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run she n In advance, peryear,$2 00 Net paid in advance, 2 50 Not paid until six months have expir ed, 300 Not paid till the year has expired, 350 No subscription received ur a les time than a year, anless the price be paid in advance. ,1 I 1 "CHARACTER IS AS IMPORTANT TO STATES AS IT IS TO INDIVIDUALS J AND THE GLORY OF THE STATE IS THE COMMON" PROPERTY OF ITS CITIZENS." TEajns or AD VSXITXGOTO : I One3quareoftwentyi.e lines or less, for one inser tion, 60 cents ; ever sub sequent insertion, 30 cents except it remain iafor sev eral months, when it will rged 3 for two -months, 4 for three, Jtc, 'ilO for twelve months. B7 TXtm. S. SATZEJS FAYETTEVILLE, Jf. C, JUECH 10, 1850. NEW GOODS & SEW STORE- WILLIAM'S. LATTA Has taken the Store lately occupied by S. T. Hawley &. Son, nearly opposite H. &. fc.. J. Lally s, and has an entire New Stock of Goods, Selected from the Philadelphia and New Yoik markrt. and Diirchaaed at rary low prices. In the assortment will e found a genural and exten-tivs supply of be STAPLE AND FANCY DR3T GOODS, Hats, Caps, Shoes and Boots, Every variety of Hardware and Cutlery, Family Groceries, viz: Coffee, Tea, and Brown Sugar; Clarified and Refined Sugar, Wines and French Brandy, China, fine Crockery, and Glass-ware, Paints, Medicines, Oils, &c, Travelling Trunks, Pails, and Brooms, Also, an assortment of Saddlery. Also, 500 sacks SALT. 300 bushels Alum Salt. All of which will be sold low for Cash or Coun try Produce. January 5, 1S50. 567-y Th Subscriber has lout hi Pocket Book containing about six hundred dollar in cash. montIj on the South Carolina Banks, and the following Notes. Judgments. Receipts, fcc: One Note on Aaron William t Aaron Tyson, $1264 0 ft SCJ- Liberal deduction (for large advertisement VOL. 11 XtiTO. 577.!jl..vtheyearor six mottk. NORTH C ALINIAy Wm. H. Bayntt Kditor .uU Proprietor. FAYETTEVILLE, X. C. MAIICH 16, 1050. .Late From Europe. 4 One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do One ! One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One Oue One do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do on Alfred B rower. 40 OO on Donald Short, 100 OO do do 10O 00 en .Ie.e L Bryant, 100 00 do do 75 00 on Jacob Stutts and Henry Stutts, 300 00 on James Shields. 3i0 00 on J M Sowt-U. Jesse U Sowell. and Jeese Mnw. 7.r 00 on Donald Street St Duncan Murchison 2-"0 00 on do do 32 00 on do do 10 00 on Dtnip.y Sowell. 40 OO on Malcom D McNeill Si Alex Kelly, 100 0O on d do 3 50 on M I) McNeill and Bradl y Brady, 25 00 on Noah Brewer &. Wm Stutts, 10 fiO on John .VeNeill, loo 00 on do 5 0O on Jesse SpiTy. E Mcintosh, and one McDonald. 300 OO on Angux Martin. John M Black, and John M Curry. 150 00 on Matthew Davis. 144 00 on Adam Brewer, 244 00 on Joseph Toiupson, 40 OO on Abram Stutts. 10 00 on Andrew Vork. 10 00 on Martin Turner. ;0 00 on William Stewart. 150 00 on William and Enoch Stfwart. 50 00 on William. Knocli and John Stewart, "5 00 on William Davie. Fhilip Wilson, and Hugh Matthis. 60 00 on l.cti Wright and John Dunlap, 0 00 on Sainufl C Bruce. 50 00 on Win D.inilly and Michael Cocktnan 75 00 on Jas Hillard and Joel llillard, oO 00 oil Jesse Womtjlr. 75 00 on Lewis Mauess and Geo M lloneycut 10 00 on John Dunlap. lO O0 on Duncan Mcintosh. 270 00 on William J Mcintosh, 20 00 on W Mcintosh. 2 OO Judgments against A A f" Sowell to the amount of 45 00 One receipt on Alfred Brow it for about $1000. Several Court Mm receipts far papers put in their bauds for col lection; and many other valuable papers not now recol lrcted. .Not at this time recollecting tlw precise dates of the Note. .iuliuoitts. 8lc. I have not attempted to state them. I will give a reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLAR for tli delivery of the Pocket Hook and coutents. I also hereby notify the obligors in said Notes. Judg ments and receipts. fcc. not to pay the debts herein de scribed to any other person than myself or my lawful agen: aud all persons are forbidden from trading for the luoiK.y or papers The last place that I recollect having my Pocket Book was at the Uridge ou Bear Treek. at Mechanic's Hill, about two hours by sun on Saturday evening the 29th ult. Any person finding and delivering my Pocket Book will be additionally rewarded, if required. JOHN tt. R ITT Ell. Carthage, Moore county. Jan. 1. 1850. 567-tf GARDEN SEED. A large supply of Garden Seed of the growth of 1649. consisting in part of White Dutch Turnip, Cabbage, a jre;it variety. Beets, It. dish, Lettuces, Tonvttoes, Peas, Reams Cucumber, Carrot, Parsnip, &.C &,c. Price, 5 cents per paper. Also, Col lard Seed, Just received and for sale by FeKy 2, 1850. 571-tf S. J. HINSDALE. Buckwheat c Butter, A fresh supply, just received and for sde by Jan. 12. " GEO. McNEILL. MANUFACTORY. The subscriber having taken the Establish ment of th late A. C Simpson, (situated oppo site VV. Mclntvre's store,) intends carrying on the CARRIAGE MANUFACTURING BUSINESS in all its various branches, and would respectful ly solicit a share of public patronage. Having had considerable experience in the business, and having been employed in some of thm mnmt srtjinai've Kxtiihlishmentu in New York and New Jersey, he flatters himself that he can give general (satisfaction. He warrants all his work to be made of the best material the surrounding country affords, and by experienced workmen; and should any of it fait, either in material or workmanship, in twelve months from the time of its delivery, he will repair it free of charge. OO REPAIRING done in the neatest and best manner, and at the lowest possible prices. A- WHITFIELD. Fayetteville, Feb'y 23, 1650 574-tf. Osnaburgs, Sheetings, and cot ton Va'fii, a cbnstant supply at Factory prices, and in quantities to suit, fur sale by Feb. 16. B. ROSE &. SON. lOHN D. VILLIAMS COMMISSION & FORWARDING MERCHANT, Fayetteville, JT. C. Feb, 23, lb 50. Telegraphed for the Washington Union. ARRIVAL OF THE -CANADA. Affairs in England. Austria assisting Greece. Turkey and Hungary. All quiet in France. Decline in cotton and breadstuff Provi sions firm. Sec. The royal mail steamer Canada arrived at Halifax on the 6th instant, bringing dates from Liverpool to the 23d ult. ENGLAND. There is nothing of great importance from England, beyond the fact that Parliament has been engaged in debating the free trade policy of government. On the free trade question or policy, the ministers were sustained by a majori ty of only 31 . It is recommended by the ministry to abolish prohibitory duties, by the substitution of such protective duties as may be required. The U. S. Minister had arrived at Vienna, en route for St. Petersburg. AUSTRIA. The Austrian fleet was preparing to sail for Greece, hr the purpose of opposing Sir William Parker. The people of Hungary are beginning to ex press the strongest feelings of hatred towards the government. Count Feleike has been released from custody. The sentence f death had been passed on 23 Hungarian officers; but, on the 16th of January, their sentence was commuted by Ba ron Haynuu to terms of imprisonment, varying from 5 to 15 years. AUSTRIA AND TURKEY. The llung.irian refugees have been sent to the Asiatic provinces of Turkey. The recent attempt to assassinate Kossuth is undergoing strict investigation by the Turkish government. Austria. has not yet resumed rela tions with the Porte. FRANCE. The emeute in Paris has been effectually put down. The socialists are organized for a grand demonstration on the 24th March. Military pre parations have been made to keep peace under a kind of civil and martial law. Louis Napoleon is losing popularity. The French have offered mediation in the Greek question. Paris is quiet. No serious disturbance have occurred in the southern provinces. The gov ernment is devising means to quell any demon stration of dissatisfaction; for which purpose the country has been divided into four grand military divisions, over which generals have been placed, with extraordinary discretionary powers. The Assembly has been chiefly engaged in discussing the constitutional bill, on which M. Thiers has withdrawn his support from the government. Admiral Parker is still continuing a blockade at Greece, where a great number of merchantmen and several corvettes belonging to Greece are in the Straits. KingOtho is much beloved by his people. The Prussian constitution has been adopted and sworn to by the King, and ratified. The Danish question in the duchies is as far from settlement as ever. Liverpool Cotton Market, Feb. 23. The cot ton market has been depressed, and a decline of fully d. per lb his ta'ien place duiing the fort night. The committee's quotations are, for fair upland and Mobile, Cjd.; fair Orleans, 6'd. Sales during the two weeks amount to 42,000 bales, and during the last week 20,000 bales, of which 11,000 in all were taken by speculators. The corn market has been much depressed, and prices almost nominal ; yellow was quoted at 27s., a 2Ss., and white at 30s. a 30s. 6d per quarter. Wheat was quiet. Flour. The closing prices for the best wes tern canal were 22s a 22s. Od. per bbl.; Phila delphia and Baltimore, 23s. a 23s. 6d. American provisions have improved; new weston bacon, 32s. a 34s.: fine do., 30s. a 37s per cwt. Lard has advanced, and is in fair request at 33s. Dr. B. A. DENTAL SURGEON, Begs lea re to inform his friends and the public of Fayette ville and country generally, that he will be in Kayett Tille on or before the 4th of May. prepared to perforin all opera tions in his profession. March 9, 1S50. 576-4t CC?- TO BE HIRED OUT. A woman used to house work. Enquire at this Office. COMMON SCHOOL APPLICANTS. On Monday the 25th day of March, the Examining Committee for the lower part of Cumberland county, will hold a meeting at the office of Walter A. Huake. Kaq., in the town of Fayettarille, for the purpose of examining and granting certificates of qualification to applicants, it U necessary that every applicant should bring a letter or t...t inMial of bis cood moral character. WALTER A. HUSKE, WN. MeLAURIN, SCom'ttt. J. T. WARDEN. March 9, 1850. 576-3t 10 REWARD. Runway from my plantation, about 10 daya, my boy NED. about 17 year. old. bright "; bu tttk a i. iraMm in h aTetterllle ana wu- mington. and no doubt ia in on or the other pUee. Hia mother belongs to Mr Artnur J. mn, ner ""-""is 1 will give the above reward for his apprehension and confinement in any jail in the State, or bu delivery to Measrs D. fc W. McLaurin In FaVetttvllU. ' ' Ftb. 23. 674-tf W. L, HALL, REMARKS OF MR CASS. In the U. S. Senate, on the subject of the IVitmot Proviso, the dissolution of the Union, These remarks were made in consequence of some strictures and censures by democrats, upon Mr Cass' conduct in regard to the Wilmat pro viso. We think this short and explicit speech is more important than the long and argumenta tive one delivered some time ago. Every body will read and can perfectly understand this. Mr Cass said : If any one has misunderstood me before, I conceive the fault was his own. If any one misunderstand ine hereafter, the fault shall be mine. I believe the AVilmot Pro viso to be unconstitutional. But before 1 proceed to a full consideration of this branch of the subject, I beg leave to trou ble the Senate with a brief review of my position, and of the circumstances con nected with it. I have desired an oppor tunity of doing so for some time, as this has been made a matter of reproach, as in deed, what is not in times like these ? When the VVilmot Proviso was first proposed, 1 have never concealed or deni ed that, had it been pushed to a vote, I should voted for it. There is no need for any senator to resort to and retail conver sations in railroad cars to prove this had never examined the constitutional power of Congress, anil when the subject was proposed it did not excite that oppo rm . m a sition trom the south which we have since witneessed, nor leau retiectiiis: men to doubt whether such a provision could be enforced without danger to the Union Southern men, 1 believe, had previously voted tor a similar measure, and it had not become a grave sectional question, in volving the most learlul consequences. At a subsequent session, convinced ot Us bearing, I spoke and voted against it ; still. however, without touching the constitu tional point. Afterwards, circumstances required me to examine the subject more narrowly. I he public mind in the South became highly excited, and the indications were full ot danger and difficulty. I felt then, as I do now, that the Union was the great object of every American, and that there are few sacrifices winch oujiht not to be made to preserve it. I was prepar ed to so as far as any man ouht to o to attain that object. In examining the con stitution with reference to the whole mat ter more narrowly than I had ever done before. I was startled by the conviction that no autharity was granted in that in strument to Congress to legislate over the Territories ; and that, consequently, there was no power to pass th.j Wilmot Provi- m so. Not satisfied with my own unpres . .. sions, and beinir unwilling to take sucn a ground without proper consideration, 1 determined immediately to converse with some person fully conversant with the history of the legislation and the judicial decisions on the subject. In looking about for that, purpose, it immediately occurred to me that an eminent judge of the Supreme Court, fJudge McLean, of Ohio, from his position and associations, as well as from his residence in the West, could give me better information upon this subject than any other person. Anticipating that some discussion might soon arise that would render this explanation proper, i applied to that gentleman some days since, and requested his permission thus public ly to refer to him, should 1 deem it neces sary. This he cheerfully granted, and I now make use of his name, with his own consent. 1 immediately repaired to him, and stated my doubts, as well as the cir cumstances which gave rise to them. I need not repeat the conversation here. It is enough to say that he confirmed my impressions, and informed me that, in an article published in the National Intelli gencer a day or two previously, and which I had not seen, I should find his views fully set forth. That article has since been published in other papers, and has attracted a good deal of attention, as it de served ; for it is powerfully written. I speak, sir, solely of the views which it presents of the power of Congress to legis late for the Territories. The question of slavery which it discusses I do not refer to. After reading this article, my doubts ripened into convictions, and 1 took the ground to which I shall always adhere, that the Wilmot Proviso is unconstitution al. And you have now, sir, the history of my course upon this subject. As I have said, 1 laid down four princi ples, or opinions, if you please, in my Nicholson letter. The first, that the VVilmot Proviso was unconstitutional ; second, that slavery, having been abolish ed by the Mexican government, did not exist in the territory then held by our arms; third, that slavery 'would not go there, as well on account of natural and geographi cal obstacles as on account of the feelings of the people who were and might be there; and, fourth, that organized communities exercising the powers of government, whether State or territorial, had alone the right of determining this question tor them selves. I am a great believer, Mr Presi dent, in the rights of man, whatever may be the nature of the society where he lives, and I am not going to sacrifice" this long cherished opinion to any abstraction, met aphysical or political. I believe the peo ple ot the l erntories nave jusi me same from the shores of the Atlantic, or that a wise man at the East becomes a fool by going to the West. I am speaking here", sir, as I spoke in 1113 Nicholson letter, of organized communities, existing govern ments. But I maintain, as I did in my speech a few days ago, that all communf ties have a right to organize themselves and provide for social order, when such order cannot otherwise be obtained. I do not undertake to say how many there must be to do this. I leave that to be determin ed when the cases arise. Like many other questions, indeed like most other questions not purely mathematical, the principle is correct aud safe, though its application may sometimes be difficult. This Wilmot Proviso is new in its name, but old in its pretension as old as the institution of governments ; and it viill probably last as long as government ex ists. It is founded deeply in human na ture, which is prone to feel power and for- crtf rirvht 1 .t .. . .f .Un . .. ..1 . 1 t.An I. - 1 o- mti j ao inc yti ti nasi nail its Wilmot Proviso. Sometimes it is a tax on tea : sometimes it is a constitution like that which the Emperor of Austria, in his wisdom and mercy, granted to the Hun garians ; sometimes u is the division 01 Poland ; but at all times it is the result of a conviction that the governors know much better what is good for the governed than the latter know for themselves. Sultans, Emperors, Kings, Parliaments, and Con gresses, all equally entertained this opin ion of their own paternal authority, and are satisfied that they ought to possess and exercise it. Now, sir, I do not be lieve in this doctrine at all. It does not belong to my age of progress. State or Territory, it is the people who ought to govern, so far as is consistent with their mutual relations to the United States. It is that part of my Nicholson letter relating to the Territories which I under stand is the object of animadversion I may say, indeed, of censure. How dif ferent opinions could exist respecting the meaning of that part of my letter, 1 can not conjecture. Q These are the words: I quote them here, though not quoted in my speech : " It (the interference of Congress) should be limited to the creation of proper government for new countries acquired or settbd, and to the necessary provision, leaving in the mean time to the people inhabiting them to regulate their own concerns in their own way." Here Mr Butler, of South Carolina, and Mr Davis, of Mississippi, and others, signified their assent. I might have adtled in my speech, what I will take the liberty of adding here, that the proudest and most grateful testi monial I have ever received has recently reached me from the democratic members of the legislature of Tennessee. I shall treasure the recollection of it through life. In that letter I am told as follows : " Your late speech in the Senate of the Wil mot Proviso is a most triumphant vindication of the position heretofore assumed by you, that Congress has no power under the constitution to legislate upon or to meddle with the subject of slavery, either in the State or Territories, and is a complete defence of the riaht of the slave-holding States, and of the people of all States and Territories, to form and regulate their own social and municipal institutions." I want no better endorsement than this can only become dangerous by being met by resistance instead of argument. 1 have said, sir, that the southern gentlemen have an easy task before them. They feel their wrongs and express their feeling in no un measured terms, and they are supported ami applauded by a constituency which feels as they do. But moderate men in the North ami West are placed in very tlirter ent circumstances. They are endeavor ing to check the excitement. They are throwing themselves into the breach. And yet their condition is not at all appreciated here, nor are they spared in the general denunciations that are used We hear this every day, sir, and we are becoming very impatient. Why, sir,tthe honorable senator from Virginia, Mr Mason. jwhoin this whole Senate holds in the Highest res pect, and deservedly so, upon the intro duction of a bill providing a more efficient mode of recapturing fugitive slaves, said, and repeated, I believe, many times, that it would do no good; that he knew it would do no good What he said 1 thought might be translated into this: You are all a set of knaves at the North and West, and, legislate as we may, the law will be disregarded and the slaves retained. This was not his language, and I am sure it was nut his idea, and it is perhaps an ex treme conclusion from what he said; but there is still too much foundation for com plaint at such intimations. They do no good. Mr MASON, (interposing.) In the sen ator's remarks upon the language which fell from me, upon the presentation of this bill, I must say that he does me great in justice. My declaration was, that no law could be executed unless it was addressed to the loyalty of the" people, by whom it was to be executed; that they were disloyal through their State legislatures to that pro vision of the constitution. Certainly noth ing was further from me than intimating the idea that they were a parcel of knaves in the north. But they were disloyal to that provision in the constitution. Their legislation shows it; and because of that disloyalty, I was afraid that uo such law could be executed there. Mr CASS resumed. I said that my words were too strong. Still, sir, I will add that these continued reproaches, de nunciations I may say, will necessrily pro voke recrimination, and may go far towards converting a just cause into an unjust one. Why, sir, it is only a day or two since one of the most accomplished members of this body told us in substance that if a dissolu tion of the Union should take place, the nothern portion, containing twelve mil lions of people of the Anglo-Saxon race, and embracing regions among the most fer tile on the face of the globe, would be ut terly destroyed; that their cities would be come like Tadmor, their hills like G-ilboa, their fields like the Campagna, and them selves without prosperity, without hope; the grass would grow in their high places; and that they would become like modern Tyre, while the southern cities would be come like ancient Tyre, the entrepots of the commerce of the world. All this grates 'harshly upon my ear. I do not want any man to tell me what this Union would lose North or South by a dissolution It is enouoh for me to know, that if not fatal ; botn, and lead to consequences which no wise man can contemplate without dismay. I am an American, with the most kindly feelings to every portion of our beloved country. Its strength is in its union; its prosperity in its union; its hopes in its union. I do not want any one to come here to tell me the evils the North would suffer from a dissolution, or the South would suffer from a dissolution. 1 need no lesson upon that subject. If any one can explain to me what advantage either section would gain by a separation. I might survey such a prospect with less apprehen sion than 1 now do Southern gentlemen wiil allow me to say, and I know they will appreciate the feel ings with which I say it, for I have given proof of my desire to do them jus tice bv the sacrifice of my political posi- i Hon, that they place the oelence i slave ry upon considerations wiiKh d: not ntut the spirit ot the ae 'I here U no use in going back to the days or the Patriarchs, and traciuo- the history and condition of richt to govern themselves as the people of the State have. Nor do 1 believe that a man's knowledge decreses as he recedes of the correctness of my views and of the J to both, it would check the prosperity of consistency witn wnicn l nave maintained them. It is a full compensation for all attacks I have experienced here or else where. The senator from Alabama QMr Clem ens will allow me to say that both he and the southern representation here and upon the floor have an easy task before them. They all live in an excited community. They naturally partake of its feelings. And I do not say that it is an excitement without cause. There is too much cause for it, though none that .would justify dis union, and none that disunion would make better. The provision in the constitution respecting the recapture of slaves has been too often and grossly violated and neglect ed. Every dictate of justice requires a law more efficient on that subject, and more efficiently executed. Such a law, with proper provisions, shall not want my vote. And this Wilmot Proviso, unneces- a . . a sary and unconstitutional as it is, has justly given great offence to the South. I trust and believe its days are numbered. But allow me to say, sir, that when south ern gentleman attribute the interference of the North with the subject of slavery to any serious calculation about the balance of political power or ot material interest. they are in a great error. It originates in other feelings The spirit of inquiry is one ot the marked characteristics of the age in which we live. It penetrates every where. There is nothing concealed from its research. Even the highest and holiest things are assailed. Why, sir, the rights of property in the South are attacked. And so they are in the north. There are men who contend that slaves should not be held in bondage, and there are men who contend with equal pertinacity that no one should hold land, but that all things should be in common. The marriage condition is assailed'; the domestic relations are assail ed; the being and attributes of God are assailed; and strenuous efforts are making to overturn the whole constitution of so ciety. "Error of opinion," said Mr Jeffer son, 'may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it." Memorable words, and as true as they are wise. If the school master is abroad, he takes with him a great many unsound opinions, which, however, slavery from that time to our own days, and proving its compatibility with the Word of God and the wants of man. They have a much better foundation tor their rights to rest upon than any such pro cess. Slavery is an exist'uc institution in til A Q'ttitK tid!ih w lltir en 1 tft ta t snonitili. It i int.-rwnvpn into the vert P e remedy lor - - - texture of society. Between three and four millions of people, differing in race and color from the predominant caste, are held in bondage. I have seen a good deal of slavery, and I believe its evils are much magnified, and that the slaves generally in our southern States are treated with as much kindness and consideration as are compatible with their relative condition" of abroad but adds to the difficulty ot the position, and creates a natural reaction in every southern mind. Unfortunately, sir, every man who does not believe that slave ry i"the be-t condition of human society, and that a community never prospered as it might do without it, is too apt to be con sidered in the South as a northern fanatic, regardless alike in their rights and of the compromises of the constitution. Now, .ir, I do 'not believe this, and no consideration on earth can induce me to say so 1 believe that slavery is a misfor tune of any country. But the existing in stitution 1 have neither the power nor the will to touch. On the other hand, every man in the North who dtes not believe it to be his duty to enter into a crusade against the South, and to cover t'ie country with blood and conflagration to abolish slavery, is considered by a large portion of his fellow-citizens as a dough face that is the cant term sold by his hopes or his fears to the South. Ami tiiisis the condition of every man who avoids extremes in periods of great excitement, whether that excite ment is moral, social, political, or religious. History is full of the most impressive les sons on this subject. While the . excite ment continues, you may as well say to the whirlwind stop, and expect to be obeyed, as to endeavor to check it nrn 'rt till . . j-.-e,---. .... tune and reason come to your aid. Where all this is to end, 1 am not pre sumptiuus enough to try to foretell. Hard thoughts are followed by hard words; and if" liiese are not followed by hard blows, it will be owing more to the mercy of God than to the wisdom or moderation of man. I will merely remark, in conclusion, that the senator from Alabama Mr Clemens has alluded to a peaceable dissolution of the Union. He will pardon me for saying, that I hope no one will delude himself with any sucli expectation. If it does not bring disappointment, the history of the world has been written to no purpose. In polit ical convulsions, like that which would attend the breaking up of thin confederacy, the appeal from reason o force is assure to follow as the night succeeds the day. May he who guided our fathers in times of peril direct us in the paths of" peace and safety! In consequence of some discrepancy said to exist between the speech as spoken and the printed copy, we publish the following explana tory remarks of the Washington correspondent of the Charleston Courier, with the belief that they are in whole or in part true, as that gentle man's correspondence is generally more to bo relied upon than many others who write for a stipend, and are not scrupulous what they write. I notice that you remark on the publish ed speech of Gen. Cass, in reply to Mr Clemens, as more moderate in its tone than had been represented, by various cor respondents. This discrepancy is ac counted for by the fact that the original speech has not been published. Gen. Cass not only wrote out the remarks, but recalled the first version and wrote another. The printed speech bears so little resem blance to the original that we here could scarcely recognise it. The fact is simply this, that Gen. Cass spoke unpreineditatedly and under the feeling excited by Mr Clemens attack upiiu him. It was the most eloquent and powerful speech he ever made, and it pro duced a deep sensation, both in the cham ber and the galleries. The recollection of the past contest, in which he was so much abused and misrepresented by ultras on all sides, and the conscious rectitude id" his own intentions, gave vigor and point to his remarks, ami carried him beyond the bounds wiiicii he usually prescribes to him self in debate. The particular expressions which lie used, in his speech very effec tive! v. and as climaxes such as. s these things drive us to thti wall," and I can not stand it r' entirely disappear, togeth er with their co.aext, in the published speech. The tone of the speech, as rendered -is less despairing and :;- -.e-is ol defiance in it. than it neeuied to convey in delivery, anil which was, alier all, oiAy directed "to the del'MiOi; i.: ::i- tin u :;jtegi ity f purpose. 1 admit, d.vri iuiiv, that i um hastily interred his fuJuo- l-wiiUy to the South, though he liu 1 ex.iiii jjes bu.'ore him in the course of Mr Van Buren ami others, which, at the moment, I thought he would follow. But his character, feelings and position forbid that conjecture. bond and free, and certainly as well as they would be treated in the North it we had slaves there. 1 do not see myself how such a mass of human beings can be set free. Emancipation unless the work, I may say, of ageswould equally destroy the wh res and the blacks. God in his providence may bringit about. I do not see that man can. It is a question which concerns the southern States aloivr. They have every motive to deal with it justly and wisely, and every interference from Simple cuke for Choup We . find j in the Jo irnal of Health the following sim- this dangerous disease. I hose who have passed nights of great agony at the bedside oHoved children, will treasure it up as an invaluable piece of in formation: If a child is taken with croup, instantly apply cold water, ice water if possible, suddenly and freely to the neck and chest, with a spouge. The breathing will almost instantly be relieved. So soon as possible, let "the sufferer drink as much as it can; then wipe it dry, cover it up warm, and soon a qiiet slumber will relieve the parent's anxiety, and lead the heart in thankfulness to the Power which has given to the pure gushing fountain auch medical qualities. OCT A bill is now before the Legislature ol Pennsylvania to repeal the law prohifc. iting the officers of the State government from aiding in the capture of refugee It is said that it will pass. ; if
The North Carolinian (Wilson, N.C.)
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March 16, 1850, edition 1
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