1L
Visk'af those intended by the Constitutioa to
fee placed under bl protection.
fit. roust be added, however, mat, unless
IhC President's' mird, ou a view of every
!hinV:- u-hirh lirod (r and azaiost this bill
lirtiich is iiro-nd
q y - - - - .
is tolerably clear that it is nauthorized by the
Constitution ; if the pro nnu ine con bang so
cven4o balance his judgment a just respect
for thrv Worn of the Legislature, would natu
rally decide the balance in favor ofuheir opin
ion : it imjcjiiefly for cases, where they are
dearly misled by error, ambition. orHoterest-
that the Constitution has placed a check in
the negative of4he President."
"
f
in iudicial proceeding, by introducting-pre-
ait and ail in ptlons at variance with fact, and inferen-
efTefted without the employ- L"P" P,MM of ieMon.- A State in a
el I i- .irronf.v i "i- r
VETO MESSAGE
From the PresiSmti of the U. S., returning,
xcilh his objections, HulSillto incorporate the
Fiscal Batik of the United States, August, lfi
1811.
To the Senate of the United States '.
The bill entitled, Au nect to incorporafe
the subscribers to the Fiscal Bank of the Unit
ed States," which orignmtcdin the Senate,
has been considered by me, with a sincere de
sire to conform my action in regard to jt,' to
that of the two Houses of Congress. By the
Constitution it is made my duty, cither Unap
prove the bill by signing it, or to returijt with
my objections, to the House in which it orig
inated. I cannot conscientiously give it my
approval, and I proceed to discharge the duty
required of me by the Constitution to give
my reasons for disapproving.
The power of Congress to create a Na
tional Bank to operate par se over the Union,
has been a question of dispute from (he origin
of our Government Men most justly and
deservedly esteemed lor their high intellectual
endowments their virtue, and their patriotism,
have, in regard to it, entertained different and
conflicting "opinions. Congresses have diff
ered. The approval of one President has
been followed by the disapproval of another.
The people, at different times, have acquiesced
in decisions both for and against. The coun
try has been, and still is, deeply agitated by
thi3 unsettled question. It will suffice for me
to say, that my own opinion has been uni
formly proclaimed to be against the exercise
of any such power by this Government. On
all suitable occasions, during a period of
twenty-five years, the opinions thus enter
tained have been unreservedly expressed. I
declared it in the Legislature of my native
State. In the House of Representatives of
the United States it has been openly vindica
ted by me. In the Senate Chamber, in the
preseuce and hearing of many who are at
this time members of that body, it has been
affirmed and reaffirmed, in speeches and re
ports there made, and by votes there recorded.
In popular assemblies I have unhesitatingly
announced it ; and the last public declaration
which I made, and but a short time before
the late Presidential election, I referred to my
previously expressed opinions as being those
theu entertained by me.
With a full knowledge of the opinions thus :
entertained, and never concealed, I was elec
ted by the people Vice President of the U.
States. By the occurrence of a coutiugen
cv provided for by the Constitution, and aris
ing under an impressive dispensation of
Providence, I succeeded to the Presidential
office. Before entering upon the duties of
that office, I took an oath that I would " pre
serve, protect, and defend the Constitution of
the United States." Entertai uing the opin
ions alluded to, and haviug taken this oath,
the Senate and the country will see that I
could not give my sanction to a measure of
the character described, without surrendering
all claim to the respect of honorable men all
confidence on the part of the people all self-
respect all regard for moral and religious ob
ligations, without an observance of which no
Government can be prosperous, and no peo
pie can be happy. It would be to commit a
crime which I would not wilfully commit'to
gain any earthly reward, and which would just
ly subject me to the ridicule and scorn of all
virtuous men.
I deem it entirely unnecessary at this time
to enter upon the reasons which have ' Draught
my mind to the convictions I felt and enter
tain on this subject. They have been over
and over again repeated. If some. of those
who have preceeded me in this high
office have entertained and avowed different
opinions, I yield alt confidence that their con
victions were sincere. I claim only to have
the same measure meted out to myself. With
out going further into the argument, 1 will say
that in looking to the powers cfthe Government
to collect, softly keep, and disburse the public
revenue, and incidentally to regulate com
merce and earchange.1, I have not been able to
satisfy myself that the cstablishmentjby this
Government of a Hank of discount in the
ordinary acceptation of that term, was ane
cessary means, or one demanded by proprie
ty, to execute these powers. What can the
local discounts of the bank have to do with the
collecting, safe-keeping, and disbursing of the
revenue ? So far as the mere discounting
of paper is concerned, it is quite immaterial
to this question whether the discount is ob
tained at a State Bank or a United States
JLfCKllfX. M- lJ uav j -. . . uwtu vis
sinning and both ending iu a local accommo
dation. What influence have local discounts
granted by any form of a bank,' in the regulat
ing of the currency and the exchanges Let
the history of the late United States Bank aid
us in answering this inquiry: .
For several years after the establishment of
that institution, it dealt almost exclusively in
local discounts, and during that period the
country was, for"The most part, disappointed
in the consequences anticipated from its in
corporation. S A uniform currency was not
provided, exchanges were" not regulated, and
little or nofSTng was added to the general cir
culation and in 1S2CT its embarrassments had
becorneso great, that the directors petitioned
Congress to repeal that article of the charter
which Iriade its notes receivable everywhere
in payment of public dues. It had, up to that
period, dealt to but a very small extent in ex
changes, either foreign or domestic, and as
Uteas 1823 its operations in that line amount
ed to a little more thau seven miliious of dol
lars per annum. A very rapid augmentation
soon' atter noriirrl : -loo -Z
w, uu ,n iOOJ us Dealing's
sales of its own draftsaud all these immense
transactions were
ment of extraordinary dfeans. The currency
of the country becamelound, and the nego
ciations iu the exchanges were carried on at
the lowest' possible rates The circulation
was increased to more that22,000 000, and
the notes of the bank were r&jarded as equal
to specie all over the eountryJbus showing
almost conclusively that it was tire capacity to
deal in exchanges, and pot in locM discounts,
which furnished these facilities fcd advan
tages. It may be remarked, too, thatnotwith
standins the immense! transactions? of the
bank iu the purchase of exchange, die losses
sustain were merely nominal; whifain the
line of discounts the suspended, debt was
enormous; and proved most disastrous to-the
Iki, r,H the country. Its power ot local ois-
ifftnnt has, in fact, proved to bo a fruitful
sotwee ofJavorhism and corruption, alike de
structive to the public morals and t& the gene
ral weaU -
The capital invested in banks of discount
in the United States, created by the states, at
this time exceecfs350,000,000 ; and if the
discounting of local paper could have produc
ed any beneficial effect ihe United States
ought to possess the soundesfurrency in the
world ; but the reverse is lamentably the fact.
Is the measure now under consideration of
that objectionable character to whichIhave
alluded ? It is clearly so, unless by the 16th
fundamental article of the 1 1 th section iNs
made otherwise. That article is in the fol
lowing words :
"The directors of the said corporation
shall .establish one competent office of dis
count and deposit, in any state in which two
thousand shares shall have been subscribed,
or may be held, whenever, upon application
of the legislature of such state, Congress may
by law, require the same. And the said di
rectors may also establish one or more com
petent offices of discount and deposit in any
territory or district of the United States, and
in any State with the assent of such State;
and when established, the said office or offi
ces shall be only withdrawn , or removed by
the said directors, prior to the expiration of
this charter, with the previous .assent of Con
gress : Pro tided, in , respect to any State
which shall not, at the first session of the le
gislature thereof, held after the passage of this
act, by resolution ,-or other usual legislative'
proceedings, uuconditinally assent or dissent,
to the establishment of such office or, offices
condition of duress would be presumed to
speak, as an individual, manacled and in pir
son, might be presumed to be in the enjoy
ment of freedom. Far better 1o say to the
States boldly and frankly-Congress wills
and submission is demanded. "
It may be said that the directors may not
establish branches under euch circumstances.
But this is a question of power, and this bill
invests them with full authority to do so. If
the Legislature of New York, or Pennsylva
nia, or any other State, should be found to be
in such condition as I have supposed, could
there be any security furnished against such a
step on the part of the directors? Nay, is it
not fairly to be presumed that this proviso was
introduced for the sole purpose of meeting the
contingency referred to? Why else should
Nthave been introduced? And I submit it to
the Senate, whether it can be believed that
within it, such assent of the said state shall be
g-The people have recorded their votes
against the U. S. Bank as follows :
1. In 1811, m relusiug to recbarter it.
2. In 1832, in re-electing Andrew Jack
son, after his veto.
3. In Electing the Twenty-fourth Con
gress. 4. In electing Martin Van Buren, after his
letter to Sherrod Williams.
5. In passing the Independent Treasury
Bill.
6. In electing Harrison and Tyler; for
the banners carried by the Whigs, during the
campaign, had on them " NO BANK OF
THE UNITED STATES!"
Vote for the Bank by States.
States asainst the bill in italic.
Maine,
JVeic Hampshire,
Vermont,
Massachusetts,
any State would be likeljrto sit quietly down Connecticut,
under such a state of things? In a great mea- Rhode Island,
V. York,
New Jersey,
Delaware,
Pennsylvania
Mary laud,..
Virginia,
Noith Carolina,
South Carolina
Georgia,
Kentucky,
Tennessee,
Ohio,
Indiana,
Alabama
JMissouri,
Louisiaua
Michigan,
Mississippi,
rkansas,
thereafter presumed : And Provided, never
theless, That whenever it shall become ne
cessary and proper for carrying into execu
tion any of'the powers granted by the Constitu
tion, to establish au office or offices in any
of the States whatever, and the establishment
thereof shall be directed by law, it shall be the
duty of said directors to establish such office
or offices accordingly."
It will be seen that by this clause the direc
tors are invested, with the fullest power to es
tablish a branch in any State which has yiel
ded its assent ; and having onee established
such branch, it shall not afterwards be with
drawn, except by order of Congress. Such
assent is to be implied, and to have the force
and sauction of an actually expressed assent,
" provided in respect to any Slate which shall
not at the first session of the legislature there
of, held after the passage of this act, by reso
lution or other usual legislature proceedings,
unconditionally assent or dissent to the estab-
lshment of such office or offices within it,
such assent of said State shall be thereafter
presumed." The assent or dissent is to be
expressed unconditionally at the first session
of the legislature, by some formal legislative
act ; and if not sqexpressed, its assent is to
be implied ; and the - directors are thereupon
invested with power, at such time thereafter
as they may pleased to establish branches
which cannot afterwards be withdrawn, ex
cept by- resolve ot Congress. No matter
what may be the'eause which may operate
with the legislature, which either prevents it
from speaking or addresses itself to its wis.
dom, to induce delay, its assent is to be im
plied. This iron rule i to give way to no
circumstances it;i is unbending and lnflexi
ble. It is the language-of the master to the
vassal an unconditional answer is claimed
forthwith ; and delay, postponement, or in
capacityto answer, produces an implied as
sent which ' is ever aftei irrevocable. Many
of the State elections have already taken place.
without auy knowledge, ou the part of th
People, that such a questioivwas to come up
The Representatives may desire a submis
sion of the questibu to their constituents pre
paratory to final action upon it, but this high
privilege is denied ; whatever may the mo
tives mid views entertained by tne represen
tatives of the People "to induce delay, their
assent is to be presumed, and i3 ever after
wards bmdiug, unless their dissent shall be
unconditionally expressed at their first ses
sion after the passage of this bill into a law.
jThey'may, by formal resolution, declare .the
question of assent or dissent to bs undecided
ahdpostpoued ; a,pd, yet, in opposition to
their express declaration to the contrary, their
assent is to be implied. . Cases innumerable
might be cited to manifest the" irrationality of
such an inference. Let one or two in addi
tion suffice: The popular branch of the Legis
lature may express its dissent by an unanim
ous vote, and its resolution may be defeated
by a tie vote of the Senate, and yet the assent
is to be implied. Both brauches of the Legis
lature may concur in a resolution of decided
dissent, and yet the Governor may exert the
veto power conferred on him by the State
Constitution, and their legislative action be
defeated,- and yet the assent of the legisla
tive authority is implied, and the directors of
this contemplated institution are authorized to
establish a branch or branches in such State
whenever they may find it conducive to the
iuterest of the stockholders to do so ; and
having once established, it, they can under
no circumstances withdraw if, except by act
of Congress. The State may afterwards pro
test against such unjust inference, but its au
thority is gone. Its .assent is implied by its
failure or inability to act at its first session
and its voice can never afterwards be heard.
Tn inferences so violent, and. as thev seem
I---'- . j
I to me, irrational, I cannot yield my consent.
sureW" public interest their patriotism may be
successfully appealed to ; but to infer their
assent from circumstances at war with such
inference, I canuot but regard as calculated
to exc it eVa feeling at fatal enmity with the
peace and hWmony of the country. I must,
therefore, regard this clause as asserting the
power to be utCongress to establish offi
ces of discounts, in a State, not only
without its assent, but against its dis
se&t; and so regard ing4t, I cannot sanction
it. Tr4general principlesJhe right in Con
gress to prescribe terms to aqjr State, implies
a superiority power and control, deprives
the transactio&ajjpall pretence to compact be
tween them, and terminates, as we nave seen,
in the total abrogation" freedom offrUon
on the part of the States. T5qjLifmer.L-
State may express, after the most solemn form
of legislation, its dissent, which may from IIfiiu;!s,
.: . .i i. tA ; r,,u I
view of its own interest, which can never be
separated from the wise and beneficent opera
tion 6f; this government; and yet Congress
may, by virtue of the last proviso, overrule its
law, and upou grounds which, to such state,
will appear to rest on a constructive necessity
and propriety, and nothing more. I regard
the bill as asserting for Congress the right to
incorporate a United States Bank with pow
er and right to establish offices of discount
and deposit in the several states of this Union
with or without their consent ; a principle to
which I have always heretofore beeu opposed,
and which can never obtain my sanction.
And -waiving all ether considerations grow
ing out of its other provisions, I return it to
the House in which it originated, with these
my objections to its approval.
JUHN' T lLElt.
Washington, Aug. 16, 1841.
Yeas. Nays. Absent.
4 . 4
4 1
4 1
10 2
6
2 v
17 20 3
6
1
11 15 2
5 2 1
7 14
S 5
1 7 1
S 1
9 3 1
5 5
12 7
6 1
5
2
2 1
1
2
1
: 3
128 97 17
No Representative elected.
NORTH-CAROLINIAN.
WM. H. BAYNE,
EDITOU A3fD PUBLISHER.
JF.l VJ-J T TE IJXr It 12:
Saturday Morning, August 2 1 , 1841,
Consideration ot the Veto JVlessairo post
poned till liiur-day lolh. Ihe 1112s can iwrrep
upon nothing. The Bankrupt bill has PASSED
3Ve insite the attention of all who desire
a chance fora FOllTUNK to the following-
MAGNIFICENT SCHEMES.
4 prizes of $25,000 amounting to
$100,000, for 25th September : and
850,000, $30,000, $25,000,
for 23p OCTOBER.
jr. J. GREGORY, & CO., Managers.
VIRGINIA LEESBURG LOTTERY,
Extra Class No. 23, for 1841.
To be determined by the drawing of the UNION
LUT1 Y, Class No. S, 1841, lo be drawn.at
Alexandria, D. C. on Saturday, 25th Sep-i"
leml.er, 1841.
BRILLIANT SCHEME.
d7& Our thanks are du? to the Globe and Bal
timore Sun, for the fi st copies of thu Veto Messaj
ICP We furnished our Town readers xvith the
lUes-ajfi on 1 hursday tveninjj. We were aware
that it contained many errors, hut we were too hur
rid to correct them, and trusted, besides, to the in
U'lligence of our patrons to discover and correct
them tharnselves.
top, until every Toter from Maine to Mexico, and
from the seaboard to the farthest western settlement
be pledged against thg disgraceful and corrupting
practice. Then , shall we sec the elective franchise
in all its purity ; then will it be an honor to bcelefct
ed by the people, where now it is none, for the great
est rascal as oft3n succeeds as the honorable man.
Then we shall he, indeed, a free people; now we are
laves and dupes to liquor and lies, and he who has
the most impudence is always elected
In the name of Liberty" in the name of morality
n the name of cur country, and for God's sake, let
it be abolished:
Air Thomas II. Pope, 0110 of the Repre
sentatives of that District, in the Legislature,
came out as a thorough Temperance man,
before the last election. He publicly and
perseveringly refused to treat to liquor to ob
tain votes, and - notwithstanding the whole
grog-shop influence was arrayed in virulent
opposition to him, yet there were found men
enough of sober discretion, who loved Tempe-
1 -
ranee, morality and good order, to elect
him.
Many candidates in our various Districts
say they are opposed to treating, but when
the canvass begins, they plead as au excuse,
that the people demand it, and they -must
treat or be defeated.
Defeat is unquestionably fur more honora
ble in such a case than victory : but we are
far fiom being sure, that defeat would follow
a refusal to treat. Trust the good sense, and
sober discretion of the intelligent and orderly
portion of your District, and you will fiud,
probably in every District, enough of such
men, to sustain you, and ensure success. It
is an honor to represent such men, but it is a
foul disgrace to creep into office through the
bung hole of the whiskey barrel. S. C. Agri
cultural Register.
1
1 Prize of - - $25,000 1
- - 25,000
; " - . - 25,000
- - 25,000
- - - 10,000
" ' - - S,000
" - - - . 6,000
" - - - 5,153
2 " - - - - 4,000
4 - - - 2,000
50 " - 1,000
50 " - 500
50 - 250
100 " - 200
The Veto Message.
Our fiends w 11 find this document in anoth
part of this paper- We can tmly Fay to 5ou, rea
it. Our heart is too fjll of raritude to Divine Pro
vidence, for this one trsiiniony of His ever watchfu
eye and protecting arm, to give utti ranee to all that
we feel, and all that we think on th's momentous
suhject.
We confess we did not believe Mr Ty'erto be the
man that he has shown himself to be, by this mes
sage. We tlioug'u he would be swayed by Air
Clay. Cut we thank God and Mr Tyler, that THE
CONSTITUTION IS SAVED.
More anon.
IlCJHon. Francis Thomas has been nominated
as the Democratic candidate for Governor of .Maryland.
14 Drawn Numbers out 78.
Tickets 815 Halves t SO Quarters 3 T5-
Eighths 1 8T.
Certificates of packages of 26 whole tickets $200 -
Do do 2G Half do 100
Do do 26 Glurl'r. do 50
Do do 26 Ei hths do 25
$50,000,
. $30,000 $2,5,000.
VIRGINIA MONONGALIA LOTTERY,
Extra Class No. 25, for 1841.
To be determined by the drawing of the UNION
LU1 l liitty, Ulas No.Slor 1841, to be drawn
at Alexandria, D. C. on Saturday, Octo
ber 23d, 1841.
16 Draicn 12 allots.
MAGNIFICENT SCHEME.
ONE GRAND CAPITAL
lp'The Baltimore Sun says that immediately
on the announcement of the veto message, in the
Senate, precisely at 12, the roar of cannoo started
every one from their place.
ItZF" David R. Cockran has been electrd Clerk
of the County Court of Montgomery county, over
Jas. McRae; and C. W. Wooley, over Mr. Martin,
who has been Clerk for 20 year3, of the Superior
Court.
Great loss of Human Life.
. The Steamboat Er e, left the city of EufTalo, New
York, on Monday the 9ih inst. in the afternoon. A
number of paintms, with theu materials, were on
board. About 8 o'clock the same evening, h -n
about 40 miles from Buffalo, and 6 miles from land,
a demjon of varnish belonging to one of the pain
ters, and which was setting near, the boiler, burst,
from the heat, 9"'Ijlliatpiy a sheet of fire w?:s
the dec-kr There5were supposed to
he upwards of 2 0 pus;ngers, many'iijCMboiii wi re
German immigran's, go n west. ThefSteaniboat
De Witt Clinton came to the re-cue, and siiv27
only; 200 supposed to bo lost. The city cf Bufil
is wrapt in gloom. The paprrs give extended ac
counts, but the above wc deem suffice nt.
Gen. Harrison's opinions upou the consti
tutionality of a X ational LJank and the doc
trine of Repeal. Upon examining Harrison's
opinions, as we give them below, published in the
Madisouimi, a whig paper, it segins, that he was
clearly against the cons: itutiontlity cf a National
Bank: and further, thut ha was or e of the fathers of
the doctrine of Repeal. On this latter question, the
right of repeal, it sems he took an early stand; for
when a member of Congress, in 1319, his vote was
in favor of repealing the charter. Mr A1U n, of Ohio,
in his late Bank speech in the Senate, quotes the
journals of Congress to prove it. Here is the ex
tract from the journal, at page 3CS, as follows;
"The question was then taken, to concur
with the committee of the whole in their dfs
ageeemeiil to the resolution submitted by Mr
Johnson, of Ya., in the following words,to
wit:
"Resolved, That the Committee "on the Ju
diciary be instructed to report a bill to reteal
the act entitled 'An act to incorporate the sub
scribers to the Dank of the United States,'
approved April 10, 1S16."
Among the nays is Har rison.
From tho Madicnian.
He who has perused the history of Mr Ty
ler's past opinions in relation to a National
Bank, which has occupied several preced
ing numbers Nof our paper, will have formed
by this time, doubtless, an opinion as to the
possibility of his approving, at thfs period of
his lite?, such a bill as is now before him.
There will be time enough for us to allude
more particularly hereafter, both to the bill
and to the views of the President.
But reference being frequently made to the
opinions of Gen. Harrison on this? subject,
it is' due to our readers, and to his memory,
that the principles of that lamented patriot
should be fairly represented.
and disbursement of the revenue would
terially suffer without one, and there were,uq
equivocal manifestations of publkx opiniojff
its favor. 1 think, nowever, ine ejpc..u-T
should be fairly tried, to ascertain whether me
financial operations of the Uovernmem .
not be as well carried on without the aid of a
National Bank. If it s not necessary rQ.
that purpose, it does not appear to me that
.:..: ii.,.v ,,,wl Thp.re
One Call UtS COUSliluuuuaiijr (.uuuciciii
is no constiuction which f can give the Con
stitution 'hich would authorize it, on the
ground of affording facilities to commerce.
The measure, if adopted, must have for its 4
object the carrying into effect (facilitating at
least the exercise of ) some oncrof the pow
ers positively granted to the General Govern- ;
ment."
In his'spcech before the great Convention
at Dayton, Ohio, on the-lUth of September,
1840, (his latest expression ou tne' suijci;
Gen. Harrison said:
'My opinion of the power of Congress to
charter a National Bank remains unchanged.
There, is not in the Constitution any express
grant of power for such purpose, and it could
never be constitutional to exercise that power
save in the event the powers granted to Con
gress could not be carried iuto effect without
resorting to such an institution. Applause."
" I am not a Bank man. "Once in my life
I was, and then lhey cheated me out of every
dollar I placed in their hands; shouts of
laughter ; and I shall never indulge in this
way again. -
Hear him.
TflE WORST PARTY THAT EVER EXIS
TED IN AKY COUNTRY.
It is well known that Mr Mallory, cf Virginia, is
one of the most respectable and zealous whigs in
Congress. We extract from the proceedings of the
House, as reported in the National Intel 'igrncer, of
the 12ih inst , the following remarks of that gentle
man; w hich substantiate the complaints of the dem
ocratic party, and the well giounded a prehensions
of every patriot bosom, that if the federal party iong
retain ihtir ill gotten power, (we say ill gotten, be
cause they got into power by trick, concealment,
bribery and hard cider,) there will be an end to lib
er'' of speech, and of the press, in this country.
Let any honest whin who loves his country, read
this, and compare it with Clay's tyrannicjdTcourse in
the Senate the suppreswSnoYfiFLHcb:jte in the
House Webster's sf circular Crittenden's ee-
troa-ag1Trajiii(ne appalling measures, Bank,
piitmc debt distribution and taxe?, which the p-e-sent
Conaress is forcing upon the people, and we
hiiate not to say, he will condemn as pnFterily
must condemn, the jeign oFfederalism'to everlat-t'ng
infamy. The ficts are indisputable; here we have
the highest whig authority, besides the proceedings
of Congress to vouch for the truth. All honest inen,
!C30blt. Mr P. J. Carpenter, from Montgom
ery, Alabama, died in WTi!mingfon, N. C, on the
i r u : . i" i i c . i i .
julii mot. vi nciiiurniage oi ine lungs, tie was a
schoolmaster, and a native of Vermont.
in exchanges amounted tn h,,.,j., - I tvt ' . . ..i j
i , - , . f " wt uu I mo court Ul IU3IIVC ITUUiU vji euuiu MUV.UUU
DUnarM nillin. C ' i. i. I . ... - .. . . ....
: V1 wvHuro, .inciuarng - u i thm, without reversing all that is established
.
PRIZE
l
4 ,
o
10
10
50
50
50
100
100
170
c
u
tt
ti
(
c
(S
ti
tt
tt
tt
ft
ti
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
nt '
$50,000
30,000
25,000
10,000
8,000
7,000
6,000
- . 5,000
4,000
2,500
2,311
2,000
1,750
1,500
1,250
1,000
- 500
400
300
250
200
16 Drawn Numbers out of 78.
Tickets S20 Halves Sl-Q-nt's $5-Eighths 2 SO.
Ceitificatesof packages of 26 whole tickets $260
Do do 26 Half do 130
Do do 26 durt'r do 65
Do do 26 Eighths do 32 50
SCp'Orders for tickets and shares and certificates
of packages in the above splendid schemes will re
ceive the most prompt attention, and the drawing
of each lottery will be sent immediately after it is
over, to all who order from us, Address
J. G. GREGORY, & CO. Managers.
Richmond, Va.
ICJThe Cheraw Gazette mentions peaches nine
and a half inches in circumference. We are glad
to hear of such fruit it speaks well for the people.
Xjightning.
As many cases of the effects of lightning have been
recorded in the papers of late, we are inclined to
notice a case which happened in the vicinity of this
town, a few weeks ago.
A p'me tree was struck, and the fluid appears to
have forked off into several directions; the main
branch, however, entered a cornfield, leavin gits
track in the shape of the recent furrow of a plough,
and finally entered the gwund, making a hole about
six inches in diameter. A rod forty feet long has
been put down without finding any bottom, and ev
ery other means has failed to reveal where the fluid
may have escaped or found a stopping place.
Perfect Yankee.
A young man from " down east," a few mornings
ago, stepped up' to some gentlemen at the Hotel,
and asked for 25 cts. to get a breakfast. Some one
of them asked if he had not better go to work. He
said he was willing to work if he could find any to
do. They then told him they would give him " one
dollar and a good dinner" if he would carry a brick
bat back and forth, the space of 40 yards all day.
He closed the bargain and commenced the opera
tion. In a few, hours a crowd began to gather
Some one offered him seventy-five cents to slop;
He threw down the brick took the money got his
brick and commenced again, saying he must finish
the contract. 'The crowd, however, beginning to
get inconveniently large, they paid him tight dollars
to stop.
KEEP THE BALL AGOINGNEVER TIRE
It is announced in the Globe that a meeting has
been called at Centreville, Md., by respectable Cit
izens ot both parties for the purpose of considerin
measures to prevent the use of money and treating
in procuring votes at election?.
The thing is now fairly started, and may it never
when that is the case, of both parties, will be
brought to think alike. The federal party cannot
rule a free country ; they borrow a!I their model
from England. England! where, as Hamilton paM
to Jefferson, th; great : gent of vitality in the gov
ernment is corruption the power of money ojfiee
and patronage to carry the elections.
Mr Mallory rose and said he had received,
and asked permission to present to the House,
a copy of the proceedings of a public meeting
held in the town of Poitsmouth, Ya., in oppo
sition to the distribution of the proceeds ol the
sales of the public lands and the Bank of the
United States, and instructing hvn. so far as
the voters thero assembled hud the power to
do so, to vote against these measures. The
attitude in which I stand (sid Mr M.) to
wards the majority on this floor, and towards
a large and respectable portion of my friends
at home, who are adverse to the course I have
pursued, made me desirous of expressing my
views on these great and importaut questions.
It was in vain, however, that 1 have repeated
ly attempted to obtain the floor, and, in conse
quence of the arbitrary rules fastened on us by
you, Mr Speaker, and your associates, I have
been compelled to vote on measures deeply
affecting the interests of my constituents with
out the privilege of uttering a word in explana
tion of my views or iu justification of my conduct.
Several members here rose, and objected
to Mr M.'s proceeding.
Mr M. Sir, I pronounce the course of
the majority in this Hall tyrannical and oppres
sive beyond all endurance: worse, indeed.
In his letter to the Cincinnati Enquirer, than the acts of the worst partu that ever ex-
dated Sept. 16, 1S22, he said: listed in any country professing to be free.
" I deem myself a republican of what is juries of order.!
called the old Jeffersonian school, and believe Mr M. We are no longer a deliberative
n the correctness of that interpretation of the body, Mr Speaker. "Cries of order, order.!
Constitution which has been given by the Freedom of speech, so dear to a freeman
writings of that enlightened statesman, who
was at the head of the party, and others be
longing to it, particularly the celebrated re
solutions of the Virginia Legislature during
the Presidency of Mr Adams.
I deny, therefore, to the General Govern
ment, the exercise of any power but what i
expressly given to it by the Constitution, or
so essential to the preservation of our riohts
and our liberties, and to the maintenance of
a just responsibility on our part is gone.
The Sneaker called Mr M. to nrrlor.
Mr M. Well, sir, if I cannot now proceed
I will, on the first occasion, denounce the ty
ranny and oppression of this House. I will
resist it to the last, let the consequences be
what is essentially necessary to carrv the pow- what they mav : and to those who obioct to
ers expressly given into effect. my proceeding, I have only to say that I will
"1 believe that the charter civen to the object to anv motion, petition or resolution.
Bank of the United States, was unconstitu- from now till the end of the session, which is
tional it being not one of those measures not strictly in order. I will finish my speech
iccooair ij ictuy uuy oi me expressly gran- yei, or i am greatly deceived,
ted powers into effect ; and whilst my votes Here is a t louse, that voted, in the beinnin2 of
Congress will show that 1 icill take any
constitutional means to REVOKE THE
CHARTER, my votes in the State Legisla
ture will equally show that I am opposed to
those which are unconstitutional or violent,
and which will bring us into collision with
the General Government.
In his letter to Sherrod Williams in 1836.
Gen. Harrison said :
"I have before me a newsDaDer. in which
I am designated by its distinguished editor
as , " the Bank and Federal candidate." I
i ...
miriK u would puzzle the writer to adduce any
act .of my life which warrants him in identi
fying me with the interests of the first, or the
politics of the latter."
"The journals of the second session of
the ldth, and those of the 14th Congress, will
show that my votes are recorded against them
the Banks upon every question in which
uieir i merest was involved."
l The question, then, for
whether, under the circumstance you state, if
iuu w uie ouice oi jrresident, 1 would sign
uu aci io cuaner another iJank. I nngW x
would, if it were clearly ascertained that'the
public interest in relation to the collection
the Extra Session, to receive abolition petitions, and
are now rejecting the remonstrances and comn'aints
of the people, (their lawful masters and principals,)
against odious and pernicious public measures,
wtucn it t eems.lheir federal servants claim the ri. hr.
to force doicn their masters' throat.
ICJ A young lady in New York, said to beverr
beaut.ful, and called the "pretty cigar girl," from
the fact that she tended acigarsto"re,has been mur
dered, and no clue can be found to CTTe oemctrator.
A hundred tales of course are scattered from m.
ny mouths, but nothing definite can be obtained.
Hername was Mary C. Rogers, and she was be-
irotnea to a jung man by the nam fP,r,
The circumstance seems to be good employ ment
for the newspapers, from which we should infer that
considerable excitement existed. When we hear
who the murderer is, we will let you know.
Failures of the Mails.
Wo peiceive that the National Intelligencer ha?,
of late, apparently been at great pains tolnform the
public, that the recent failures of the mails havo
been "from causes beyond the control of the Department."
Now we ask, in the name of fairness and justi
nee.