Newspapers / The North Carolinian (Wilson, … / July 22, 1848, edition 1 / Page 2
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WISHES " NOIHtTM DAM)IiffNIAK ed. Nothing could have been wiser and more consistent with the principles of the framers of the Constitution. The United States are sovereign States, and the Con stitution is a compact of sovereign States ; and inasmuch as Congress could not confer sovereignty upon a Territory, it was left to the people of the Territory tp assert their own sovereignty, and then, as sovereign, come into the tederal Union. They wise ly concluded that an act of Congress de claring a Territory a sovereign State would in fact invest it.with no attribute of sover eignty : but that the people of theTerrito ry, at a proper time, being the only source ot sovereignty, could make the declaration for themselves. Accordingly, whenever a State has been admitted into the Union, it . has been after their constitution has been adopted and their sovereignty announced ; and then, as oneofourglorious sisteriiood, she has been welcomed amongst us. lhis power was withheld from Congress, and left with the people. Norig the Constitu tion silent as to the time when this event shall take place. The indications in the Constitution are so clearly marked, Mr Chairman, as to leave no room for conjec ture. In the second section of the first ar ticle it is provided that there shall be an apportionment of representation to popula tion, and that each state shall have at least one representative. It was distinctly fore seen that Kentucky, Tennessee, and the great Northwestern Territory was soon to be filled with inhabitants soon to demand admission into the Confederation ; and with the forecast which marked all their acts, it was fixed when such a demand might be made, and when it would be the duty of Congress to meet it and to comply. The Constitution was made with refer ence to the extension of our institutions, .and the increase in the number of the States. When, therefore, the minority of the. territory shall have ceased when the residents, who have made their homes upon the public domain, now transferred bysale to the occupants thereof, shall have amounted to a sufficient number to give them a right to claim a representation on this floor then they have reached a posi tion in their existence on which to assert their sovereignty, by adopting fundamental law for themselves, fixing their own do mestic policy, admittingor excluding slave ry and doing any other thing which is not inconsistent with republican government. When this constitution is adopted, they have, aright to ask, and Congress is bound to admit, the sovereign State into the Con federacy. It cannot be gravely asserted that the sovereignty accrues to the State by the acknowledgment or expression of consent on the part ot Congress. As well might the independence of a Government be assertained by its recognition by other Governments. Independence must exist before it is recognized, and sovereignty must spring from its proper source, the action of the people, and its acknowledg ment by Congress admits Us previous ex istence. ("See note C. When the people ot a lerntory grow muler'the Constitution, and shall ubolis or establish slavery in their constitution, no one has a right to question th:ir authori ty so to do. 1 do not invoke the authority d Congress to protect slaves as property in the Territories. I ask for no legisla tion upon the subject. They are already re coguized as property by the Constitution and laws, and the courts afford ample, pro tection to the rights of property. Legal rights must of necessity be decided by the courts. A mere territorial government, owing its existence to an act of Con gress, subjecting its laws to the veto of Congress, and leaning for the expenses of its administration upon Congress, can sure ly lay no claim to the attributes of sover eignty. The Constitution and laws which bind Congress bind them, and they can neither create nor destroy institutions re cognized and guarantied by that Constitu tion. If I am asked why" any particular point of time should be denoted as that in which a Territory may acquire and assert the sovereignty of a State, I reply, that the reason is the same as that which con fers the right of self-direction and self-control upon an individual who has reached the age of twenty-one years. A time must be designated, and that decision must be the result of prudence and sound reason. The object of our system is to extend re publican institutions; and when a territory shall have passed the years of its minority, and acquired a population sufficiently nu merous to entitle it to a representative oa this floor, it has all the elements of sover eignty, and can perfect it by the proper combination and concentration of these elements. But this question is presented in a most practical anil important aspect when we consider the results of the Mexican war. New Mexico and California are integral portions of our territory by the treaty of peace, which we have reason to believe has been ratified between the countries. They will require a territorial organization at our hands, and we are already told bv a gen tleman from New York, Mr Murphy, that inasmuch as the laws of those provinces already forbid slavery, it cannot exist within their limits without legislative en actments. To sustain this position, he has referred to the opinion of Lord Mansfield in the case of Campbell against Hall, (l Cowper's Reports, where Lord Mansfield lays down the doctrine that the laws of a conquered country continue in force until th&y are altered by the conqueror; a doc trine which, if taken in its full extent, seems subversive of all the received prin ciples of the law of conquest, and which, however applicable to the English Govern ment, is totally repugnant to our our insti tutions and our fundamental law. There can be no civil dominion over any territory ot the United States, which is not founded upon the Constitution. From this source it must emanate, and as soon as either by treaty or by the sword a territory is incor porated within the limits of the U. States je Constitution immediately attaches to it J is operative upon it, and whatever is repugnant to, or subversive of, its provi- ni sions must fall before its power. mis must be manifest; for, if otherwise, we hlUhprf religion in those provinces, against the express provisions ot tho PnniiWnt'inn. find the SCCUritV of per- sons and of property- might be utterly lost against all the guarantees provided for their protection. The conquered nation would give law to their conquerors, and the re sult ot victory would be the subjection ot the victors. m u Gentlemen sometimes appear astonished that this subject excites so much wret with the Representatives ot the southern States. I think that tins surprise will cease when they are advised that in all the phases of this matter, as presented in the shape of alternatives, the South must be loser and cannot gaim If the Missouri compromise extended to the Pacific pre vails, (and to this we consent J the slave holding States surrender much, and get nothing in return. If the Wilmot Proviso is adopted, all is lost to those States, and all the territories of the United States are monopolized by the citizens of fifteen States to the exclusion of the other fifteen. Should it be determined that as soon as a territorial government is formed, the people of the territory can settle this question legisla tively, the same result will most probably follow, inasmuch as emigration is much greater from the free States than from the others. And lastly, should the doctrine that the laws ot the portion of Mexico ced ed to us by the treaty are in l'rce until re Power, all that the citizens slaves as to recognize pealed by the conquering territory is forever closed of those Stales which piupi-ny. The whole of the difficulty in this vexed question seems to me to be the result of a doubt which has arisen whether slaves be property under the Constitution. In these days of progress, it seems to have been dis covered that they are not to be so regarded, and a philanthropic crusade is set on foot to prevent what is deemed the extension of mm . I ' m i a srreat evil. So tar as this government is concerned, sir, it is a dry matter of law, and not a subject of transcendental rodo montade. Gentlemen may indulge in the recreation of philanthropic declamation, either for their own or the edification of others. But. surely, ascertained and guarantied rights are not to be hazarded or questioned upon any such pretence. I arraign no man's motives lor nis opinions on the abstract question of slavery ; it is sufficient for me that 1 am satisneu witn an institution which existed in my State before my birth, and will continue long after my death an institution the practical evils of which I have not been able to discern, to which I refer much of the peculiar ex cellence of our institutions, and the ab sence of which would at once determine me in the choice of a residence. I have never lived, and never expect to live, in any portion of the United States where this in stitution does not exist. Such, sir, are my opinions. It may be science ; but I have said thus much be cause I think all rant and declamation on the general subject of slavery out of place in this discussion. Slaves were regarded as property at the formation of this Govern ment, and have been so regarded by Con gress whenever it was necessary to raise money by a direct tax. Even Mr Justice McLean, whose authority has been invok ed to prove that they are not property, be longed to the Congress which passed the direct-tax law immediately at or about the close of the late war with Great Britain. I presume he voted for that law, as there is no evidence to the contrary. Slaves are therein declared to be property, ordered to be treated as much, taxed as such, and the tax declared to be a lien on the slave until paid. The marshal was authorized to sell and convey the slave under a sale for taxes. Slaves are now and ever have been sold by the marshal under executions attheinstance of the United States, and no one has ques tioned the title thus acquired by the purch aser. Whence, then, can the power arise, by which Congress may forbid the settle ment of any of the citizens of the United States on our common inheritance with that which is recognized as property ? With what show of justice can discrim inations be made in favor of one species of property and against another ? or how can a right which looks for its origin to the ex ercise of State sovereignty, unimpaired by surrender to the General Government, be brought under the control of Congress ? Sir, it is a most serious, a most responsible undertaking, to determine that any portion of our fellow-citizens are to be excluded from the inheritance of their fathers. You ask much, indeed, from us, when you re quire us to consent to sec our children dis inherited to register our approbation ot the decree which illegitimates them as American citizens: Much more is asked than will ever be granted. If this reproach is to be upon us. it must never be by our own consent. The broad lands won by our fathers of right belong to us all. The blood which flowed upon tne plains of every battlefield from Saratoga to Camden, came from the wounds of patriots who, from the North and south, buckled on their armor to do battle for liberty whose.bold and manly hearts were never under the in fluence of unpatriotic feelings who sought no local or sectional advantages, but re garded aU this broad land as a common treasure to enrich themselves and their pos terity, Happily for them, the delusion (it one) lasted long enough to save their hon ored faces from a blush at our degeneracy. Happy was his lot, who slept on the field of his glory ; thrice happy those who saw m the distance their country's prosperity, and left the world before dissensions and distrust threatened to bring distress where they looked for happiness, and dishonor where they looked for glory. Let it not be reserved for us, now that the family of States has increased from thirteen to thirty when Heaven has rained prosperity upon us in golden showers when the eyes of a world struggling for their rights are turned to us with agonizing anxiety when, the .r....1nrd and our nnwpr consummation oi uui . r- . - as a people can scarcely be conceived by the most vivid imagination when the obe dient lightning coursing along on the wires of communication will ere long place our kindred on thcPacinc ana Atlantic snores rgain in the family circle, and carry in a moment to the tale of joy or of sorrow oyer rivers, and forests and prairies, and plains when distance shall no longer forbid as- sociation, and light and knowledge snail make their aggressive advances on darkness and barbarism when the resources of our territories, developed under the creative energies of our vonderful people, shall, year after year, greet us with the organiza tion of a new State, the introduction of a new sister into the family, bright with all the paraphernalia of virgin sovereignty. Let it not, sir, be reserved for us, in an unworthy strugglefor political ascendancy, or more unworthy grasping for exclusive privileges, founded on sectional claims, to create and awaken the elements of a storm, which shall sweep over our bright and hap py country, like the angel of destruction, leaving nothing but the wreck of liberty and the ruin of social institutions ; which shall show to the world the tomb of liberty, the fragments of its temples ; where the friends of our race shall weep, and the ene mies of human advancement shall rejoice. Mr Chairman, I present to the committee the resolution of the Baltimore Convention which denounces, in the strongest terms, the interference of Congress with the insti tution of slavery, or even the taking of in cipient steps thereto. I offer to our north ern and western brethren the Missouri compromise, onerous and exacting as it is "upon the South, extending its provisions to the Pacific, including the fiue soil, the mag- nificient harbors, and all the local advan tages which nature has appropriated to these geographical limits. I admit the right of the inhabitants, of the Territories to make their own municipal institutions, whenever they shall reach that amount of population which shall entitle them to re presentation on this floor. I shall welcome them whether forbidding or recognizing slavery, into the Union. Iam contented to leave the question in the Territories up .to that time; to the learning and the purity of our courts. But I protest against the right of a few habitans ota territory to ex clude the citizens of fifteen States of this Union from the occupancy v of the common public domain. I protest against the au thority of a law which they may enact which shall override the Constitution, and leave us but the empty name of protection by appeal- I am w illing to leave the question whether the laws ot conquereu ixew .Mexi co and California shall control us, to the courts. I invoke no legislation on the part of Congress, to protect, to extend, or to limit slavery. But, sir, we meet with embarrassments on this subject which are exceedingly an noying. We find southern statesmen, surrendering this great constitutional ques- gress to legislate authoritatively and with our limit upon'the admission ot slavery into the Territories. We find among ourselves those who give up the last hopes of the south, and surrender the citadel to the beseigers. Precedent is invoked to estab- lands red with the blood our bravest & our best, and turn them and their property away. The may say, it is a good land in deed, and won with your blood ibiit there is a dispensation which gives it to us, who have no kindred ieenngs, no sympainj nu you. ' Our children have Deencast out, and the stranger is admitted. Sir, I hail the emigrant to our shores. May our boundless and uncultivated domain yield them abundance our institutions liberty. Let their tears of sorrow be dried, and the gaunt genius of famine forever depart from them. APPENDIX. . . Note A. The proposition that Congress has unlimited power orer the territories, has been broadly asserted by the gentleman from Indiana Mr Pettit who, in reply to a question propounded to him by myself, whilst discussing . . .ln,,,. th.t f.tmcmsta Vi.irl a risrht in the ter ritories, to establish a hereditary monarchy, an establish ed religion, titles of noblity, and even to seU the inhabit ants into slavery ; and that there was no limit but tne will of the national Legislature in the premises. The most obvious and ample refutation of such a doctrine is to be Ci-m e in i 4 a mnnif.rnii TVfmltjl. Note B. In the ase of Loughborough vs. Blake. 5 Wheaton, 317, Chief Justice MarshaU decides that the words of the constitution, directing taxes, imposts, and excises to be uniform throughout the United States, m .inii in i forms " United States." all the States and territories of the United States. This case very clearly sustains my argument and enforces my conclusion. If the territories are out of the United States, and not protected or governed by our fundamental law, then the inhabitants are aliens ana not citizens, iiirauviuucijs6i.i"; Mnfi. r. Th f asr of Missouri affords a striking illus tration : Missouri adopted her constitution in 1820. and continued a sovereign State, governed by her ow laws, and was admitted into the Union by proclamation in xoji, attar mniviniT -with an offer, made bv resolution, on the part of the government of the United States, and accepted vy me legislature ui iviiaauun. m x rf . lish the right to disinherit us. The evil not only of being disinherited, but the pen alty of crime, the forfeiture of felony, is fixed upon us, and we are required, as sup pliants, to ask that as mercy which we should claim as a right. A distinguished Senator of my own State, QMx Badger, a gentleman of high attainments and extended reputation, in a recent speech on the Oregon bill, admitted the right of Congress to legislate for the exclusion of slavery in the territories, but placed the south upon the principle of ex pediency, and the sense of justice of -the Federal Legislature.- Gracious Heaven I are we reduced to this ? Is our only, our last hope, the verdict of a jury whose in terest, whose feelings, and whose organiza tion fix that verdict against us ? Can any man close his eyes to the fact that the pro gress both of opinion and of power is against the south ? Every concession was made to southern interests even the slave trade was legalized and protected by the Consti tution when the power and interest of the south were indispensable; and nevecuntil the Missouri question arose was the power of Congress on this subject regarded as a matter of much moment. But the scene is changed. The' rich, the lovely lands ceded by Virginia, the great mother of commonwealths, have been organized into States, and she stands overshadowed, her broad disk diminishing, and, unlike the setting sun, does not even retain her rela tive sizfe, to compensate for the loss of the influence of her noonday splendor. The lion's share of the territory has been already awarded to the States whose muni cipal law does not recognize slavery. And are we left to the mere refuge of expediency, in this effort to secure our rights? And do southern statesmen sound the first note of retreat ? Does the flag fall first in their hands ? Are we to look, as our last resort, to Congress, with no safeguard but expedi ency ? Already has a Senator f.Mr Nues announced that this is a question of power, and of power only. The horse-leech, and the grave may say, Enough ; but the lust of power can never be satisfied. Gaining strength, and . increasing in-influence, it will never concede the advantages attain ed, nor moderate its demands for those in prospect. And Southern statesmen yield the question ! The best blood of the south has flowed like water. Side by side have they fallen, in the fiercest of the battle, with the soldiers of every State in the Union. And before the requiem is chanted over the clod which covers them, their fath ers and brothers and children are told the prize is not for you ; the soldier's lands cannot be inhabited by his relatives and friends, because the domestic institutions of their States differ from those who control a majority of votes in Congress. The emi grant from every portion of the world the convicts, the paupers, the loafers, and the felons otall Europe may come upon the Later From Europe fi-htine continued the whole of Sunday, j conquered, are by no means subdued; and U,1V". . . ...... -11.. ,f is tint imnrnhohlp hnr that U From the Journal of Commerce. HIGHLY IMPORTANT. Four days Jig filing in Paris The Arch Bishop murdered and 14 general offi cers, 6 deputies, and 25,000 men killed and wounded the Re public triumphant. The steamer Niagara arrived at Boston on the 13th July, about 7 o'clock. One of the bloodiest dramas which the history of France has ever had to record, has been enacted in the streets of Paris. After four days and nights of incessant fisrhtinjr, the insurgents were utterly van quished, with an estimated loss of 10,000- killed and 2,000 wounded. The rebellion appears to have been com menced by a deputation of ouvriers, w ho waited upon M. Marc at the Luxembourg He listened to their grievances; and ob serving. that'their spokesman had been ac tive in the affair of the 15th of May, said to the men: Yon are . not the. slaves", of this man; you can state your own griev ances." This expression was distorted among the workmen, that M. Marc had called them slaves; and it seems to have been the signal for the conspirators who vast movement to corn- had organized a inence their operations. were raised, and the troops and the nation al guards called out. On Friday the 23d, the insurgents possessed themselves of all that portion of the right bank of the river Seine, stretching from the Faubourg St. Antoine to 'the river, whilst on the left bank they occupied all that portion called the Cite, the Faubourg St. Marcel. St. Victor, and the lower quarter of St. Jac ques. The city of Paris stands in the valley of the river Seine, in such wise that whilst the most central part of the city occupies the islands and the strand of the river, the streets which diverge at right angels from, this point rise by a somewhat rapid ascent to the high ground on each side of the val ley. The centre of the insurrection was established on the low ground by the river, ts wings rested on the opposite heights. By these extensive lines of operations, the insurgents occupied a vast portion of the most defensible part of the city, and ac tually threatened the Hotel de Ville; which, if they had succeeded in taking, might have secured the first victory, on their side. On Friday there were partial conflicts, but the insurgents seemed to be occupied more at fortifying their positions than in actual- I v fio-Vifirur. 'J " with a fearful loss ot lite, especially to me national guard. , . - ,. On ' Monday, tne reinforcements uei, Liamoriciere had received from CaYaignac, enabled him to hem in the insurgents in the eastern part ot tne city: and aitnougn reduced to extremities, they still Fought A with incredible valor. It was thought on Monday morning early that they would surrender; but again the hope thus held out of the termination of the insurrection was not immediately realized. At half past 10 the fighting was resumed, and it was only after a frightful struggle of about two more hours that the government troops everywhere prevailed, and the part of the insurrection being broken, the insurgents were either shot, taken prisoners, or fled into the country in the direction towards Vincennes. The eastern quarters, com prising the Faubourgs St. Antonie, du Temple, Meuilmontant, and Pepin Court, were the last subdued. The last band took refuge in the celebrated cemetery of Pere la Chaise, but the Guard Mobile hunted them even from this sanctuary, and they were slaughtered in the neighboring fields. On Tuesday the insurrection was defi nitely Quelled. The loss of life has been terrific no fewer than 14 general officers has been put hots-du combat a greater loss than in the most splendid engage ments of Napoleon. Four or five mem bers of the National Assembly are amongst the killed and as many more wounded. But the most touching death is that of the Archbishop of Paris. The venerable pre late on Sunday volunteered to go to the insni o-ents as a messenger of peace. Gen. Cavaignac said that such a step was full of danger, but this Christian pastor persisted He advanced, attended by his two vicars, towards the barricades, with an olive branch borne before him, when he was ruthlessly shot in the groin, and fell mor tally wounded. The venerable patient was ordered by the insurgents to the near est hospital in St. Antonie, where he re ceived the last sacraments, languished, and has since died. The number of prisoners captured of the insurgents exceeds 5,000. All ot tne prisons are filled, as well as the dungeons and vaults of the Tuilleries, the Louvre, Palais Royal, the Chamber of Deputies, and the Hotel de Ville. A military com mission has already been appointed to trv such as were lounu wim anus in ineir hands and' they-will probably be deported to the Marquesas islands, or some trans atlantic "French colony. A decree has been proposed with that object. We have not space to recount the many acts of in dividual heroism. Many soldiers exhibit ed sublime courage. On the other hand, the savage cruelty with which the insur gents waged war almost exceeds belief. They tortured some of their own prisoners, cutoff their hands and feet, anil inflicted barbarities worthy of savages. The women were hired to poison the wine sold to the soldiers, who drank it, reeled and died. believed irenci-nlly, that if the insurgents had succeeded in following up their most admirably conducted plan of operations, and having advanced their line On Thursday Qi9t Vfui i ltxilca f ! .Mmo tv Lie it is not improbable but that they may at tempt to renew me suuggie. At present however, ther confine their attempts to poisoning and secret murders. The estimates of killed and wounded vary materially.;: Some accounts give 35,000 as the total on both sides; whilst others give only 10,000. The disturbances which broke out in Marseilles on the 22d ult, have been quel led. The departments of France several, ly are tranquil. From the Raleigh Standard. LOOK AT THE CONTRAST! In 1844 Mr Manly run for the Senate in this county, and though backed by all the whig wealth and aristocracy of Raleigh, he was beaten badly. He was " weighed in the balance and found wanting " by hi own neighbors here in Wake county, who, though they thought well enough of him personally, could not and would not endorse his federal principles. He never held an office at the hands of the people in his life; but he has been literally shingled over with offices from corporations and under delegated power. At die time he was nominated tor Governor he held the following offices, or most of, them: Secre tary to the University, County Attorney for Chatham. Bank Attorney, Attorney for the Literary Board, Attorney for the Mutual Insurance Company, member of the Lite rary Board, and Clerk to the House of Commons. Whom the people reject the federal leaders reward. Now look at Col. Reid. A self-made man one of the people, the people have always honored him and confided in him. He has served them repeatedly in the Le gislature and in Congress; and as an evi dence of his great popularity where he h personally known, we may state that he got for Congress in 1845, in the counties of Ashe, Wilkes, Surry, Stokes, Rockingham, and Caswell, nearly 400 votes more than Mr Polk received in 1844. He will beat Mr Manly at least one thousand votes in his old Congressional uistrict. Sign in the West Strong for Cais and Butler. In Illinois the democratic party have their ticket of candidates for all the State offices ready for the polls The whig party had their candidates for gov ernor, &c. , also announced; and.the pros pect was pretty fair for a decent contest, in which the democratic majority would have been reduced, perhaps, to 15,000. On the announcement of the Taylor nomina tion, the whigs prudently withdrew their candidates, and left the track, open, so as not to show to the world too soon the 20, 000 majority which Illinois will give for Cass and Butler. regular as formidable as have constructed them ing them occuriied the one to another. engineers could The houses cover- in cans of passing When these facts On Saturday; the 24th, the National As- 1- 1 .1 1 I 'A- If' . sitiu.jr w.uv, Usui in jc. luauinLc, dou ; 0u t tne line was immensely stron- The Pans was placed in a state of seige. The ! barricades in mlvanrp f tut to Cavaignac, and at half-past 10 the mem bers of the executive government resigned. They declared that they should have been wanting in their duty and honor had they withdrawn on account of sedition or a pub lic peril; they only withdrew before a vote of the Assembly. Reports poured in every hour to the Assembly, and as the intelli gence arrived of the slaughter of the na tional guard, and the fall of one general after another, who was killed or wounded by the insurgents, the sensation became deep and alarming. On Saturday night, at 8 o'clock, the capital was in an awful state. Fighting continued with unabated fury. Large masses of troops poured in from all the neighboring departments; but still, the in surgents having rendered their position al most impregnable, resisted, more .or less effectually, all the forces which could be brought against them. The red flag the banner of the republique democratigue et sociale was hoisted. - - On Sunday morning, at the meeting of the National Assembly, the President an nounced that the government forces had completely succeeded in suppressing the insurrection on the left bank of the river after a frightful sacrifice of human life, and that Gen. Cavaignac had given the insur gents on the right bank till 10 o'clock to surrender, when, if they did not lay down their arms, he would storm their entrench ment in the Faubourg St. Antoine, where they were now driyen, and put the whole to the sword. The heaviest artillery had been brought to bear upon them, and little doubt could be entertained that the insur rection could be put down. The hope held out of the termination of the insurrec tion was not, however, realized. The from snail be taken into consideration, there will not be so much surprise at the offen sive and defensive -efforts of the rebels; who, though comparatively few in number, were intimately acquainted with the ground, strongly fortified, and supported by the sympathies and the positive co operation of the whole population of the continuous line of towns' that borders the boulevards. The Constitutionoel states that amonn the mass of papers found in the lodgings of Lieut. De Flotte, were discoveredseveral letters from Lamartine, together with a passport signed by. him, and another by Louis Blanc. Ordersbave, it is said, been given for the arrest of Lamartine, Ledru Rollm, Louis Blanc, Caussidiere, and La Grange. The latest advices disclose some friht ful scenes of large bodies of prisoners bein shot in various attempts to escape. The National Assembly seem wound up to a high state of excitement. 100,000 insurgents were on the one side, and 250,000 troops and national guards on the other. All the anarchist journals are suppressed. The rallying sign of the insurgents was a small ot?r,wand that each ol them kept concealed in his sleeve. Those borne by the chiefs were forked at the end. Evi dence has been obtained that besides their general plan of operation, the insurgents had a revolutionary government organized- Assassinations take place in great num bers in the quarters where the discontented population reside, and generally at niht in the streets. The Insurgents, although t-inoi. nita vii tuu!I" mi or sun- portmgany candidates but Cass and Butler. Washington Union. We notice that the Florida Sentinel a whig paper, at Tallahassee, Florida con tains an extract from a letter written from this city to a northern whig paper, stating that, at the dinner given to Senator Crit tenden, Mr YVestcotr, of Florida, avowed his preference for General Taylor as dent. We are authorized by Mr Westcott to State, that, sinrp ih nnminilimi K,ril, - - . 7 . . i t. in i i !. v I i' II W J I I 1 nnl nnscuccarl 4hamcn Uiac f TT.T -I L fi-W! . - ....v.1 vo,. uuici uif jjuiuuiure convention, he has not entertain Ville, and followed up their attacks along ed the slightest idea of votin"- for or sun me two oanKS or the river, that. the whole city would have, been given up to pillage. Indeed, the words pillage and rape are said to have been inscribed on one of their banners. . Not less than 30,000 stand of arms have been seized and captured in the Faubourg St. Antonie alone. Every species of artifice was employed to convey ammunition. The pails of the milk-women, the couches of the wounded, and even the coffins of the dead, were found filled with gunpowder . and cartouches. Large sums of money in gold and notes were discovered on the persons of men ap parently in extreme poverty, and of voun" child ren. The women of Paris took a most active part in tlve struggle. They conveyed orders and signals through the hottest fire They carried oft' the wound ed; some of them perished in the barri cades, or fired from the houses on the sol diers; whilst some are even reported to have inflicted the most refined barbarities upon their wretched fellow citizens who had fallen prisoners into their hands. Phe position of the insurgents throuh- Robert Carter Nicholas, Esq. This gentleman, late senator from St. James, whose defection from the democratic ranks, and in favor of General Taylor, excited' some sensation in the political circles whose name, too, appears in the list of Taylor electors- has written a letter in which he recedes from his position in favor of the Taylor ticket. Mr Nicholas's letter will, we presume, appear in a ftw days. He is the same gentleman who nro- yyj.y. IVnUHHIUIIS I II OUT State 4t, nominating General presidency. A7. O. Delta. senate in Taylor for the ."A"FO" Cass." The Editor of the U heeling Argus,- who recently returned home frorna trip to the East, states, that the enthusiasm which prevailed in every part of the country through w hich he pass ed, for the Democratic nominees, is un paralleled. He says: ' But, as our company on the canat boat, consisted of some fifty gentlemen, and a good sprinkling of ladle's, was made up ot all sorts of politicians, we mutual! agreed to find out, if possible, the senti ments of every crow d on shore, and evcrr passenger we met: and if we failed in do' mg so, it was not the fault of our company every body was sounded, and nine tenths responded Ilurah for Cass and Butler,' all Cass men here,' no Taylor men here,' and such like expressions plainly showing a decided preference for the nominees of the Baltimore Convention." Washington correspondent of the CC?- The Charleston Courier says : I am inclined to doubt whether the Sen ate Committee will report any compromise but content themselves with proposing some scheme for the temporary defence and protection of the territories of Califor nia and New Mexico. It is urged in opposition to a compromise on the line of 36 30, or any eastern and weteTn hne, that it will divide California, and New Mexico, and prevent either from ever forming a State. The whole ofCali forma it is said, can make but one State, and it will be long before it will have tho requisite population even for that. There tore, it has been proposed by some, to make New Mexico a slaveholding State and California a free State. Ge Cass Abbot Lawrence, the great Massachusetts Rnrf in a,sPiech at a Taylor meeting at Burlington, lastweek, made this remark dency 0Crat, Candidate for the Presi' " I know him well. I have broken bread with him in his own house, and he with me in mine. He is a gentleman a man of unblemished personal character, against which nothing can justly be said," i H o. J3 who is a N. tbeuif G gent frcirf causi gro ques the ea: and Reid 5 N this an w soil Yorkf good une gent 3olit fto W fdla jileii, dngtl IP -Stall on ar -vot ' V .be i rfor : ithi rtov ancJ ha thi Mil TOi Co -fee of -of tth to .Is .ha th 41
The North Carolinian (Wilson, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
July 22, 1848, edition 1
2
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