! and sought safely at home! Fortunate for the country that ho retired! He was succeeded by that -Brave oid Soldier," GEN. AN DUE W JACKSON", To whose valor (not Gen. Harrison's) is our country indebted for the glorious ni- iim.h oi lis arms. Tho '-Hero of New Orleans," who has tilled the measure of his country's re nown, in the Field aud in llic Slate, I NOW the ardent fiiend aud supporter of Mai tin Van Burcn ami a living witness and an en thusiastic admirer of his sterling abilities, devoted patriotism, and known aud tried principles. While on the other hand, he is the opponent of the representative of '-federal principles," GEN. MUM. "Knowing that he has never been identified with the republican parly in any of its great struggles." HE KNOWS HIM to be a vain and superficial man. He knows the absurdity of his claims and as ne always cnu, 10 appropriate lau rels won by their valor to gratify hi own NARROW AMBITION. On motion of Abner Lacock, of Penn., "the name of Harrison" was STRICKEN FROM A RESOLUTION, introduced in the Senate oflbeTT. S. pro posing to present him, among others, WITH A MEDAL AND A VOTE OF THANKS. The Common Council of tho city of New York, by a vote of 12 to 5, 3r Refused to Harrison the honor of the freedom of the city, Although such men as Decatur and Perry had unanimous vote. In 1817, after having obtained a seat in Con gress, and a chance to thrust his hand into the PURSE OF THE NATION, and handle the PEOPLE'S CASH, He endeavored to enlist a Standing Army, consisting of 200,000 men. The combined operations of this measure and a National Bank, with the use and control of the Public Revenue, would have enabled him to destroy the liber ties OF HIS COUNTRY. In 1821, He begged himself into the Legislature of Ohio, where he again ex hibited his love for poor men by voting for a law that placed the poor man's liberty and the rich man's money upon an equal footing a law that would authorize the SALE of a poor Revolutionary Sol dier, whose property and health had been freely sacrificed in achieving his coun try's Freedom, if in his de clining years he should be unable to pay some paltry fine that had been imposed upon him, or the cost of some petty law suit that too into de grading servitude, and to tho rascal whose money was the protection of his liberty, or perhaps to the TORY who had butchered his children before his eyes, or to the vagabond JYegro whose means to purchase the Patriot's liberty. HARRISON , has been styled a 'Hero' he is the hero of DEFEATS. In the year Indiana was admitted info the Union, he was the federal candidate for Governor of that state, and ' "" r was - - . : : DEFEATED .. In 1820, he was the federal rnnrliHntn for Governor of Ohio, and wa3 : , .;. i-DEFEATED!! ' h 1 1 In 1822. he Was the fedprnl pnnAiAni Cw , , . i-uwBvaK,j IUI L.ngress, for the district in which he re in 1832, sides, and was DEFEATED!!! . ' a 1824, ran on the Federal Electoral Ticket . of Ohio, and was DEFEATED!!!'. In 1831, be was on the federal ticket for mem ber of the legislature of Ohio, tor Ham ilton county, and was DEFEATED!!!!! he was again the federal candidate for Congress, and was DEFEATED !!!!!! In 1836, he was the lederal candidate lor President, and was DEFEATED!!!!!!! 1840, he is again the federal candidate for President, withholding Irom tne peo ple all knowledge his present principles ami designs; and who can doubt that in iNovcmoer next he will be again DEFEATED? Although he ow ns one of the wealthiest plan tations in Ohio, and realizes tho clean salary of SIX THOUSAND DOLLARS a venr, as tho emoluments of a sinecure office, he. is called by his frit mis for election eering effect, the poor "LOG OA DIN CANDIDATE," who drinks 'HARD CIDER"!! In of JTrci.'i the tSo.-.heii liw'ia.ia,) Deir.ocrat. Mr Vau Burcu anl llic War, Pcihaps no subject has Mr Van Burcn been more vilely and grossly misrepreseueu oy the federal party, than in relation to his course during the war. He has been stigmatised as its opponent, even by those who thetr.selves plotted treason ajrainst the country, ai d me sac reJ ashes of the dead have been violated for the purpose of attaching to hii name the odiui of federalism. Dc Witt Clinton, one of th; greatest men and pure&t patriots of that darkaud gloomy period, has been denounced as a federalist, and Mr Van Burcn has been olnsscd w ith the same naily on account of his support of that distinguished citizen. T plate this matter right before the people, sev eral of our citizens addressed a letter to M Van Burcn, containing ceiiaiu iiuiui.ics re ktrve to that subject. Ills reply is container below: and while it last c lis ir.c laiseiioui. upon his calumniators, its bold, frank, aud niaulv stvle will fix its author dt?eper in the affections of his fellow-citizens. MR VAN BUREN'S LETTER. Washington, Oct. 3, 1S-10. nmtlnmo-i : Your letter of the 13th ult. did not reach mc until last cvenins. Sensible of the trouble to which my friends in remote parts of the Union are exposed by persevering misrepresentations ot my course in relation lo the war misrepresentations ?s to which it would be an abuse of chari ty lo suppose that mnny of those who arc most industrious in giving them circula tion are themselves deceived and, crdertain- I was in fnvn- r- tn ruatrictive and de iensive measures of llic admini.-tiations of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, w hich resulted in the declaration of war," and which are referred to in your first question. The misrepresentations of my opponents have led to the publication of some of tho po litical proceedings ofihat caily day, in which I participated, affording cotemporancous evi dence of the statement here madv. I regret hiat it i.3 not in my power to send you a copy of the full statements which have been made upon this subject. Tho enclosed extract will, however, supply you with a portion of them, from which you will perceive that as early as January, 18L9, (during the administration of Mr Jefferson,) I prepared and united in adopting a resolution, at a public meeting held in my native county, in which wc "solemnly engaged to support the Government in the measures they bad adopted, or might adopt, to obtain redress for our national injuries, and protection to our national rights that we never would be driven from the fair and man ly support of that resolution by the power of our enemies or the threats of faction; and that, should Government be found to abandon the pacific policy it had pursued, and to uusheath the sword, wo would be found at our posts, ready and willing to sacrifice our lives and fo: tunes in our country's cause T' You next ask mc, " under what circum stances, and by what party, De Witt Clinton was nominated and supported for the Presi dency, in 1812, in New York?" and you slate that it is represented that ho was at that time, a federalist, and was supported by mc as such. I w ill precede my reply to your second questions, with a denial that Mr Clinton was at that time, or had ever before been, a feder alist. He was the reverse in all things, and had, for many years previous, and down to that period, been tho leader of the democratic party in New York. He was a private Sec retary of his uncle, George Clinton was a member of the Legislature in 1797 and 1S00, and sustained the democracv in the reini of terror" against the " black cockade" parly. He was chosen U. S. Senator in 1S01 by the former, occupied by their choice various pub lic stations in New York ; was in the State Senate for several years before the war ; elect ed Lieutenant Governor by them in 1811, which he still held in 1S12 ; acted with his party to that period, in support of the mea sures of the General and State administra tions, under Madison and Tompkins ; was to that period abused with unsparing bitterness by the federalists, and in return, he applied to them his well remembered description of "a party who would rather rule in Hell than serve in Heaven." : r The Republican members of the Legisla ture, chosen in the spring of 1811, and who held their seats until July, 1S12, and most of the Senators for a longer period, met, with the exception of perhaps half a dozen, in cau cus at Albany, in May, 1812, and nominated Mr Clinton for the Presidency. He was nominated by . men who were in favor of pushing the assertion and maintainence of our rights to the extremity of war ; was elect ed as one entertaining the same sentiments and was subsequently supported by them as a friend lo the war, atter it was cieciareu, auu in favor of its more vigorous prosecution. War was declared in June following. Ihe same democratic Senators, Who had united m the nomination of Mr Clinton, passed a reso- i.tion the nft-st dav alter the declaration ot war, but before information of that event had reached Albany, on the last day of the session, (19th. June,) declaring mar me esisnug state of the country demanded an unequivocal expression of sentiment from every member of the Union ; and that under this impression the Senate pledged themselves to support sucn measures as shall be adopted by ihe Ueneral Government for the vindication of our viola ted rights and honor" and to a man vcted against an amendment proposed by Judge 1'Iatt, a leading federalist, (wnicn amenuiuem received the votes of the seven federalists in the Senate,') declaring that " neither the honor nor me interests oi mu uunu ouuo that a war should be declared against either of the belligerent nations of Europe; and that tho system of uon-intcrcoutsc and embargo, Intnlu nr;if v i hp. tiovernmont oi mo v I - - . United States, is hostile to the best interest of the country." A cony of the resolution ot tho Senate was sent to Mr Madison. I was not iu the Senate when Mr Clinton was nominated, or when the proceedings last alluded to took place, and had no agency in either. Mv Senatorial term commenced in November, 1812, and at the session for the choice of Presidential electors, I voted for electors in accordance with the democratic nomination of the previous May. There were three tickets ; the regular republican ticket for Mr Clinton, agreed upon at a cau cus of democratic members, which had in its favor a majority of the democratic members of eac h branch of tho Legislature, and which, on joint ballot, had seventy-four votes the republican ticket opposed to Mr iitnon which had twenty-six votes ; and the federal ticket, which had forty-eight votes ; aud there were seven blanks and scatteiing. Those who composed the ticket for Mr Clinton were republicans and those who voted for it, (ex cept in joint ballot, when a few federalists threw their votes in its favor,) were, every man, elected as democrats. In hunnorHii" the nomination ot iovernor which was an act to raise and put at the dis position of the General Government for two years, an army ot iweive mousauu men. This act was not only suppporteo, uui origi nally drawn up by Mr Van Buren. In February, 1815, Mr Van Buren drew up the resolutions, adopted by the Legislature of New York, approving with enthusiasm of the conduct of Gen. J ackson anu nis Drave army, in defence of New Orleans. In .the same month, be drew up a report recommending the Legislature to loan $350,000 p the General Government to pay tho militia, which had been discharged from the service without compensation, in conse quence of the exhausted condition of the Na tional Treasury. In that year, he was appointed by tne lie- publican party Attorney General of the S tate; and in the fall, being still a member of the Senate, he was selected to write the answer to the Governor's speech. Such, during the restrictive measures and the war, was the conduct of a devoted Re publican, w hom the Federalists of that day and this, conspire to slander and libel hyfalsc hoods and forgery. Clinton for the Presidency, I consulted what I believed to be tho w ishes of the republicans of the State. My cfioits in his behalf were confined to the Slate of New York. With those made by his friends in other Slates, I had no concern. The relation which I theu occupied towards the federal party being the same in which I had always before, and have ever since stood, was not tor any period, nor in any degree, changed by what took place in the Presidential election of 1S12, nor has it been changed at any period of my political career. At lhc ensuing session of the Legislature, which commenced in January, 1S13, the po litical relations previously existing between Mr Clinton and myself were dissolved, and never again resumed. and Tompkins, to their close."' I atn, gentlemc n, Very respectfully, Your friend and ob't. sv"t. 31. VAN BUR EN. Messrs. E. M. Chamberlain, E. W. II. Ei E. (;. Chamberlain, and A. N. Ilascall Goshen, Elkhart co. Ia.. for ilis, Vnn Q::rcuauailicWar. The Globe thus eloquently funis up the acts' of Mr Van Buren after the declaration of war in June, 1S12, till its close. Read it hon est men, and then judge of the morality of a party whose orators are in the daily habit of asserting directly the the reverse of what the Legislature records declare to be the truth. The Globe summary is as fol lows: lw April, 1312, Mr Van Buren was elected a mem'Mjr nf the Senate of New York. I n J unc, i s 1 2, wn r was decla red. In Noyeirft,rj 1812) the Legislnturc met, and Mr Van Burj, one of the committee for that purpose, wrote a reply to the Governor's speecn, luiiy sustaining thc declaration of war. W hen that reply was under Aigcussion, he voted against proposed amendments, condemn ing tho war. In December 1812, he voted for thc CVui ton electoral ticket, because Clinton was the nominated candidate of thc Republican partv in his Stale In march, 1S13, he made a report in the Senate, laudatory of our brave Navy, and ev incing continued confidence in the acts of the General Government. He voted for a resolution authorising the Comptroller to subscribe $500,000 to a loan proposed by thc General Government as means for carrying on the war. He was thc author of the eloquent appeal to thc people of New York, by the Republican members of tho Legislature, in support of thc war, which did much to secure the re-election of Daniel D. Thompkins to the office of Gov ernor in April, in 1S13. At the session of 1813-14, Mr Van Buren was still the eloquent defender of the war, of thc patriotic Governor Thompkins, and of the Republican administration of the General Government. At Ihfi fMOSfi Ot !hf uncemn (I. n 1 4lU ' " .ooiuu, Ull 17111 Ul April, 1S14, he addressed a large and general meeting of Republicans at Albany, with great energy and effect; and, in conclusion, present ed a preamble and resolutions eloquent in de fence of the war, a,id in just denunciation of tne atrocious conduct of the Federal leaders. His efforts did much to secure the triumph of the Republican party in the spring of 1814 which placed tho entire government of the State iu their hands. At an extra session of the Legislature, held in the disastrous year 1814, Mr Van Buren was again the author of an eloquent reply to the speech of Gov. Thompkins, full of devotion to the rights, interests, and honor of his coun e - - --.- -v; Thi3 first step was followed up by an ardent support of efficient war measures, among From the Globa. Tlic Aliolitioii Ticket. Since thc formation of parties in this conn trv. few schemes have been concocted show- iug more completely the absorbing object of Federal aim than their contemptible union with this party. Power and its patronage, the love of office, and thc aching desire for thc emoluments of station, were the moving springs of the unnatural coalition. We did not suppose such motives strong enough to influence the stubborn nature of Federalism to the extent necessary to the formation of thc most perfect union which seems to have been consummated throughout the North aud West. Men differing totally upon all the ligilimatc questions of public policy, by na ture as dissimilar, and apparently as incapable of close union, as oil and water, have, aided by the unnatural influences ofcorporatc funds aud foreign gold, so unblushingly used and unsparingly 'lavished since the visit of Mr Webster to the Barings of London, acted throughout with all the perfect harmony to be expected of men embarked iu a common miio. and devoted entire! v to the success of its principles. In Connecticut, Rhode Island and Pennsylvania, the Abolition ticket has scarce been heard of. In Ohio, from thc returns published in the National Intelligen cer, we do not learn that it received a soli tary vote. From the report.-? which we have " - " ... received, but one vote in b ranktin, and nine only iu thc strong Abolition ccuutyof Mus kiugum, arc mentioned, while all our letters inform us that the Abolitionists have rushed to the support of the Harrison electoral tic ket with a zeal bordering upon fury. Abolition nave him the nomination President at Harrisburg, furnished the effi cient power which turned the scale against the Democracy of ihe North and West, w hich filled the ballot boxes; a ud if thc South has now unfortunately fallen in the snare, the day which places General Harrison in the Exec utive chair will be hailed bv them as an Abo- of this fanaticism, and would not, for the vain hope of attaining some personal distinction amid the confusion produced by its uncon trolled raging, assoc iate with it, and warm it into effectual life by securing its permanent triumph. The spirit of Abolition is not of a nature to b;3 checked or tamed by kindness iu the hour of victory. It is childishness alone wnicn tcaus to a hope ot guiding or soothing a fanaticism which, in thc delirium of its most sober and reflecting moments, seeks success only by breaking through all the forms of law, aud, in violation of the sacred compromises of the Constitution, would hurl its incendiary brand into the happy abodes of our Southern brethren. Thc unnatural compact has cherished a serpent with fangs peculiarly adapted to strike w ith fatal r esults deeply into thc do mestic policy of the South. To the North and West the injury will be less disastrous. Tho defeat which the Democracy has sus tained, and the triumph which the moneyed power and Federalism have won, (if won,) will be but temporary. The Democracy of the free States have principles to contend for which remain yet sacred. The party is un tarnished by fraud and crime, and the shafts of Abolition will tall harmless at their feet. They are barbed, but yet unstained by any virus which is fatal to their peace or their domestic institutions. What would bo the condition of the South should they assume thc attitude of a neutral, who feeling that his ally has been unfaithful to his own interests, withdraws his opposing foicc, and offers to tlio invader an unmolested passage through his own peaceful territory. They might pos sibly tranquiViWo their local feuds, by leaving the question of dontfe servitude to the de fence of those whose an ; suspended upon the issue, and thereby regain tiw'r ost ascen dancy in the councils of the nation. Should thc Northern Democracy assume this attituOr. we cannot find language adequate lo thc just expression of our fears for the result. Friends of your country, Democrats of the North, do not do it. feuch a triumph would be luglot i ous, humiliating. If you have been abandon ed, it you have been sacrificed to the cause of your brethren, still you have labored in thc defence ot righteous principles. You have performed a public duty, which you owed to the patriot fathers, who bequeathed us this glorious Lnion. It is still worth defending as. tho last, the proudest hope of the friends of Republican treedora. If tho South has done wrong, it is no cause- why you should prove recreant to the calls of duty. If the party iu interest has abandoned the field, and left you to be slaughtered by their most deadly foe whose onward progress you have heretofore firmly and steadily impeded, it is because they were deluded and cheated because they have been betrayed and cajoled, and knew not what they did. ' Wr npon the Catholics. The organs of the WThig party in various parts of the country have been pouring out their abuse upon the Catholics for months, because of their devotion to Liberty and political equal ity. Few men liave been more villified than the celebrated Mr England, the Bishop of Charleston. He received an invi tation recently to visit Detroit to which he re turned the following reply. From the Bishop of Charleston. Charleston, S. C. Sept. 17, 1840. Gentlemen I was yesterday honored wiih your invitation of Aug. 26, lo meet the Vice resident ot tne u. t. on the 28th instant, at Detroit. The compliment which you pay him is one of those political movements from which I have kept aloof, though I am free to confess my opinion is, mat ine administration of which he forms so conspicuous a part, has acted fof the benefit of om Union, and does not de serve the vituperation with which it is assailed. . ' It may perhaps tend to show the spirit of some of its opponentsvhen so humble an in dividual as I am, and for so many vcars a citizen, though I must confess to the crime of having been born in a distant land, and of having voluntarily come hither, dare not ex press this simple opinion without being de- nounced in unmeasured terms, and the per- sons whose religion l teach, threatened with extermination if it be discovered that from any cause, there shall be found a majority in favor ot Air V an Buren, in any district where Cbatholics are numerous. I have suffered insult and oppression un der the penal code against my religion ia Ireland, and I came hither flattering myself with the expectation that there existed at least freedom of thought, and liberty for any citizen to express his opinion that the public officers of the Union were not guilty of that malad ministration which is imputed to them by their competitors. 1 have more than once been convinced of my mistake; and if my religion and its professors are to be made thc victims of my imagining that in our republic, Catho lics, like other citizens, had liberty of political opiuion, expression and opinion, T would far prefer being ag-un in my former position; for the Orangcism of Ireland is mercy compared to the insolence of those who here insult us by their expressions of kindness and conde scension, whilst they threaten us with ex termination unless we stoop to bo their slaves. I am aware, gentlemen, that they who are thus disposed in our regard, do not form the American people, but I know that they are numerous and active, and I should regret for the sake of our republican institutions, that they had the power to work their will. They would indeed begin with the Catholics, but others would soon feel the effects of their suc cess. I take the liberty of seuding you a couple of papers which will show the occasion of niy remai ks. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, With great respect, Your ob't humble servant, uauyp;i,nn afrh-.ringinn Cost ana prodnct or (he Public Laud;. Ill one of Mr Benton's Encyclopaedic speeches, it is stated that 'the public lands' have never contributed a shilling either to the principal or interest of the public debt for the extinguishment of which, nevertheless, they were specifically pledged. He prove3 his proposition by the following table: The receipts of lead at St. Louis during the week ending the 15th inst. were large, amounting to 25,000 pigs. C-"' '" - Purchase of Louisiana, Interest paid thereon, Purchase of Florida, Interest thereon, Paid to Georgia, Same purchase in Miss, stock, Extinguishing Indian titles, Survey of public lands, Salaries aud expenditures in General Land Office, Land office and officers, $15,000,000 8,S29,353 5,UCO,CL0 l,4SO,OC0 1,250,000 1,832,000 72,000,000 3,250,000 the 1,250,000 8,300,000 $112,691,353 The amount received into the Treasury from the Public Lands, is stated at one hun dred and four millions, leaving a deficiency of eight millions. Another table is given in the same speech, which brings together some results that may interest statists. It presents the amount of debt extinguished since the adoption of the Constitution, of moneys received (after de fraying thc expenses of collection.) from the Custom House, and of moneys received from and paid for Public Lands. For principal and interest of the public debt. $421,496,000 Receipts from customs, 731,2S5,000 Receipts from lands, 101,( 00,000 Purchase of lands, 112,000,000 Fl: ilosophy of Advertising A late number of Chambers' Edinburg Journal contains a very interesting article ou the subject of advertising in the public papers, by an "Old Tradesman." His ideas on the ubject, are certainly worthy of the attention of an -ho are anxious for business, aud are simply and liriefly as follows: The firs' utility of frequem and regular advertising b this; there is at all times a large class of per" sons both in country and town, who have no fixed places for the purchase of certain neces sary articles, and are ready to be swayed and drawn to any particular place which is earn estly brought under their notice. Indifferent to all,'they yield without hesitation to the first who asks. Then in the country, a considera- ble number of persons, who wish a supply 01 them, naturally open a communication w'tn that address. People in the country are also liable to be favorably impressed by the fre quent sight ' of the name in ihe newspa per. - . ':- . . The advertising party acquires distinction in their eyes, and thus they are led, in mak ing a choice, to prefer him. But by faf tD most important effect of advertising is oneot an indirect nature, that conveys the impres sion that the party pretending or not pre tending, quack ish or not quackish is an1" ous for business. One who is anxious lor hnsinnca ig iinnvnirbih V filinnosed tO le 8 industrious, attentive, civil person, wbokeeP8
The North Carolinian (Wilson, N.C.)
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Nov. 14, 1840, edition 1
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