v..'"
o for t
lh of Republics well as kings. I
tt nw. nnd declare Jt as my opin
ion that the oil ly way to obtain our right, and
to avoid eventual war .wim r.ugwuuj(ww
.bnudon nil schemes of .distribution, and to
convert our public land.- and surplus revenue,
when we bae it, into canuon, ships, aDd
foltS. 4 .1. .' - n.
Hard pressedxm the instructions to Mr
Crittenden prostrate and' defenceless there
-ihrt-trentleriien on the other side take refuse
" e . . - . , . V...
under the letter to Mr Jt ox, and ceienraie iu
harmony of its periodsand the beauty of it
composition. I granitt merit ia these par
liculars. I admit th beauty of the style,
though attenuated intawBr thinness and
lilliputian weakness. I egree that the becre
lary writes well. I admit his ability eveu to
compose a prettier letter iiCvlessthan forty
days. But what has all thilhU? do with the
question of right and wrong ojS honor and
shame of war and peace n rd a forejgu j
Government ? Iu a contest of rhetoricians, j
it would indeed be important ; but in the con-
tests of nations it dwindles into insignificance.
The 6tatesin.au wants knowledge, firmneM,
patriotism, and invincible adherence tojSrlie
rights, honor, and interests of his country..
These are , the characteristics of the statesman;
and tried by these tests, what becomes of this4
letter, so tiicomiaslically dwelt upon here?
Its knowledge is shown by a mistake of the
law of nations its firmness, by yielding to a
threat its patriotism, by taking the part of
foreigners its adherence to the honor, rights
-aud interests of our own country, by surren
dering McLeod without receiving, or even
demanding, one word of redress or apology
forthe outrage upon tha Caioline?
The letter, besides the ratal concessions,
is deficient in manly tone in American feel-
iiwr in nerve in force in resentment of
injurious imputatioas and in enforcement ot
our just claims to redress far blood spilt, terri
tory invaded, and flag insulted.
The whole spirit of the letter is feeble and
deprecatory. It does not icpel, but begi? off.
it does not recriminate, but defends. It does
not resent insult not even the audacious
threat which is never once complained of,
nor even alluded to.
The faults of the letter are fundamental and
radical such as no beauty of composition, no
Tropes and figures, no flowers of rhetoric, cun
balance or gloss over. The objections go to
its spirit aud substance to errors of fact and
aw to its lameness and timidity and to
its total omission to demand redress from the
xJ: itish Government for the outrage on the
Caroline, which that Government has now as
sumed. She has now assumed that outrage
for the first time assmwed it after three years
of silence ; and, in the assumption, offers not
one word of apology or of consolation to our
wounded feelings. She claps her arms akim
bo, aud avows the offence ; and ctir Secretary,
in his long aud beautiful letter, rinds no place
to insert a demand for this assumed, outrage.
He gives up the subject, aud demands noth
iug of the sovereign- He lets go the servant,
and does uot lay hold ot" the master. This is
a grievous omission. It is tantamount to a
surrender of all claim for any redress of any
kind. McLeod, the perpetrator, is given up :
he is given up without conditions. IheLn
ciish Government assume . his offence de
mand his release offer us no satisfaction,
and we give him up, and atk no satisfaction !
The letter demands' nothing literally noth
ing ; aud iu that respect degrades us as much
ub the surrender noon a threat had degraded
us.
This is a most material point, and I mean
to make it clear. I mean to show that the
Secretary, in giving up the alleged instru
nieut, has demanded nothing from the assum
in" geperior , and this I will do him the jus
tice to show, by readiug from his own letter,
I have examined it carefully, and can find but
two places "Where the slightest approach is
made, uot even to a demand for redress, but
to the suggestion ot an iiituniition ot a wis'
on our side ever to hear the name of the Ca
roline mentioned again. These, two places are
on the two concluding pages of the letter. If
there are others, let gentlemen point them out,
and they shall be read. The two paragraphs
I discover are these : ;
' The undersigned trusts, that when her
Brita.mic Majesty's Government shall present
the grounds, at length, on which they justif
the local authorities of Canada, in attacking
and destroying the ' Caroline,' they will con
sider that the laws of the United States are
such as the undersigned has now represented
them, and that the Government of the United
States has always manifested a sincere dispo
sition to see those laws effectually aud im-
partially a4m'u'sterec' there have been
cases in which individuals, justly obnoxious
to punishment, have escaped, this is no more
than happens in regard to oiner laws.'
-
" The President instructs the undersigned
to say,
trusts th
fereuce between the two Governments, will
be treated bv both in full exercise ot such a
fnirit of candor, justice, and mutual respect,
as shall give assurance of the loug contiuu
nc ofoeace between the two countries "
This is all that I can see that looks to the
possible contingency of any future allusion to
"the caso of the Caroline. Certainly nothing
could be a more complete abandonment ot our
t-laim to redress. The first paragraph goes
no further than to " trust" that the grounds
'mav bs .presented which "justify
strange word insuch a case the local
authorities iu attacking and destroying this
vessel : and tho seed ud buries it all up, by de
ferring it tpHhe general and peaceful settle
ment of Ml other questions and differences
between the two countries. Certainly this is
a farewell salutation of the whole affair. It is
tha partinword, and is evidently so under
stood the British Ministry. They have
taken no notice of this beautiful letter ; they
have returned no answer to it, nor even ac
knowledged its receipt. The Ministry, the
Parliament, and tho Press in England, pro
fess themselves satisfied. . They cease to
Sf&ak of the affair ; and the-miserable Caro
1ine, plunging iu flames over the frightful ca-
taract, ths living and the dead on board, is
tieated as a gone-by procession, wnicn nas
lost ita interest forever. '
It is yaiu for gentlemen to point to the pa-
rcgrapb, so powerfully drawn, which paints
the destruction of this vessel; and the slaugh
ter of the innocent as well as rne guilty asleep
on board of her. That paragraph aggravates
the" demerit of the letter ; for, after so well
showing the enormity of the wrong, and our
just title to redress, it abandons thecase with
out requiting the slightest atonement!
But rentlemeu point to a phrase in the let
ter, andf quote it with triumph, as showing
courage and fight in our Secretary. They
nAlnt In ihp thrfisn hlnmhl and exaSVCliatcd
tear," and consider this phrase as a curds for
every defect. But how did Mr Fox consfider
it? as a thing to quicken him, or the British
Government ? as an inducement or stimulus
to hasten an atonement for the outrage whictf
they had assumed ? Not at all. Far from
it. Mr Fox did not take fright, and answer
in two days, nor in forty ; nor has he answer
ed yet ; nor will he ever answer while such
gentle epistles are written to him. The
bloody and exasperated tear," which is here
shadowed forth, is too feebly and pointlessly
exhibited fo make any impression on the
minds of the English and their master. Jtse
sides the capital defect of not stating on what
fourth day of July the aforesaid " bloody and
exasperated icaiJ' will chance to begin, it hap
pens also, to be totally defective in not stat-ing-thei
contingency on which it was to hap
pen. Itis not said that, if you do not make
redress for the outrage you have assumed if
we do ndt get satisfaction for this wrong or,
if you ever do so again then and in that case
this war of blood and rage will break out.
Nothing of this, nor any thing pointed or tan
gible, is said in the letter, but only a vague
intimation that such occunences may lead to
this war. The little effect which it had upon
the mind of the . minister, and his. Govern
ment, is shown by the silent contempt with
which ihev have treated it. This famous let
ter was written on the 24th day of April ; this
is June,1: and to this day no answer has been
given to it ! Its receipt has not even been
acknowledged: . '
Sir, the case of McLeod is not isolated ;
it is not a solitary atom, standing by itself ;
but it is a feature iu a large picture a link in
a long chaiu. It connects itself with all the
aggressive conduct of .England ; towards this
country : her encroachments on the State of
Maine her occupation of our territory on
the Oregon her insolence in searching our
vessels on the coast of Ah ica the connsca-
ion of our slaves, wrecked on her islands, in
their transit from one port of our country to
another her hatching iu London forour
Southern States what was hatched there above
forty years ago for San Domingo the insp
ection ot our slaves and the destruction of
their owners and the ominous unofficial in-
imations that the Union is bound for the
debts of the States. TJie McLeod case mixes
itself with the whole of these ; and the suc
cess which has attended British threats in his
ase may bring us threats in all cases, and
blows to back them suth blows as the towns
of Syria lately received from the war steamers
of Stoptord and Napier.
The Americans are among the bravest peo-1
pie of the earth, and there is nothing which
mortals dare which they will not attempt when
bravely led." Their war listory is yet in the
womb ot time. Peace is their policy ; but.
if much enforced, they shrink not from war. i
Defence is their first object ; but they know
how to return visits as well as to receive them.
Of all the nations of the earth, the Americans
are the people to laud on the coasts of En
gland and Ireland. The visits of kindred
have sympathies and affections which books
and laws cannot control.
As an American citizen, anxious for the
peace and prosperity of my country, I do en
treat this administration to retrace its steps
to change its policy to give up its plans of
distribution, and of a paper money currency,
to fail iu the first vear ofa war aud to give
us ships, tuits, and cannon, and the hard mo
tley currency which our Constitution guaran
ties, and which the history of the world shows
to be the only safe currency for individuals,
or for nations, m-pence or in war.
WM,
EDITOR
II. BAYNE, ,
AC I PUBLISHER.
Saturday Morning, July 24, 1841.
Webster--JMcLeod's Case War with. En
gland. We publish a synopsis of the decision ot the Su-
ptane Court of New York upon this case, taken
froiS) the New York American, a high federal whig
papet. We are sorry thct the opinion of the Judges
is to long, that we ccmrvit publish it entire, because,
it is one of the most able, profound and learned
. . i i . i
opinion?, we nave ever seen j uuuwuieu.ru, iuo.t
Judc Co wen, the organ of the Court, who deliver
ed
ch
the whole court one of the most eminent in the
world was liANIJVIOUS ia the opinion, that
McLeod ought nbXo be surrendered up to the Biit
i9h Government, biU ought to's'and his trial for
murder, upon the fndVtment found against him by
A Prophecy
We have as much right to turn prophet as ot'iers
Therefore, we predict, that a gag in the shape of
some restriction, is now to be j laced upon the cir
culation of newspapers through the Post Office, by
the head of that Department. Coming events cast
their shadows befcre. We have noticed a very omin
ous complaint, in that cunning, crafty, jesuitical or
gan of the present administration, (we mean the
National Intelligencer,) that the present irregulari
ties cf the mails, throughout the United States, is
owing to the very sudden growth of newspapers,
and hinting tW the Post Master General in
tended to obviate it, by new regulations. All this
is but the deceitful pretext and prelude of some new
restriction to be placed upon the c rculation of polit
ical news ; the most effectual gag upon the liberty
of speech and the press, by preventing the people
from seeing and understanding the doings, and mo
tives and schemes of this new and most de?picab!e
party in power. This administration was brought
forth in DARKNESS, got into power by paying
DARK ; it therefore loves DARKNESS and hates
ihe LIGHT. The I larris'iurah and B iltimore
such
?d that opinion, is distinguished for his probity of Conventions i played Harrison and Tyler played
harccter, and depth of law knowledge and that dark, all the federal whig orators played darken the
7 i 1 . . rm T" 1 f till.
subject ot a unitea etaies xianK, iuncei aeoi ana
the Grand Jury of NcwVY ork. Wc cannot conceal
our satisfaction, that the mgheet tribunal (and one
nf tho most enii crhtened in chVistendom. i of the em-
nire State, has been brou-ht. (Wr an argument of cure the liberty of speech, so as to place a gag upon
vvk nd bv the abhst lawVers in the Uni- ee discussion and enquiry into their measures, in
f J
tarifTtaxes, until they had fairly occupied and secur
ed all the holds of power. As soon ns this was
completed, by the meeting of the present extraordi
nary Congress, they for the first time, launched
upen the people, their whole batch of detestable fed
eral measures. . They alter the good old rules of
Congress, made by their patriotic forefathers to se-
on. particularly those employed by McLeod himself,
and by Mr Webster for the United States, and af
ter crreat research and deliberation on lue part of
these Judge?,) to the unanimous ojnnlon,
are A FREE AND INDEPENDENT PEOPL
that our soil and citizens are under the protection
both the Senate and House, and net we will see
some gag placed upon the circulation of political in
formation through the Post Office. The press
liberty of speech or f.ee discussion and thft Post
Office Department, constitute the three GRAND
ORAL TELESCOPES, through which the peo-
recenlly passed by the House, and said some
measure must be adopted in the Senate.
Mr King desired to know if Mr Clay intended to
introduce the " gag lawT' into the Senate ?
Mr Clay. I will, sir; I will.
Mr King resumed as follows : " '
jftr King. Did not the Senator, in the
beginning of the session, press forward his
favorite measure, the Bank bill, by " remov
ing the rubbish," as he called the Sub-Treasury,
declaring that it could not be delayed a
moment, in order to give to the people this
Bank bill? xhe Sub-l reasury was repealed
to make room for this splendid Baulc; and
now that was to be set aside, all at once, to
make room for something elsef" while the de
lay was to be charged upon them. The loan
bill was now to be forced." It wai the Bank
bill at the beginning of the session. If there
was any real necessity for it then, it existed
still, lie (Mr King) to test that point, was
ready, and he would undertake to make the
proposition for his friends, to get through with
their amendments to-day and to-morrow, and
let the bill go to the vote on Saturday, or
Monday at farthest. No, no: that would not
do. The Senator did not now want to risk
that. Some of his friends were absent, they
must be waited for. With whom, then, was
the delay? The Senator from Kentucky had
forgotten his own course and that of his friends
when they were in the minority. Look at
the panic session. Did they not consume
six months in debating every measure, how
ever trifling in itself, for political effect? And
were he and his friends to be restricted from
presenting their views on measures so mo
mentous?
The freedom of debate had never yet been
abridged in that body since the foundation of
this Government. YYa3 it ht or becoming,
after fifty years of unrestrained liberty, to
threaten it with a crasr law? He could tell
J !.-
yc,o .o jus.; a prc-o .
He showed tne wreicueu - - -
report, and referred to the pulverizing wh eh
it deceived from Messrs, Woodbury, right, .
and CalhoumMle comparcdjlheir
agai.st it to kW!Pfrhan (Pay") l V
fiTed in the'oldl jfalls. f SanJau de Ulloa,
or St. Jean d'Acre, -or Beyroot, "shivering,
shattering, and scattering " all before them.
Mr Evans, he said, was the only. one in the
opposite ranks who could keep his legs under
that murderous hre. r
Before adjournment the Bill PASSED, ayes 23
From this it will be seen that this nrst - in- .
stahnent of a great uationalclebi, to be pro--
vided for the use of a National Bank, was
carried by less than a majority of the Senate.
In full Senate it would have requiied twenty-
seven votes to make a majority of the body.
Tuesday, July 20, 1S41.
Tn Hie Senate, the fiscal bank bill was takn - up, -
and has bei n under debate during the. day. There
was a caucus .upon the subject last evening, but
what the fate oi the measure is to be, is not known.
of our aonlaws, and that the lives and property of r,e can hghold and watch the movements of their ,he Senator that, peaceable a man as he (Mr
Governtnein:rasrrd detect thi first erralic movement.
Dim in the leasttbeglasses f the telescope, or
shut out one ray of light,Nnd then commences the
REIGN OF DARKNESUfch ,
conducts to
TYRANNY or the end of ALL FREE GOV
ERNMENT.
As God is our jude ! we do believe that the
great leader of the present party in power, are
base unscrvpulous men, who have no hearty love fur
republican inst.tutionF, who believe the people are a
our citizens are net to he made the sport of BRIT
ISH INSOLENCE AND RAPACITY.
Under all these circumstances, so propitious to
riht decision argument and deliberation so ex
alted a tribunal, selected too, by McLeod himself,
and his adviser, Mr Webster, on the part of the U.
States, (for the case was removed by McLeod from
the county where the indictment was found, to the
Supreme Court, to ensure an ho w st and enlightened
decision and unanimity of opinion,) Mr Webster
is forever DAMNED, as a DIPLOMATIST AND fickle, sliqdd and vulgar mass, to bo gained over by
Is it not ?.H coming True!
was vharred durinir the Presidential
it was vnarsed clurmir tne 1 residential election
that tha whis, (a portion of thetn i. e. their leaders)
were in cahiot with ihe abolitionists. Tho follow
ing fact goes to show, at leatt that since the instal
lation of whiggery into power, abolition has reared
its hideous head treble its former height ; and what
else than the countenance it has received from some
of ihe leaders of ihe whiff party, has civen it this
three-fold strength !
The spirit of Fanaticism is alive and ac
tive. It hangs like a dark cloud over our
horizon. Witness the infamous conduct of
these wretches towards the respected Henry
W. L-udlnm of this city, at New Bedford
Hurried off from Old Point, with his family,
by tho illness of his father-in-law, he carried
with hun a black nurse to take care of his
child. Scarcely had he arrived at New Bed
ford, aud, his father-in-law, supposed to be in
the agonies of death, the House was surroun
ded by a crowd of Abolitionists, the black girl
torn away, notwithstanding her own remon
strances, and she was carried off to Boston,
where Judge Wild decided that she was at
liberty to do as she pleased to remain in
Massachusetts, or to return to Virginia.
Witness, too, the daring conduct of Barret, a
swafffjeriiij: and mischievous Eulishman at
Cincinnati, towards Mr John McCalla o
Kentucky protecting his absconding slave
in his own house, resisting the authority o
the constables, and with the assistance of his
comrades striking and wounding McCalla.
Thanks to those citizeus of Cincinnati, who
subsequently .seized Barret, and threw him
into jail! """"
Witness the case of the slave of Archibald
Allen of Norfolk, who lately stole off iu the
bri2 Relief from Norfolk, and when detecfed
by the Captain, was landed at Newport, Rhode
Island, forthe purpose of being sent back to
his master in Norfolk but the slave subse
quently escaped, and was carried off by the
Abolitionists.
And further, that while the reporter of die Herald
has to sit in the Senate gallery, the editor of one of
the rankest abolition papers in the country, is pro
vided ith a seat in the House ! f ! How do you
like this, Southrons ? Eh ? ! !
STATESMAN. Not because he has made a treach
erous surrender of the rights and honor of a rich
client, for that perhaps he is incapable of, hut be
cause he has, 'ike the timid General Hull, treacher
ously surrendered up to British arrogance, the
RIGHTS AND HONOR ofa GREAT N ATI ON,
the PEOPLE OF THESE UNITED STATES.
Every body accords to Mr Webster, great talents
and lofiy intellectual powers, but very justly deny
to him, ths indispensable attributes of a Statesman
; moral courage, and that natural sensibility,
whence springs high souled viifue, evei quick to
perceive THE TOINT OF HONOR.
It is well known that on the 4th of last March,
the day this new administration came into power,
that Mr Fox the British Minister received despatch
es from his Government. That a report on the same
day, was rile iu the City of Washington, that En
gland had sent a fleet over with men, to sack and
burn our seaport towns and cities, unless McLecd
was immediately delivered up, upon Mr Fox's de
mand. That this report was generally believed,
and created a great sensation throughout the c;ty,
which the knowing, ones say, was particularly visi
ble in the flaccid muscles and palid complexion of the
new Secretary of Stale. Mr Fox, like a skilful an
tagonist, look advantage of this circumstance, and
made an immediate, insolent, peremptory demand of
McLrod, tinder a threat of serious consequences,
which cenfitrned, no doubt, the report ot a fleet, in
the fears of the Secretary. General Harrison, borne
down by the infirmities of age, and the weight of
new duties too great for his age, it is more than
probable, trusted wholly to Mr Webster, the right
solution of the question of international law, upon
which this demand was placed. Webster yielding
to, the trepidation caused by this threat and report ;
knowing that tho hanks, and'rich bankers, stork -
holders and wealthy merchants, (who are his chief
and constant client3, and vho have supported him
tor the last twenty years with fat fees) live in those
cities, and would be the first to suffer by a war,
with hot haste knuckled to ihe demand, and Dosted
r M
off the Attorney General to New York, to wrest the
the case from the judicial authorities of that State,
log cabins, gourds, coon-skins and hard'-cidcr hum
bugs, and all manner of like clap-traps. We there
fore shall watch them closely cry aloud and spare
not, and never until these wolves are driven out, will
we give up the DRIVE.
. 1
Mr Cerricn, ot Georgia, in the debate in the Sen
ate upon the amendment clTered by Mr Bayard to
the amendment of Mr Rives on tire Bank Bill re
ported by Mr Clay, uses the following language :
" There was another question that of lo
cation ? He disputed the power of the Gen
eral Government to locate a bank in the Dis
trict of Columbia Tho powers of Congress
over the District were powers of relation and
not of degree power to keep out the exertion
of foreign legislative power, but not to assume
a monarchial position over it. If tho South
should admit this power, then the question of
power to abolish slavery in the District,
would cease to exist, and become nt once a
questiou f expediency and caprice."
" If the South should cdmjt this power," What
power? To locate a Bank in tho Dittiict of Co
lumbia, what are the consequences ? ThatCon
grf ss ha vc settled the power to abolish s'avery in
the D strict, and it at once becomes " a question of
expediency and caprice."
Mr Berrien is from the South, represents a slave
holding State in the Senate, and with tin sa views
how can he vote for the Bill as rr ported by M r Clay,
making Washington City the location of the Piinci
pal Bank. We shall see.
CANDIDATES for the Presidency. Commo
dore Stewart, General Scott, General Cass, 'all' three
started in Pennsylvania. Now if each' State can
find a General or a Commodore to put in the field,
Mr Clay will be scared off, he has such a horror ot
" military chicftians."
Patriotic New Hampshire.
A select committee of the House of Re presenta
tives of this State, has passed resolutions to the ef
fect that the United Slates and the State of Maine
have a just claim to tire territory in dispute between
them and Great Biitain ; that it is the duty of the
United States' Government to have the boundary
ascertained and marked distinctly ; and that in case
ofa collision between the Government?, she ten
ders her whole means and resource? to the Union
in maintaining its rights.
FIRST SESSION.
who to their everlasting honor, have shown themsel
ves, too pure and independent to submit to dictation
from any source.
A Secretary of State ought to be a man of incor-
r.n.t M.I. i 4., ". ... 1 I 1 "
i ujjuuic imcgi hj uuu uiiuenoing moral courage,
because in our intercourse with foreign nations, he
is the depository of the rights and sacred honor of the
nation ; above all, ho ought like Jefferson, Madi
son, Munroe and Forsyth, to represent the agricul- TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS.
rural tne largest interest ot the country, and not
be taken from cities, where he has been brought up
and nurtured, in the sympathies and interest of
speculators and wealthy merchants, bankers and
stockholders. On a ejuestion of peace or war, where
their interests are likely to be the first to be effected,
his sympathies from education and habit, will be
more sensibly alive to their interests, than to the
rights and honor of the country.
By this FATAL BLUNDER OR FOUL MO
RAL TREASON, oh the part of GENERAL
HULL WEBSTER, our country has not only been
wronged and disgraced, but our relations with
Great Britain have oeen involved in a new difficul
ty and a nearer approach to WAR. It now seems
inevitable, that one or the other must recede, or
WAR must come. What makes this case so truly
provoking is, that there was no necessity on the
part of our Government to make any concession to
England's demand. Mr Webster had only to main
tain the same position taken by Mr Forsyth, in his
answer to Mr Fox last December, which was this,
in substance : - Sir, if the law is as you say it is,
and McLeod ought to be delivered up, that law will
he administered to McLeod on his trial before the
Judiciary of N. York, alike distinguished for learn
ing and probity. But so . prudent an example, and
obvious a course, was overlooked by Mr Webster
in the fright and agitation of his hot haste. We
therefore say, no honest and patriotic party can sus
tain Mr Webster in this country, and that he ought
and must be DISMISSED FROM THE CABI
NET. -
BE CAUTIOUS where you sleep." A boat hand
died at New Orleans, on the 8th inst., and on ex
amination, it was found that a file little worm
known as a " thousand legs," had crawled into his
ear, and got into the brain.
King) was, whenever it was attempted to vio
late that sanctuary, he, for one, would resist
that attempt e-en unto the death.
The debate was cariied oa with great warmth
on the Democratic.sitieaiJV?r Clay was told to come
dUwMkJusugaiTas soon as he tTibught proper, &c.
The Senate Fpent considerable timOin Executive
session. Ife
Friday, July 16, I $41.
Mr Clay asked that the Loan Bill might be taKn 1
a r , i.: -1 l.l . . if
Up. ivir illliuun, iui ilia pri, suuu:u vjucti ji.
Mr Clay said the Bill must pas3 that week. Mr
Wright thought that the Loan Bill might be
postponed, considering the amount stated to be in
the Treasury, and the accruing rewnie. He was
willing to assist the Government by the aid ofTrea-
sury notes.
Mr Clay moveel to postpone the order of the day,
and take up the Loin B.l!, and put o:i t'sc screws by
calling for the yeas and nays, which call was, how
ever, after considerable irrelevant discussion, with
drawn. Messrs Clay, Wright, Calhoun, Benton, Buchan
an, end several others, discussed the Bill at some
length. Mr Linn said:
3Ir Linn said, pending the late Presiden
tial elections, it was asserted that the nation
was forty millions in debt, and immense
numbers of maps, priated in columns similar
to geological .strata, were circulated through
out the country, in which the expenditures of
Mr Van Buren's administration compared
with those that preceded it, towered like the
Andes or Himalaya mountains. The debt
of forty millions has since been gradually re
duced as we have approached it from 40 to
30, then to 25, then to IS, and now finally to
12 millions, six of which are not due till next
March, and are a debt contracted by the pie
sent , Administration. Trickery aud hum
buggery wore very prevalent in modern times,
and the Whigs had been practicing them on a
grand scale ; but, thank Crod, the tuno was
coming, when trickery aud hutnbuggery would
not answer.
Saturday, 'July 17, 1S41.
Mr Calhoun presented some resolutions parsed at
a meeting in Buckingham county, Va., declaring
that the extra session of Congress was uncalled lor,
injudicious, and improper'y expends the funds of the
nation. Speaking ofa National Bank thev ear :
That should such an institution be incorpo
rated, regarding it as unconstitutional, . and
of the most deadly hostility to public liberty,
they hold ita right inseparable from thoir con
dition as citizens ofa community under a
free constitutional Government, and also an
indispensable duty to wage against it an un
ceasing war, and to use untiring exertions to
secure its REPEAL at the earliest practica
ble day. They protest and remonstrate a
gainst the passage of a bill to distribute the
proceeds of the sales of the public lands a
mong the States, because there is no constitu
tional right in Congress to collect money
from any source whatever, in order to dis
tribute it among the States, and because the
exercise of such a power would be highly im
politic and dangerous. They earnestly and
solemnly protest against an increase of the
tariff as a violation of the Constitution, a
breach of national faith pledged in the com
promise act, and extremely oppressive to the
South; and above all, it" would revive the
source ofa contention, which has heretofore
endangered and would again endanger the
existence of our happy Union.
Mr Calhoun and Mr Clay had some conversa
tional discussion in relation to an editorial in the
Intel! igencer, in relation to the introduction cf the
previous question just before the war of 1812. Mr
Calhoun shnwi il tl
Auicmcjeiicer iiaa given jl
.-.j ".u a.m uuirue account ot the proceedings.
Monday, July 19, 1841.
The Loan Bill was the special order to-day. . Mr
Calhoun made a strong speech against the measure.
iUr Nicholson followed. He said that all experience
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Wednesday, July 14,1841.
Mr Young of New York addressed the Hous;i
on the McLeod case. He thought the offair ought
to have been left to tlie people of New "York, and he
did not believe they would sustain Webster in his
directions to the Attorney General to enter a nolle
prosequi.
The bill appropriating $600,000 for ordnance and
ordnance stores for the use of the Navy was passed
The fortification bill was taken up, and after some
discussion, the Committee rose w ithout accomplish
ing any thing.
Thursday, July, 15, 1S41.
The House this morning was occupied in discus
sing the fortification bill. ""Many amendments were
offortd ; but lew adopted, and much talk to little
purpose.
Friday, July 15, 1S41.
Mr Davis, of Ky., offend a resolution calling on
each of the Secretaries to furnish at the next session
of Congress, tho number, employment, pny, and
lime requisite to perform the du'ies of all persons in
tho employment of the Government, except soldiers,
which
marines and sailors, and their officers
adopted.
The fortification hill was again taken up, but the
discussion turned prmcipallyofltbe McLeod case,
between Messrs Cashing, Hhttf, PKtcnsyKc. Mr
Pickens dafi-irdcd his calelmited repoifnanful!y.
se ohsciveoH4sat the present appropriation,
called for S 1 ,196" and he wanted to kiiow
how solafgifa sum could teVjerjended in the pres
ent year. Mr Fillmore replied that a portion was
to ba used in the early part of 1842.' JMr W ISO Y ik 3
opposed to this course. He was against providing
for two years in one appropriation hill. ' The follow
ing arc a few cf Lis r marks :
lie went into a statement to show that from
the year 1829 to 1840 the average amount ap
propriated for fortifications had been $7C2,-
UO0 a year, and the average expenditure had
been $866,000. Mr lienton's mammoth
fortification bill had been reported in 1836 a
counterblast to the distribution bill, even
that, with-all its extravagance, did not pro
pose so large an annual average of expendi
ture as would be created by the passage ot tho
present bill.
The great argument against Mr lienton's
bill an argument, too, which had been again
urged by the present Secretary of War, then
in the House, was, that the money could not
be expended. This was the argnmer.t Mr
V. insisted on against the present bill ; it
appropriated more money than could bo ap
plied within the year. Besides, when Mr
Benton's bill hp.d been proposed, there had
been a surplus of forty-two millions in the
Treasury, whereas now, instead ofa surplus,
the Government aked for a loan of twelve
millions.
r W.
compiimeii
ted Mr McKay on hU
SENATE.
Wednesday, July 14, 1841.
Mr Linn occupied the morning hour in talking
about the Whig Guillotine. The Bank Bill then
came up. Mr Tappan proposed to amend, so that
nothing in the bill s'spuld be so construed as to take
away the power of Congress to alter, amend, or re
peal it, which was withdrawn at the request of Mr
Buchanan.
Mr Clay, of Alabama, moved to amend so that its
notes should " no longer" be received after it once
suspended. Mr Clay, of Kentucky, would not
agree, but amended so that they should be refused
only during supension. Mr Clay, of Alabama, then
moved to amend by addinS that a suspension shall
be held and adjudged a cause of forfeiture of the
charter," which passed unanimously.
Mr Clay, of Alabama, then moved to amend so
that if the Bank forfeited its charter, the deposits
should be removed frornit. Mr Clay argued against
it. Mr L.nn shewed that Mr Clav was Ihe Tmbor
oi a proposition to remove the deposites from the snows tnat the appropriations of the previous ses
Sub-Treasury, and put them in possession of the
secretary ot the Treasury, bat now he was too
iqueam.sh to trust the Secretary with the same
power. Mr Clay was penned up so close that he
consented, and the amendment passed.
Thursday, July 15, 1S41.
Mr Clay, of Kentucky, desired to take ,m
Loan Bill. Mr Calhoun wished to proceed with
me u an it xiiu. jvi
sion should be tho guide for ihe expenditures of the
succeeding year. He showed that they wanted
! 1 8,000,000 to provide for a deficit of S6,CO0,GOO, ac
cording to the Secretary's own shewing. "
Mr Woodbury shewed that Treasury notes were
preferable, in every coint cf view, in n 1
1 i : i .. . " , - - .
was in
Lenton closed the d ebatP W.ttl fnta 9nrt Frnrre .
Mr B. affirmed that the Democratic Ad
ministration, if it had-continued, would have
fro n f - (hrnnnli - U ".1 . , tt.' i
MrClav nr.j ft, .1 13.. c year wuuoui an aauiiionai
mm a written state-
pressmg demand for relief. Mr Calhm.r, fiJ j .
-.rtu : . 7 " VUUU,.U1BU ana
. 1 7 "a,lJ BO ur2ent. why had not rnent to that effect.
ac-
the loan bill been presented earlier ?
- Mr Clay said lliat the Minority controlled the
uon of the Senate. He referred to the " gag law"
TVTr Tt il i
" -iMu.u me reasons used as a pre
StS.LVS. Word
,uv""v v -wing,,wno Dad to find ex post
good sense and vigilance, and attributed it to
his explanations, with those of his colleague' s
Mr Shepperd and Mr llenchcr, that he bad
been enlightened as to the true bearings of
the present bill. Had he been called on to
vote one hour before they commenced t
speak, he should have voted for the bill, but
in the present state of the Treasury, economy
and prudence required that every dollar here
ru- r..Tfi:,. ,1 t.i ,.r..,. ,i
aoiau iui niuiiiv-uiiuii siiuuiu uu iciusuu.
Mr Fillmore was surprised at objections from
such a quarter, and entered into some calculations.
Saturday, July 17, 1841.
Mr ArnolJ (a whig) moved the reconsideration
of the vote upon the reso!utio:rto strp all Anther do
bate on the appropriation bill, after 2 p. m.this dav.
He said since the adjournment last ever in or ;
fcp-IJe had nad an interview vitha gen
tleman of great knowledge, and whoso posi
tion afforded him an opportunity to know,
next to a certainty, tho fate of the great mea
sures whose passage was demandfiil nn,l A0.
a rzj u v
sirea Dy me American people and that gen
tleman had informed him that, in all proba
bility, every "great "measure of the country
would fail and come to nought..)
MrWellerhere exclaimed, "Thank God, our
country is safe." Mr Arnold was proceeding to
tell about some -baulky horses in the whi
team, when Messrs Everett rind Linn seemed dis"
posed to diaw a tight rein on him.
Mr Arnold coutinued. He was in order,
and he was sorry his friends did not agree
with him. These measures, if they were de-'
feated, would be defeated by politicians here,
against the will of the people. He spoke to
the unbought, uucorrupted people, and not to
them.
Mr Linn of NewtYork rose to a question
of order. He said the gentleman was not
only not shooting .at tho mark, but he was
shooting at his friends. ,
Mr Botts here said that Mr Arnold would
sing a different tune in the course ofa week.
Mr Arnold said he would to God the gen
tleman from Virginia might prove correct
that he might be the true prophet, and himself
the false one ; but he doubted his hopes. Hc
(Mr Arnold) had, up to this time, followed as
a rank and file man, an humble follower of
party leaders, but it sometimes became neces
sary for tho humblest individual 'to speak out.
He believed those measures, the fortification
and oiavy bills, would lead to direct taxation.
He made this motion now that it miht bo
known that the star of Virginia abstractions
had the ascendency at thitime, aud, like the
deadly Upas, blasted the hopes of :he Ameri
can people. If this country was to be under
the bane of this influence of Virginia abstrac
tions, then away with commerce, away with