1L Visk'af those intended by the Constitutioa to fee placed under bl protection. fit. roust be added, however, mat, unless IhC President's' mird, ou a view of every !hinV:- u-hirh lirod (r and azaiost this bill lirtiich is iiro-nd q y - - - - . is tolerably clear that it is nauthorized by the Constitution ; if the pro nnu ine con bang so cven4o balance his judgment a just respect for thrv Worn of the Legislature, would natu rally decide the balance in favor ofuheir opin ion : it imjcjiiefly for cases, where they are dearly misled by error, ambition. orHoterest- that the Constitution has placed a check in the negative of4he President." " f in iudicial proceeding, by introducting-pre- ait and ail in ptlons at variance with fact, and inferen- efTefted without the employ- L"P" P,MM of ieMon.- A State in a el I i- .irronf.v i "i- r VETO MESSAGE From the PresiSmti of the U. S., returning, xcilh his objections, HulSillto incorporate the Fiscal Batik of the United States, August, lfi 1811. To the Senate of the United States '. The bill entitled, Au nect to incorporafe the subscribers to the Fiscal Bank of the Unit ed States," which orignmtcdin the Senate, has been considered by me, with a sincere de sire to conform my action in regard to jt,' to that of the two Houses of Congress. By the Constitution it is made my duty, cither Unap prove the bill by signing it, or to returijt with my objections, to the House in which it orig inated. I cannot conscientiously give it my approval, and I proceed to discharge the duty required of me by the Constitution to give my reasons for disapproving. The power of Congress to create a Na tional Bank to operate par se over the Union, has been a question of dispute from (he origin of our Government Men most justly and deservedly esteemed lor their high intellectual endowments their virtue, and their patriotism, have, in regard to it, entertained different and conflicting "opinions. Congresses have diff ered. The approval of one President has been followed by the disapproval of another. The people, at different times, have acquiesced in decisions both for and against. The coun try has been, and still is, deeply agitated by thi3 unsettled question. It will suffice for me to say, that my own opinion has been uni formly proclaimed to be against the exercise of any such power by this Government. On all suitable occasions, during a period of twenty-five years, the opinions thus enter tained have been unreservedly expressed. I declared it in the Legislature of my native State. In the House of Representatives of the United States it has been openly vindica ted by me. In the Senate Chamber, in the preseuce and hearing of many who are at this time members of that body, it has been affirmed and reaffirmed, in speeches and re ports there made, and by votes there recorded. In popular assemblies I have unhesitatingly announced it ; and the last public declaration which I made, and but a short time before the late Presidential election, I referred to my previously expressed opinions as being those theu entertained by me. With a full knowledge of the opinions thus : entertained, and never concealed, I was elec ted by the people Vice President of the U. States. By the occurrence of a coutiugen cv provided for by the Constitution, and aris ing under an impressive dispensation of Providence, I succeeded to the Presidential office. Before entering upon the duties of that office, I took an oath that I would " pre serve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." Entertai uing the opin ions alluded to, and haviug taken this oath, the Senate and the country will see that I could not give my sanction to a measure of the character described, without surrendering all claim to the respect of honorable men all confidence on the part of the people all self- respect all regard for moral and religious ob ligations, without an observance of which no Government can be prosperous, and no peo pie can be happy. It would be to commit a crime which I would not wilfully commit'to gain any earthly reward, and which would just ly subject me to the ridicule and scorn of all virtuous men. I deem it entirely unnecessary at this time to enter upon the reasons which have ' Draught my mind to the convictions I felt and enter tain on this subject. They have been over and over again repeated. If some. of those who have preceeded me in this high office have entertained and avowed different opinions, I yield alt confidence that their con victions were sincere. I claim only to have the same measure meted out to myself. With out going further into the argument, 1 will say that in looking to the powers cfthe Government to collect, softly keep, and disburse the public revenue, and incidentally to regulate com merce and earchange.1, I have not been able to satisfy myself that the cstablishmentjby this Government of a Hank of discount in the ordinary acceptation of that term, was ane cessary means, or one demanded by proprie ty, to execute these powers. What can the local discounts of the bank have to do with the collecting, safe-keeping, and disbursing of the revenue ? So far as the mere discounting of paper is concerned, it is quite immaterial to this question whether the discount is ob tained at a State Bank or a United States JLfCKllfX. M- lJ uav j -. . . uwtu vis sinning and both ending iu a local accommo dation. What influence have local discounts granted by any form of a bank,' in the regulat ing of the currency and the exchanges Let the history of the late United States Bank aid us in answering this inquiry: . For several years after the establishment of that institution, it dealt almost exclusively in local discounts, and during that period the country was, for"The most part, disappointed in the consequences anticipated from its in corporation. S A uniform currency was not provided, exchanges were" not regulated, and little or nofSTng was added to the general cir culation and in 1S2CT its embarrassments had becorneso great, that the directors petitioned Congress to repeal that article of the charter which Iriade its notes receivable everywhere in payment of public dues. It had, up to that period, dealt to but a very small extent in ex changes, either foreign or domestic, and as Uteas 1823 its operations in that line amount ed to a little more thau seven miliious of dol lars per annum. A very rapid augmentation soon' atter noriirrl : -loo -Z w, uu ,n iOOJ us Dealing's sales of its own draftsaud all these immense transactions were ment of extraordinary dfeans. The currency of the country becamelound, and the nego ciations iu the exchanges were carried on at the lowest' possible rates The circulation was increased to more that22,000 000, and the notes of the bank were r&jarded as equal to specie all over the eountryJbus showing almost conclusively that it was tire capacity to deal in exchanges, and pot in locM discounts, which furnished these facilities fcd advan tages. It may be remarked, too, thatnotwith standins the immense! transactions? of the bank iu the purchase of exchange, die losses sustain were merely nominal; whifain the line of discounts the suspended, debt was enormous; and proved most disastrous to-the Iki, r,H the country. Its power ot local ois- ifftnnt has, in fact, proved to bo a fruitful sotwee ofJavorhism and corruption, alike de structive to the public morals and t& the gene ral weaU - The capital invested in banks of discount in the United States, created by the states, at this time exceecfs350,000,000 ; and if the discounting of local paper could have produc ed any beneficial effect ihe United States ought to possess the soundesfurrency in the world ; but the reverse is lamentably the fact. Is the measure now under consideration of that objectionable character to whichIhave alluded ? It is clearly so, unless by the 16th fundamental article of the 1 1 th section iNs made otherwise. That article is in the fol lowing words : "The directors of the said corporation shall .establish one competent office of dis count and deposit, in any state in which two thousand shares shall have been subscribed, or may be held, whenever, upon application of the legislature of such state, Congress may by law, require the same. And the said di rectors may also establish one or more com petent offices of discount and deposit in any territory or district of the United States, and in any State with the assent of such State; and when established, the said office or offi ces shall be only withdrawn , or removed by the said directors, prior to the expiration of this charter, with the previous .assent of Con gress : Pro tided, in , respect to any State which shall not, at the first session of the le gislature thereof, held after the passage of this act, by resolution ,-or other usual legislative' proceedings, uuconditinally assent or dissent, to the establishment of such office or, offices condition of duress would be presumed to speak, as an individual, manacled and in pir son, might be presumed to be in the enjoy ment of freedom. Far better 1o say to the States boldly and frankly-Congress wills and submission is demanded. " It may be said that the directors may not establish branches under euch circumstances. But this is a question of power, and this bill invests them with full authority to do so. If the Legislature of New York, or Pennsylva nia, or any other State, should be found to be in such condition as I have supposed, could there be any security furnished against such a step on the part of the directors? Nay, is it not fairly to be presumed that this proviso was introduced for the sole purpose of meeting the contingency referred to? Why else should Nthave been introduced? And I submit it to the Senate, whether it can be believed that within it, such assent of the said state shall be g-The people have recorded their votes against the U. S. Bank as follows : 1. In 1811, m relusiug to recbarter it. 2. In 1832, in re-electing Andrew Jack son, after his veto. 3. In Electing the Twenty-fourth Con gress. 4. In electing Martin Van Buren, after his letter to Sherrod Williams. 5. In passing the Independent Treasury Bill. 6. In electing Harrison and Tyler; for the banners carried by the Whigs, during the campaign, had on them " NO BANK OF THE UNITED STATES!" Vote for the Bank by States. States asainst the bill in italic. Maine, JVeic Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, any State would be likeljrto sit quietly down Connecticut, under such a state of things? In a great mea- Rhode Island, V. York, New Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania Mary laud,.. Virginia, Noith Carolina, South Carolina Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, Indiana, Alabama JMissouri, Louisiaua Michigan, Mississippi, rkansas, thereafter presumed : And Provided, never theless, That whenever it shall become ne cessary and proper for carrying into execu tion any of'the powers granted by the Constitu tion, to establish au office or offices in any of the States whatever, and the establishment thereof shall be directed by law, it shall be the duty of said directors to establish such office or offices accordingly." It will be seen that by this clause the direc tors are invested, with the fullest power to es tablish a branch in any State which has yiel ded its assent ; and having onee established such branch, it shall not afterwards be with drawn, except by order of Congress. Such assent is to be implied, and to have the force and sauction of an actually expressed assent, " provided in respect to any Slate which shall not at the first session of the legislature there of, held after the passage of this act, by reso lution or other usual legislature proceedings, unconditionally assent or dissent to the estab- lshment of such office or offices within it, such assent of said State shall be thereafter presumed." The assent or dissent is to be expressed unconditionally at the first session of the legislature, by some formal legislative act ; and if not sqexpressed, its assent is to be implied ; and the - directors are thereupon invested with power, at such time thereafter as they may pleased to establish branches which cannot afterwards be withdrawn, ex cept by- resolve ot Congress. No matter what may be the'eause which may operate with the legislature, which either prevents it from speaking or addresses itself to its wis. dom, to induce delay, its assent is to be im plied. This iron rule i to give way to no circumstances it;i is unbending and lnflexi ble. It is the language-of the master to the vassal an unconditional answer is claimed forthwith ; and delay, postponement, or in capacityto answer, produces an implied as sent which ' is ever aftei irrevocable. Many of the State elections have already taken place. without auy knowledge, ou the part of th People, that such a questioivwas to come up The Representatives may desire a submis sion of the questibu to their constituents pre paratory to final action upon it, but this high privilege is denied ; whatever may the mo tives mid views entertained by tne represen tatives of the People "to induce delay, their assent is to be presumed, and i3 ever after wards bmdiug, unless their dissent shall be unconditionally expressed at their first ses sion after the passage of this bill into a law. jThey'may, by formal resolution, declare .the question of assent or dissent to bs undecided ahdpostpoued ; a,pd, yet, in opposition to their express declaration to the contrary, their assent is to be implied. . Cases innumerable might be cited to manifest the" irrationality of such an inference. Let one or two in addi tion suffice: The popular branch of the Legis lature may express its dissent by an unanim ous vote, and its resolution may be defeated by a tie vote of the Senate, and yet the assent is to be implied. Both brauches of the Legis lature may concur in a resolution of decided dissent, and yet the Governor may exert the veto power conferred on him by the State Constitution, and their legislative action be defeated,- and yet the assent of the legisla tive authority is implied, and the directors of this contemplated institution are authorized to establish a branch or branches in such State whenever they may find it conducive to the iuterest of the stockholders to do so ; and having once established, it, they can under no circumstances withdraw if, except by act of Congress. The State may afterwards pro test against such unjust inference, but its au thority is gone. Its .assent is implied by its failure or inability to act at its first session and its voice can never afterwards be heard. Tn inferences so violent, and. as thev seem I---'- . j I to me, irrational, I cannot yield my consent. sureW" public interest their patriotism may be successfully appealed to ; but to infer their assent from circumstances at war with such inference, I canuot but regard as calculated to exc it eVa feeling at fatal enmity with the peace and hWmony of the country. I must, therefore, regard this clause as asserting the power to be utCongress to establish offi ces of discounts, in a State, not only without its assent, but against its dis se&t; and so regard ing4t, I cannot sanction it. Tr4general principlesJhe right in Con gress to prescribe terms to aqjr State, implies a superiority power and control, deprives the transactio&ajjpall pretence to compact be tween them, and terminates, as we nave seen, in the total abrogation" freedom offrUon on the part of the States. T5qjLifmer.L- State may express, after the most solemn form of legislation, its dissent, which may from IIfiiu;!s, .: . .i i. tA ; r,,u I view of its own interest, which can never be separated from the wise and beneficent opera tion 6f; this government; and yet Congress may, by virtue of the last proviso, overrule its law, and upou grounds which, to such state, will appear to rest on a constructive necessity and propriety, and nothing more. I regard the bill as asserting for Congress the right to incorporate a United States Bank with pow er and right to establish offices of discount and deposit in the several states of this Union with or without their consent ; a principle to which I have always heretofore beeu opposed, and which can never obtain my sanction. And -waiving all ether considerations grow ing out of its other provisions, I return it to the House in which it originated, with these my objections to its approval. JUHN' T lLElt. Washington, Aug. 16, 1841. Yeas. Nays. Absent. 4 . 4 4 1 4 1 10 2 6 2 v 17 20 3 6 1 11 15 2 5 2 1 7 14 S 5 1 7 1 S 1 9 3 1 5 5 12 7 6 1 5 2 2 1 1 2 1 : 3 128 97 17 No Representative elected. NORTH-CAROLINIAN. WM. H. BAYNE, EDITOU A3fD PUBLISHER. JF.l VJ-J T TE IJXr It 12: Saturday Morning, August 2 1 , 1841, Consideration ot the Veto JVlessairo post poned till liiur-day lolh. Ihe 1112s can iwrrep upon nothing. The Bankrupt bill has PASSED 3Ve insite the attention of all who desire a chance fora FOllTUNK to the following- MAGNIFICENT SCHEMES. 4 prizes of $25,000 amounting to $100,000, for 25th September : and 850,000, $30,000, $25,000, for 23p OCTOBER. jr. J. GREGORY, & CO., Managers. VIRGINIA LEESBURG LOTTERY, Extra Class No. 23, for 1841. To be determined by the drawing of the UNION LUT1 Y, Class No. S, 1841, lo be drawn.at Alexandria, D. C. on Saturday, 25th Sep-i" leml.er, 1841. BRILLIANT SCHEME. d7& Our thanks are du? to the Globe and Bal timore Sun, for the fi st copies of thu Veto Messaj ICP We furnished our Town readers xvith the lUes-ajfi on 1 hursday tveninjj. We were aware that it contained many errors, hut we were too hur rid to correct them, and trusted, besides, to the in U'lligence of our patrons to discover and correct them tharnselves. top, until every Toter from Maine to Mexico, and from the seaboard to the farthest western settlement be pledged against thg disgraceful and corrupting practice. Then , shall we sec the elective franchise in all its purity ; then will it be an honor to bcelefct ed by the people, where now it is none, for the great est rascal as oft3n succeeds as the honorable man. Then we shall he, indeed, a free people; now we are laves and dupes to liquor and lies, and he who has the most impudence is always elected In the name of Liberty" in the name of morality n the name of cur country, and for God's sake, let it be abolished: Air Thomas II. Pope, 0110 of the Repre sentatives of that District, in the Legislature, came out as a thorough Temperance man, before the last election. He publicly and perseveringly refused to treat to liquor to ob tain votes, and - notwithstanding the whole grog-shop influence was arrayed in virulent opposition to him, yet there were found men enough of sober discretion, who loved Tempe- 1 - ranee, morality and good order, to elect him. Many candidates in our various Districts say they are opposed to treating, but when the canvass begins, they plead as au excuse, that the people demand it, and they -must treat or be defeated. Defeat is unquestionably fur more honora ble in such a case than victory : but we are far fiom being sure, that defeat would follow a refusal to treat. Trust the good sense, and sober discretion of the intelligent and orderly portion of your District, and you will fiud, probably in every District, enough of such men, to sustain you, and ensure success. It is an honor to represent such men, but it is a foul disgrace to creep into office through the bung hole of the whiskey barrel. S. C. Agri cultural Register. 1 1 Prize of - - $25,000 1 - - 25,000 ; " - . - 25,000 - - 25,000 - - - 10,000 " ' - - S,000 " - - - . 6,000 " - - - 5,153 2 " - - - - 4,000 4 - - - 2,000 50 " - 1,000 50 " - 500 50 - 250 100 " - 200 The Veto Message. Our fiends w 11 find this document in anoth part of this paper- We can tmly Fay to 5ou, rea it. Our heart is too fjll of raritude to Divine Pro vidence, for this one trsiiniony of His ever watchfu eye and protecting arm, to give utti ranee to all that we feel, and all that we think on th's momentous suhject. We confess we did not believe Mr Ty'erto be the man that he has shown himself to be, by this mes sage. We tlioug'u he would be swayed by Air Clay. Cut we thank God and Mr Tyler, that THE CONSTITUTION IS SAVED. More anon. IlCJHon. Francis Thomas has been nominated as the Democratic candidate for Governor of .Maryland. 14 Drawn Numbers out 78. Tickets 815 Halves t SO Quarters 3 T5- Eighths 1 8T. Certificates of packages of 26 whole tickets $200 - Do do 2G Half do 100 Do do 26 Glurl'r. do 50 Do do 26 Ei hths do 25 $50,000, . $30,000 $2,5,000. VIRGINIA MONONGALIA LOTTERY, Extra Class No. 25, for 1841. To be determined by the drawing of the UNION LU1 l liitty, Ulas No.Slor 1841, to be drawn at Alexandria, D. C. on Saturday, Octo ber 23d, 1841. 16 Draicn 12 allots. MAGNIFICENT SCHEME. ONE GRAND CAPITAL lp'The Baltimore Sun says that immediately on the announcement of the veto message, in the Senate, precisely at 12, the roar of cannoo started every one from their place. ItZF" David R. Cockran has been electrd Clerk of the County Court of Montgomery county, over Jas. McRae; and C. W. Wooley, over Mr. Martin, who has been Clerk for 20 year3, of the Superior Court. Great loss of Human Life. . The Steamboat Er e, left the city of EufTalo, New York, on Monday the 9ih inst. in the afternoon. A number of paintms, with theu materials, were on board. About 8 o'clock the same evening, h -n about 40 miles from Buffalo, and 6 miles from land, a demjon of varnish belonging to one of the pain ters, and which was setting near, the boiler, burst, from the heat, 9"'Ijlliatpiy a sheet of fire w?:s the dec-kr There5were supposed to he upwards of 2 0 pus;ngers, many'iijCMboiii wi re German immigran's, go n west. ThefSteaniboat De Witt Clinton came to the re-cue, and siiv27 only; 200 supposed to bo lost. The city cf Bufil is wrapt in gloom. The paprrs give extended ac counts, but the above wc deem suffice nt. Gen. Harrison's opinions upou the consti tutionality of a X ational LJank and the doc trine of Repeal. Upon examining Harrison's opinions, as we give them below, published in the Madisouimi, a whig paper, it segins, that he was clearly against the cons: itutiontlity cf a National Bank: and further, thut ha was or e of the fathers of the doctrine of Repeal. On this latter question, the right of repeal, it sems he took an early stand; for when a member of Congress, in 1319, his vote was in favor of repealing the charter. Mr A1U n, of Ohio, in his late Bank speech in the Senate, quotes the journals of Congress to prove it. Here is the ex tract from the journal, at page 3CS, as follows; "The question was then taken, to concur with the committee of the whole in their dfs ageeemeiil to the resolution submitted by Mr Johnson, of Ya., in the following words,to wit: "Resolved, That the Committee "on the Ju diciary be instructed to report a bill to reteal the act entitled 'An act to incorporate the sub scribers to the Dank of the United States,' approved April 10, 1S16." Among the nays is Har rison. From tho Madicnian. He who has perused the history of Mr Ty ler's past opinions in relation to a National Bank, which has occupied several preced ing numbers Nof our paper, will have formed by this time, doubtless, an opinion as to the possibility of his approving, at thfs period of his lite?, such a bill as is now before him. There will be time enough for us to allude more particularly hereafter, both to the bill and to the views of the President. But reference being frequently made to the opinions of Gen. Harrison on this? subject, it is' due to our readers, and to his memory, that the principles of that lamented patriot should be fairly represented. and disbursement of the revenue would terially suffer without one, and there were,uq equivocal manifestations of publkx opiniojff its favor. 1 think, nowever, ine ejpc..u-T should be fairly tried, to ascertain whether me financial operations of the Uovernmem . not be as well carried on without the aid of a National Bank. If it s not necessary rQ. that purpose, it does not appear to me that .:..: ii.,.v ,,,wl Thp.re One Call UtS COUSliluuuuaiijr (.uuuciciii is no constiuction which f can give the Con stitution 'hich would authorize it, on the ground of affording facilities to commerce. The measure, if adopted, must have for its 4 object the carrying into effect (facilitating at least the exercise of ) some oncrof the pow ers positively granted to the General Govern- ; ment." In his'spcech before the great Convention at Dayton, Ohio, on the-lUth of September, 1840, (his latest expression ou tne' suijci; Gen. Harrison said: 'My opinion of the power of Congress to charter a National Bank remains unchanged. There, is not in the Constitution any express grant of power for such purpose, and it could never be constitutional to exercise that power save in the event the powers granted to Con gress could not be carried iuto effect without resorting to such an institution. Applause." " I am not a Bank man. "Once in my life I was, and then lhey cheated me out of every dollar I placed in their hands; shouts of laughter ; and I shall never indulge in this way again. - Hear him. TflE WORST PARTY THAT EVER EXIS TED IN AKY COUNTRY. It is well known that Mr Mallory, cf Virginia, is one of the most respectable and zealous whigs in Congress. We extract from the proceedings of the House, as reported in the National Intel 'igrncer, of the 12ih inst , the following remarks of that gentle man; w hich substantiate the complaints of the dem ocratic party, and the well giounded a prehensions of every patriot bosom, that if the federal party iong retain ihtir ill gotten power, (we say ill gotten, be cause they got into power by trick, concealment, bribery and hard cider,) there will be an end to lib er'' of speech, and of the press, in this country. Let any honest whin who loves his country, read this, and compare it with Clay's tyrannicjdTcourse in the Senate the suppreswSnoYfiFLHcb:jte in the House Webster's sf circular Crittenden's ee- troa-ag1Trajiii(ne appalling measures, Bank, piitmc debt distribution and taxe?, which the p-e-sent Conaress is forcing upon the people, and we hiiate not to say, he will condemn as pnFterily must condemn, the jeign oFfederalism'to everlat-t'ng infamy. The ficts are indisputable; here we have the highest whig authority, besides the proceedings of Congress to vouch for the truth. All honest inen, !C30blt. Mr P. J. Carpenter, from Montgom ery, Alabama, died in WTi!mingfon, N. C, on the i r u : . i" i i c . i i . julii mot. vi nciiiurniage oi ine lungs, tie was a schoolmaster, and a native of Vermont. in exchanges amounted tn h,,.,j., - I tvt ' . . ..i j i , - , . f " wt uu I mo court Ul IU3IIVC ITUUiU vji euuiu MUV.UUU DUnarM nillin. C ' i. i. I . ... - .. . . .... : V1 wvHuro, .inciuarng - u i thm, without reversing all that is established . PRIZE l 4 , o 10 10 50 50 50 100 100 170 c u tt ti ( c (S ti tt tt tt ft ti tt tt tt tt tt nt ' $50,000 30,000 25,000 10,000 8,000 7,000 6,000 - . 5,000 4,000 2,500 2,311 2,000 1,750 1,500 1,250 1,000 - 500 400 300 250 200 16 Drawn Numbers out of 78. Tickets S20 Halves Sl-Q-nt's $5-Eighths 2 SO. Ceitificatesof packages of 26 whole tickets $260 Do do 26 Half do 130 Do do 26 durt'r do 65 Do do 26 Eighths do 32 50 SCp'Orders for tickets and shares and certificates of packages in the above splendid schemes will re ceive the most prompt attention, and the drawing of each lottery will be sent immediately after it is over, to all who order from us, Address J. G. GREGORY, & CO. Managers. Richmond, Va. ICJThe Cheraw Gazette mentions peaches nine and a half inches in circumference. We are glad to hear of such fruit it speaks well for the people. Xjightning. As many cases of the effects of lightning have been recorded in the papers of late, we are inclined to notice a case which happened in the vicinity of this town, a few weeks ago. A p'me tree was struck, and the fluid appears to have forked off into several directions; the main branch, however, entered a cornfield, leavin gits track in the shape of the recent furrow of a plough, and finally entered the gwund, making a hole about six inches in diameter. A rod forty feet long has been put down without finding any bottom, and ev ery other means has failed to reveal where the fluid may have escaped or found a stopping place. Perfect Yankee. A young man from " down east," a few mornings ago, stepped up' to some gentlemen at the Hotel, and asked for 25 cts. to get a breakfast. Some one of them asked if he had not better go to work. He said he was willing to work if he could find any to do. They then told him they would give him " one dollar and a good dinner" if he would carry a brick bat back and forth, the space of 40 yards all day. He closed the bargain and commenced the opera tion. In a few, hours a crowd began to gather Some one offered him seventy-five cents to slop; He threw down the brick took the money got his brick and commenced again, saying he must finish the contract. 'The crowd, however, beginning to get inconveniently large, they paid him tight dollars to stop. KEEP THE BALL AGOINGNEVER TIRE It is announced in the Globe that a meeting has been called at Centreville, Md., by respectable Cit izens ot both parties for the purpose of considerin measures to prevent the use of money and treating in procuring votes at election?. The thing is now fairly started, and may it never when that is the case, of both parties, will be brought to think alike. The federal party cannot rule a free country ; they borrow a!I their model from England. England! where, as Hamilton paM to Jefferson, th; great : gent of vitality in the gov ernment is corruption the power of money ojfiee and patronage to carry the elections. Mr Mallory rose and said he had received, and asked permission to present to the House, a copy of the proceedings of a public meeting held in the town of Poitsmouth, Ya., in oppo sition to the distribution of the proceeds ol the sales of the public lands and the Bank of the United States, and instructing hvn. so far as the voters thero assembled hud the power to do so, to vote against these measures. The attitude in which I stand (sid Mr M.) to wards the majority on this floor, and towards a large and respectable portion of my friends at home, who are adverse to the course I have pursued, made me desirous of expressing my views on these great and importaut questions. It was in vain, however, that 1 have repeated ly attempted to obtain the floor, and, in conse quence of the arbitrary rules fastened on us by you, Mr Speaker, and your associates, I have been compelled to vote on measures deeply affecting the interests of my constituents with out the privilege of uttering a word in explana tion of my views or iu justification of my conduct. Several members here rose, and objected to Mr M.'s proceeding. Mr M. Sir, I pronounce the course of the majority in this Hall tyrannical and oppres sive beyond all endurance: worse, indeed. In his letter to the Cincinnati Enquirer, than the acts of the worst partu that ever ex- dated Sept. 16, 1S22, he said: listed in any country professing to be free. " I deem myself a republican of what is juries of order.! called the old Jeffersonian school, and believe Mr M. We are no longer a deliberative n the correctness of that interpretation of the body, Mr Speaker. "Cries of order, order.! Constitution which has been given by the Freedom of speech, so dear to a freeman writings of that enlightened statesman, who was at the head of the party, and others be longing to it, particularly the celebrated re solutions of the Virginia Legislature during the Presidency of Mr Adams. I deny, therefore, to the General Govern ment, the exercise of any power but what i expressly given to it by the Constitution, or so essential to the preservation of our riohts and our liberties, and to the maintenance of a just responsibility on our part is gone. The Sneaker called Mr M. to nrrlor. Mr M. Well, sir, if I cannot now proceed I will, on the first occasion, denounce the ty ranny and oppression of this House. I will resist it to the last, let the consequences be what is essentially necessary to carrv the pow- what they mav : and to those who obioct to ers expressly given into effect. my proceeding, I have only to say that I will "1 believe that the charter civen to the object to anv motion, petition or resolution. Bank of the United States, was unconstitu- from now till the end of the session, which is tional it being not one of those measures not strictly in order. I will finish my speech iccooair ij ictuy uuy oi me expressly gran- yei, or i am greatly deceived, ted powers into effect ; and whilst my votes Here is a t louse, that voted, in the beinnin2 of Congress will show that 1 icill take any constitutional means to REVOKE THE CHARTER, my votes in the State Legisla ture will equally show that I am opposed to those which are unconstitutional or violent, and which will bring us into collision with the General Government. In his letter to Sherrod Williams in 1836. Gen. Harrison said : "I have before me a newsDaDer. in which I am designated by its distinguished editor as , " the Bank and Federal candidate." I i ... miriK u would puzzle the writer to adduce any act .of my life which warrants him in identi fying me with the interests of the first, or the politics of the latter." "The journals of the second session of the ldth, and those of the 14th Congress, will show that my votes are recorded against them the Banks upon every question in which uieir i merest was involved." l The question, then, for whether, under the circumstance you state, if iuu w uie ouice oi jrresident, 1 would sign uu aci io cuaner another iJank. I nngW x would, if it were clearly ascertained that'the public interest in relation to the collection the Extra Session, to receive abolition petitions, and are now rejecting the remonstrances and comn'aints of the people, (their lawful masters and principals,) against odious and pernicious public measures, wtucn it t eems.lheir federal servants claim the ri. hr. to force doicn their masters' throat. ICJ A young lady in New York, said to beverr beaut.ful, and called the "pretty cigar girl," from the fact that she tended acigarsto"re,has been mur dered, and no clue can be found to CTTe oemctrator. A hundred tales of course are scattered from m. ny mouths, but nothing definite can be obtained. Hername was Mary C. Rogers, and she was be- irotnea to a jung man by the nam fP,r, The circumstance seems to be good employ ment for the newspapers, from which we should infer that considerable excitement existed. When we hear who the murderer is, we will let you know. Failures of the Mails. Wo peiceive that the National Intelligencer ha?, of late, apparently been at great pains tolnform the public, that the recent failures of the mails havo been "from causes beyond the control of the Department." Now we ask, in the name of fairness and justi nee.

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